A TEXT-B001iT% WAR. 




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A 

TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 
FOR AMERICANS 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 
FOR AMERICANS 



WRITTEN AND COMPILED 

== BY , 

AN AMERICAN 



Being the Fourth Edition of 
"A PRIMER OF THE WAR FOR AMERICANS" 

REVISED AND ENLARGED 



J/ WILLIAM WHITE, M.D.. Ph.D.. LL.D. 

Fellow of the American College of Surgeons 
Trustee of the University of Pennsylvania 



PHILADELPHIA 

THE JOHN C. WINSTON COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS 






^J^.^ 






Copyright, 1915, by 
The John C. Winston Co. 



MAY -5 1915 

©CI,A398680 






C3 



To 

The Amebicak Press 

Which, as a whole, from the very first days of the war has with 
courage, fidelity and intelligence resolutely upheld the principles 
of right, of justice and of democracy and has accurately expressed 
the sympathy of the vast majority of Americans for the cause of 
the Allies. 



PEEFACE 

Very soon after the beginning of the war its literature 
was already so voluminous, the statements made by the 
warring nations were so contradictory, the accusations and 
counter-accusations were so numerous, the pleas of impas- 
sioned advocates were so irreconcilable, that a certain be- 
wilderment and confusion on the part of Americans was 
almost inevitable. 

It is greatly to the credit of the intelligence and clear 
thinking of the nation that, from the day England's "White 
Book" was laid before the world, this country as a whole — 
with the exception of those Germans living here, who are 
known as "German-Americans" — ranged itself spontane- 
ously and with practical unanimity on the side of the Allies. 
But however correct this position was — and I believe it 
was absolutely correct — it soon became apparent that not 
everyone who occupied it could give cogent and convincing 
reasons for the belief that was in him, or could refutei 
clearly and logically the opposing arguments and correct 
the misstatements on which they were often based. 

As I found this to be my own case I began to set aside, 
or to note down, as if I were preparing for a lecture, the 
questions which seemed to me of fundamental importance 
and the answers that most impressed and satisfied me. 
Later, for the attempted benefit of my family and of a few 
friends, and for the further clarification of my own views, 
I threw these memoranda into the form of a series of 
questions and answers. In doing this I had then no definite 
idea of any other use of this material and in now acceding 
to the suggestion of some friends that the matter thus 
(vii) 



viii PREFACE 

brought together be given wider distribution I should very 
much like it to be understood that I do not feel that I have 
any special fitness for the self-imposed task. If I lay the 
result before readers — ^if I have any — outside the small 
circle for whom it was originally intended, it is only to try 
to do just for this moment the little that lies in me to help 
a cause in which I profoundly believe. 

If the paper has any value it will not be from what I 
have written, but from the collocation of the opinions of 
others, each of whom is a recognized authority as to the 
subject he deals with. 

Wherever my answers have involved questions of fact I 
have taken pains to attain accuracy. When they have 
related to matters of opinion I have endeavored to give the 
basis for such opinions. I adopted the Socratic method in 
the beginning because for me, without special training, it 
was the easiest. I have retained it for the same reason. 

I beg to add finally that any proceeds that may accrue 
from the sale of this pamphlet are pledged in advance to 
the Belgian Eelief Fund. 

J. William White. 
1810 S. Rittenhouse Square, Philadelphia. 
November, 1914. 



PREFACE TO THE "TEXT-BOOK" 

The unexpected attention paid to my compilation and 
the rapid exhaustion of three editions has led me to add 
some chapters based on subsequent occurrences and on 
later writings, and to re-issue the so-called "Primer" in 
this new and amplified form. I have, however, tried to 
adhere to my original intent, which was that the book 
should derive any value it might have, rather from the 
collation an.d arrangement, in readable and logical form, 
of the writings of others, (chiefly of Americans), than 
from the expression of my own views. 

This does not mean that I have not confidence in my 
views or that they are not fixed and decided, but merely 
that I recognize that there are very many others better 
qualified to speak authoritatively, and that when their 
opinions and mine coincide I am more effectively serving 
the cause I desire to help, by free quotation than by orig- 
inal pronouncement. 

Many of the questions dealt with change from day to 
day in the form of their presentment to the public, but as 
to most of them there are underlying principles which can 
as well be maintained or opposed with reference to one set 
of facts as to another, just as specific test cases are sub- 
mitted to a court, so that the decision may thenceforth 
apply to all similar cases. The effort to keep pace with the 
rapid march of current events, has precluded careful atten- 
tion to literary form. Some of the matter- dealt with is of 
necessarily ephemeral character. The desire to present 
important questions, or questions involving broad prin- 
ciples, from different aspects, and as approached from dif- 

(ix) 



z PREFACE TO THE TEXT-BOOK 

ferent sides or expressed in different language, has led to 
some repetition. 

In spite of this, I venture to hope that as a compilation 
the book fairly and fully represents intelligent American 
opinion at this juncture, and that, for a time at least, it 
may have some value as a work of reference when, among 
Americans, the questions I have asked and tried to answer 
come up for discussion. With this idea in mind, I have 
added an "Index of Names," giving, when it is not given in 
the text itself, a brief identification of each person men- 
tioned, so far as it was possible to do so. I have been 
compelled to omit a few of the German apologists because 
I could find nothing about them in any "Who's Who," or 
in any biographical dictionary, although I included in my 
search a "Dictionary of the Noted Names of Fiction." 

In this edition are incorporated, in addition to much new 
matter, portions of a paper written in collaboration with 
Miss Agnes Eepplier; and a brief address delivered by me 
before The Contemporary Club of Philadelphia. 

J. W. W. 

March, 1915. 



1 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

What evidence exists as to the real reason, the funda- 
mental cause of this war ? 17 

CHAPTER II. 

What is the evidence as to the events immediately 
leading up to the war in their relation to the 
culpability of Germany ? 60 

CHAPTER III. 

What has been the attitude of the German Apologists 
in relation to Belgium since the violation of 
neutrality ? 75 

CHAPTER IV. 

As time went on has there been reason to modify 
or to mitigate the almost universal condemna- 
tion of Germany's treatment of Belgium felt and 
expressed at the outset in this country ? 99 

CHAPTER V. 

In what estimation does America to-day hold 

Belgium? 130 

CHAPTER VI. 

Is there any evidence which tends to show why the 
present time was selected by Germany to Pre- 
cipitate the war ? 135 

(xi) 



xii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER VII. 

PAGE 

What are the principles represented by the opposing 

forces in this war ? 138 

CHAPTER VIII. 

In addition to the evidence already presented as to 
the mental attitude of the average German toward 
his own race and toward other European races, 
are there any facts tending to show his real atti- 
tude toward America? 156 

CHAPTER IX. 

What is the attitude of German-Americans toward this 
war and toward the principles involved ? 171 

CHAPTER X. 

What is the extent and what are the aims of the organ- 
ized German propaganda in America? 190 

CHAPTER XI. 

How much reliance is to be placed upon statements 

emanating from Germany at this time? 250 

CHAPTER XII. 

What is the truth as to the pre-eminence of German 
"Kultur" of German civilization, of German 
achievement in letters, arts and sciences? 313 

CHAPTER XIII. 
What of Russia in this war, and of the "Slav Peril" ? . . 333 



CONTENTS xiii 

CHAPTEE XIV. 

PAGE 

What are the duties of America at this time? 337 

CHAPTER XV. 
What are the interests of America at this time? 350 

CHAPTER XVI. 

What is the effect of the official attitude — past and 
present — of this country on (a) Americans, 
(&) Other peoples ? 364 

CHAPTER XVII. 

From the confusing and contradictory reports from 
the fields of war and from other information to 
be gleaned elsewhere are there any indications 
that justify an opinion as to the final outcome of 
the struggle ? 448 

CHAPTER XVIII. 
What can America do to bring about peace ? 481 

CHAPTER XIX. 

What, in the light of this war, should be the aim of 

this and other civilized countries for the future? 495 

CHAPTER XX. 

What general opinions are justified by the foregoing 

evidence ? Summary 499 

References 507 

Bibliography 515 

Index of ISTames 517 

General Index ......... 539 



n 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 

PAGE 

Facsimile of a page from the Diary of Private Paul 

Glode 120 

Facsimile of a Page of "Boiler-Plate" — Matrix — Sent 
to American ^N'ewspapers by the German Informa- 
tion Service 194 



CHAPTEE I. 

What Evidence Exists as to the Real Reason, 
the Fundamental Cause of This War? 

a. The most conclusive evidence is to be found in the 
writings and teachings of prominent and representative 
Germans during the past forty-three years, i. e., ever since 
the victory of Germany over France. 

These writings and teachings demonstrate the deter- 
mination of Germany to attain "World Power." This 
determination was the fundamental cause of the war. The 
writings in question are fairly illustrated by excerpts given 
below, (p. 30) It should be premised that as soon as these 
doctrines became widely known to the world outside of Ger- 
many and exerted their inevitable influence upon public 
opinion, apologists and repudiators sprang up among the 
Germans, or the "German-Americans." For example, to 
take only a few of the latter : Herr Eidder, of the Staats 
Zeitung, says (1) in reference to certain English writers : 

"I am unable to come to any other conclusion than that their 
readings have been confined to Bernhardi and Treitschke, those 
two German writers who were never part of German intellec- 
tual life and were both disowned by the German people. 

"As a matter of fact, Bernhardi is not even read in Germany. 
Of his works, published by Gotta, only 8,000 copies have been 
given to the public to date. 

"The writings of Treitschke, as a historian, are regarded by 
Germans as brilliant, but Treitschke is remembered by them 
as a man of intense party feeling who labored under the spirit 
of 1870, and was incapable of true sympathy with their racial 
aspirations." 

2 (17) 



18 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

All the evidence I have been able to find shows the 
essential falsity of these statements. 

Another German-American calls Bernhardi "a retired 
German general of Jingoistic tendencies," and asks for 
"proof" that his book had the approval of the Kaiser. 
It would seem sufficient reply to him to ask for proof 
that it had his disapproval. In the absence of such 
proof it is fair to assume, in view of the Kaiser^s incessant 
activities and restless supervision of all things German, 
and especially of all things military, that at least the book 
did not greatly displease him. Still another, Professor 
Jastrow, also repudiates Bernhardi as an exponent of Ger- 
man thought, but gives no more convincing reasons. 

The following quotation from a letter of Dr. Jastrow 
(2) well illustrates the tactics I am considering. After 
asserting that at first "we" (he professes to be speaking 
for Americans) threw the sole responsibility of the war 
upon the Kaiser, he continues : 

"When doubt arose as to the accuracy of this picture of a 
modern combination of Machiavelli and Napoleon, we discovered 
Bernhardi, and found that his influence, or that of the whole 
party which he represents, was behind it all. Bernhardi fre- 
quently quoted a man by the name of Treitschke, and, although 
very few in this country had ever heard of him and scarcely 
anybody had read him (for his works had not been translated 
into English), we were willing to take him on faith, and were 
quite satisfied that his teachings involved the conquest of all 
of Western Europe and of England for the purpose of spread- 
ing German 'culture' ; and to this programme we added, of our 
own accord, the subsequent conquest of the United States." 

He must, like Miinsterberg (page 183), be writing to 
impress a peculiarly infantile type of American mind. 
The effort to belittle, for this purpose, the great Pan- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 19 

German historian, by speaking of him as "a man named 
Treitschke," is particularly characteristic. 

But his whole argument to the effect that because we 
'Tiave just discovered" these people, therefore we are wrong 
in believing that they represent Germany, is scarcely 
worthy of notice. 

What does it matter that Americans generally were not 
familiar with their writings until this shocking war was 
begun? 

Of what importance is it that we were in ignorance of 
their grandiose plans and sinister purposes? 

What bearing on the real question has the fact that 
Treitschke had not been translated into English when we 
first began to take an interest in him ? None whatever. It 
is not worth while to try to drag that herring across the 
trail. 

The question remains: What were their teachings and 
what reason is there to believe that they greatly influencedi 
German public opinion? 

As to Dr. Jastrow's final sentence that "we added of our 
own accord the subsequent conquest of the United States," 
I beg to refer the reader — with at present merely incidental 
mention of the offensive "we" and "our" — to pages 354-56. 

We are asked to believe that a former member of the 
German army staff, who, so far as we know, has never been 
reproved or censured or contradicted by the Kaiser, or by 
any other member of that staff, who wrote as an expert in 
both German statesmanship and German strategy, and 
whose book, published three years ago, forecast with entire 
accuracy the actions and movements of Germany in the 
present war, was "disowned by the German people" and 
did not represent the military caste to which he belonged. 

It is not possible to believe this or to think that he was 



20 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

not in full touch with the scarcely concealed purposes of the 
"Weltmacht oder Medergang" party. His book was an 
amazingly frank exposition of those purposes and an ex- 
travagant and unqualified eulogy of militarism. 

Dr. Dernburg, with the same obvious object of belittling 
Bernhardi, speaks repeatedly of two editions only of Bern- 
hardi's "Germany and the Next War." The German book 
lists give six editions within eighteen months. In the 
opinion of Moltke himself, Bernhardi's father was the 
"Erste Kenner der Kriegswissenschaft in Deutschland." 
Sir John Prench wrote an introduction to the English 
translation of Bernhardi's work on Cavalry. (3) 

Before the war Bernhardi's uncontradicted statements 
were generally accepted as embodying the views of the 
aristocratic caste, and in the present campaign both the 
German armies and the German diplomats have, even down 
to relatively unimportant details, followed with curious 
exactness his prophetic tactics. 

As to Treitschke, whom many of the German-American 
commentators similarly repudiate, he was unquestionably 
one of their great national historians. Viscount Bryce 
calls him "the famous Professor of History." His lectures 
at Berlin were listened to for years by crowded and enthu- 
siastic audiences, his teachings as to Politih became a gos- 
pel. Mr. Norman Hapgood (4) says of him ; 

"He, most of all, made intellectual Germany drunk with the 
idea of her so-called destiny. He taught her that all history 
led up to the leadership of the Teuton. . . . Germans quote 
him as no historian is quoted by the English or the French. In 
interpreting history he is their Bible. Their political thinkers 
never tire of him." 

A similar estimate of him is expressed by another writer : 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 21 

"Professor von Treitschke's role in all this education for war 
of the German peoples has been that of the man who has pros- 
tituted history in the interests of armament firms. One of hisi 
arguments is that political idealism is dependent on war, and 
that it is war alone that makes men realize that they belong 
to a definite political institution, to wit, the German nation; 
and since the nation really lives on account of its heroes, war 
is the 'terrible medicine' which prevents heroism disappearing 
from the ranks of humanity. In his view there can be no hero- 
ism in peace. It was Professor von Treitschke who really 
began, even before 1870, the educational campaign of the intel- 
lectual class, and he has been its most fanatic, as well as its 
most popular, exponent." (5) 

Their denial of Treitschke's influence in Germany 
assumes, as do most of their assertions, a comfortable 
ignorance on the reader's part. They would have us be- 
lieve that this great historian, whose seventeen volumes 
moulded German thought and fired German deeds, was an 
ordinary professor, listened to with pleasure because of 
his agreeable oratory, but without any semblance of 
authority. 

Treitschke was no orator, no dealer in words. He was 
not in an American college, talking to boys and girls. 
High oflSeials, diplomats, distinguished soldiers thronged to 
hear him ; and on these audiences he impressed his life-long 
hatred of England, and his vision of Germany, — Grermany 
dominated always by his beloved Prussia, — as the world 
power of the future. "I write for Germans, not for for- 
eigners," he was wont to say; and it would certainly 
astound any educated German to hear Doctor Dernburg 
assert (in order to convince Americans of the lamblike 
qualities of his countrymen) that Treitschke, great and 
successful upholder of militarism, whose counsels have 
borne fruit a thousandfold, was merely a pleasant speaker. 



23 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAE 

'Viiose conference vere inainiT attended on aecoim.t of his 
refined rhetoric.'' 

PoTrrs in his rexiew ( 6 ) of Miinsterberg'g book has dealt 
•with this same attempt either to belittle or to ignore these 
■writers. Miinsterberg (7) Jhas adopted the latter plaiL 

"The professors arsmnent is a disingeimoxis one. It is disin- 
gemious in Ms complete amission — a sxcrelT very significant 
omission — of any reference to Treitsehte or to Bernhardi. I 
am quite prepared to agree that the militarr clique in Germany 
is not alone responsiMe for this ■vrar. !!vo mere diqne, no mere 
■war party. eoxQd ever succeed in ronsing the spirit of a na;t3iBa- 
a= the German nation lias been aroused. Bnt this matter of 
great popnlar German "writers is quite another thing. I am 
afraid it is only too obrions "why Professor Miinsierberg makes 
no mention of them 1 After reading them, it is not "rery easy to 
maintain our belief in the pttrely pacific intentians of a Ger- 
many "nnto"Qehed by "world-ambitions ! 

*•' 'Germany's pacific and indnstrions popnlation had only one 
■wish: xo deTelop its agrienltural and indnstrial, its cultural 
and moral resources. It had no desire to expand its frontiers 
OTer a new square foot of land in Eiirope. The neighbors be- 
grudged this prosperity of the Fatherland "which had been "weak 
and poor and through centuries satisfied "with songs and 
thoughts and dreams. They threatened and threatened by eTer- 
inereasing armajnents.' So -writes Professor Munsterberg; but 
"unfortunately it has not been Professor Munsterberg, but much 
more daring and adTentnrous geni"ases "who hare been the 
jttBnthpieees of the "working of fate in the matter of German 
pd»lic opinion. The great Treitsehke, a really national histo- 
rian, and one of enormous genius and power — a " m a Ti in every 
respect much more remarkable than Munsterbergs Euckens and 
Hamaeks — devoted his "whole life to inspiring the German peo- 
ple "with his ideal of offensive "war, for the sake of "world- 
domination. 

■\Bemhardi. "whose book has done so much to pop'ulariae these 
"views, quotes TTeitsehke on every page." 

Doctor DembtiTgr defending- the militarism of Bern- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 23 

hardi and Treitsclike says that it was created as "a dire 
necessity for the defense of our four frontiers.'' On the 
other hand, Gerhart Hauptmann, the most original of 
contemporary German writers, represents Germany as 
struggling to burst the ^"iron band" forged by jealous 
enemies around her breast, which is an ornate way of saying 
that she seeks to extend her frontiers, to find a larger 
"place in the sun." Does that mean "defense?" If not, 
who speaks for Grermany, — Hauptmann or Dernburg? 
They cannot both be right, even though the now despised 
Bernhardi does say that "The whole realm of human knowl- 
edge is concentrated in the German brain." 

The plain fact is that the longer the war lasts, and the 
more we read of the blundering diplomacy which preceded 
it, the perfidy with which it was inaugurated, the lame 
excuses, the contradictory denials, the insolent approvals 
of that blistering shame, and the preposterous "appeals" 
which, in terms of alternate flattery and bullying, have 
been addressed to the United States, the less we revere that 
mighty German brain, which, if full of knowledge, is corre- 
spondingly empty of wisdom. 

Knowledge is proud that it has learned so much. 
Wisdom is humble that it knows no more. 

Dr. Dernburg has recently been more explicit as to 
Germany's purposes. In an article with the highly imagi- 
native title of "When Germany Wins" (S), he has formu- 
lated Germany's peace terms, because "it might be of 
some interest to Americans to know what Germany 
would do" under the hypothetical condition indicated 
in his title. The article, being written for Americans 
(not for Germans or German- Americans), endeavors to 
maintain a studied moderation. The old phrase is once 



34 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

more employed: "The only thing ©ermany stands com- 
mitted to is to hold and maintain its ^place in the smi/ " 

But the contemplation of the delectable feast that, "When 
Germany Wins," will be spread before the conqueror, brings 
on an involuntary watering of the mouth that causes a 
wolf's slaver to betray the temporary occupant of the lamb's 
clothing. "As a general! rule I would not consider it wise 
for my country to attempt any territorial aggrandizement 
in Europe/' "Any rearrangement of the European map 
that would not follow national lines pretty definitely would 
be only a source of constant friction hereafter." The italics 
are mine. The world knows now what to think of German 
promises,* even when definite, official and solemn. It there- 
fore also knows how wide a gate is left open by expressions 
such as "pretty definitely" and "as a general rule." More- 
over, he is "speaking only as a private person and cannot 
voice in any way official sentiment," though he "feels sure" 
that he is "at one with the best German element." I have 
elsewhere (pp. 92, 300 ef seq.) called attention to the num- 
ber of myths and of non-existent conditions he and his fel- 
lows have "felt sure" of. 

But with all these preliminaries it develops that Dr. 
Demburg's ideas of the immediate demands of a victorious 
Germany are as follows : 

"I. Germany will not consider it wise to take any European 
territory, but will make minor corrections of frontiers for mili- 
tary purposes by occupying such, frontier territory as has 
proven a weak spot in the German armor. 

"II. Belgium belongs geographically to the German Empire. 
She commands the mouth of the biggest German stream; Ant- 
werp is essentially a German port. That Antwerp should not 
belong to Germany is as much an anomaly as if New Orleans 
and the Mississippi delta had been excluded from Louisiana, or 
as if New York had remained English after the War of Inde- 
pendence. Moreover, Belgium's present plight was her own 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 25 

fault. She had become the vassal of England and France. 
Therefore, while 'probably' no attempt would be made to place 
Belgium within the German Empire alongside Bavaria, Wiir- 
temberg, and Saxony, because of her non-G'erman population, 
she will be incorporated in the German Customs Union after 
the Luxemburg pattern, 

"III. Belgium neutrality having been proved an impossibility, 
must be abolished. Therefore, the harbors of Belgium must be 
secured for all time against British or French invasion. 

"IV. Great Britain having bottled up the North a ma/t-e 
liberum must be established. England's theory that the sea is 
her boundary, and all the sea her territory down to the three- 
mile limit of other Powers, cannot be tolerated. Consequently, 
the Channel coasts of England, Holland, Belgium and France 
must be neutralized, even in times of war, and the American and 
German doctrine that private property on the high seas should 
enjoy the same freedom of seizure as private property does on 
land must be guaranteed by all nations. This condition Herr 
Dernburg accompanies by an appeal to the United States duly 
to note that Britain is making commercial war upon Germany. 

"V. All cables must be neutralized. 

"VI. All Germany's colonies are to be returned. Germany, 
in view of her growing population, must get extra territory 
capable of population by whites. The Monroe Doctrine bars her 
from America; therefore she must take Morocco, 'if it is really 
fit for the purpose.' 

"VII. A free hand must be given to Germany in the develop- 
ment of her commercial and industrial relations with Turkey, 
'without outside interference.' This would mean a recognized 
sphere of German influence from the Persian Gulf to the Dar- 
danelles. 

"VIII. There must be no further development of Japanese 
influence in Manchuria. 

"IX. All small nations, such as Finland, Poland, and the 
Boers in South Africa, if they support Germany, must have the 
right to frame their own destinies, while Egypt is to be re- 
turned, if she desires it, to Turkey. 

"These conditions, Herr Dernberg concludes, would 'fulfill 
the peaceful aims which Germany has had for the last forty- 
four years.' They show, in his opinion, that Germany has no 
wish for world dominion or for any predominance in Europe 



26 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

incommensurate with the rights of the 122 millions of Germans 
and Austrians." 

As to the Baltic Provinces of Eussia, he says : "Whethef 
these could be added to the German Empire would hinge 
on the question whether they could be defended." (9) 

To reiterate, if this statement, cautiously prepared to 
demonstrate to a neutral power the extreme moderation of 
Grcrmany's intentions (and at a time when the end is not 
within sight), is to be given any weight, let Americans 
imagine for themselves the probable demands of a really 
victorious Germany. (See pp. 34, 27, 28.) Lest it may still 
be thought that these are exceptional views, or that they 
represent only the opinion of a diplomat, I append those 
of a scientist (Ernst H^ckel). 

Mr. Villard, (10) before quoting Hgeckel, calls attention 
to the great need for an American Society for the 
Promulgation of Truth in Germany. He cites various 
directions in which it could be of use, beginning with the 
Kaiser's telegram to the King of England on August 1, 
1914 (p. 73), "The troops on my frontier are in the act 
of being stopped by telegraph and telephone from crossing 
into France." He believes this could not have been publicly 
known or understood in Germany. He instances the official 
German despatch which reported the British army as sur- 
rounded ; the ultimata sent to Paris and Petrograd at the 
most critical of all possible critical moments; the long 
article in the Yossische Zeitung, by Dr. Ludwig Stein, on 
"The Change of Opinion in America" (in which is claimed 
a complete reversal of our Judgment on the war) ; and the 
recent speech of Major-General von Eoehl, commanding in 
Hamburg, who, "speaking under the statue of Kaiser Wil- 
helm I, said, exactly in the spirit of the great Kaiser's 
grandson, Wilhelm II, *We shall not again sheathe our 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 27 

sharp and just sword until the last of our enemies recog- 
nizes that only one people has the right to play a leading 
part in the political world, and that people is the German 
people/ " He contrasts this with the systematic belittle- 
ment — ^for Americans — of Bemhardi's book and views. He 
continues : 

"Our American society for informing Germany could have 
no more pressing duty than to make German editors understand 
that Professor Haeckel injures not merely his own high and 
international repute, but that of all Germany as well, when he 
calmly sets down this programme as his view of what steps 
Germany should take to 'reorganize Europe on Teutonic lines' 
when victory is hers: 

" '1. The crushing of the English tyranny. 

" *2. The invasion of Great Britain and the occupation of 
London. 

" '3. The division of Belgium ; the largest portion, from Os- 
tend to Antwerp in the west, to he a confederated German 
state; the northern part to be given to Holland; the south- 
eastern part to be given to Luxemburg, which, thus enlarged, 
becomes also a confederated German State. 

" '4. A large number of the British colonies and the Congo 
Free State to go to Germany. 

" '5. France to surrender to Germany some of her northeast- 
ern frontier provinces. 

" '6. Russia to be rendered impotent by the reconstitution, 
under Austrian auspices, of the kingdom of Poland. 

" '7. The German provinces of the Baltic to be returned to the 
German Empire. 

" '8. Finland, united with Sweden, to become an independent 
kingdom.' " 

A Philadelphia paper (11) summarizes, as follows, a 
pamphlet published in March, entitled the "World War 
and Its End,'' by Eudolf Martin, former German Minister 
of the Interior. The writer pictures the dismemberment 



28 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

of Eussia and Ftance, the absorption of the Balkan States 
and the domination of England by Germany. 

"The huge indemnity which the author believes will be 
demanded by Germany when she dictates peace terms in Lon- 
don, after two years' fighting, is estimated on the basis of war 
costs of 30 milliards of marks to be sustained by Germany, 
Austria and Turkey, in the proportion of 16, 10 and 4, respec- 
tively. 

"As Germany at the end of the Franco-Prussian War made 
the French pay two-and-one-half times what it cost to conduct 
the conflict, so, the writer believes, Germany will make the 
Allies pay similarly at the end of the present war. In addition 
75 milliards will be demanded for the support of dependents 
of those killed. 

"The writer sees Germany firmly established along the present 
French coast, in a position to control both London and Paris, 
and possessed of an air fleet of many thousands of machines 
and 20,000 air-men. He sees England forced to consent to the 
construction of a tunnel tmder the English Channel, equipped 
with four railway tracks and an automobile roadway, at both 
ends of which the German forces are in control. 

"Russia he pictures as completely dismembered, its territory 
divided up among neighboring powers, its coffers depleted to 
the point of bankruptcy, its menace to the German Empire 
forever gone. In the process of dismemberment he predicts the 
organization of new States. 

"Sweden, the author believes, will receive Finland; Germany, 
the Baltic Provinces and Poland; Austria will take the entire 
south of Russia, including Kiev and Odessa; Turkey will receive 
the entire Caucasus, including the government of Saratow ; Rus- 
sia will have to retire both from the Baltic, the Black and the 
Caspian Seas. 

"Serbia is to go to Austria-Hungary; Egypt to Turkey; a 
part of Arabia to Rumania, provided the latter allies itself 
sincerely with Grermany, Austria and Turkey; and every other 
State which similarly joins this group will be properly 
rewarded. 

"Not only does Alsace-Lorraine remain German, but Belfort 
is to join it once more as a German possession. Belgium not 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 29 

only becomes German^ along with the Congo, but is to pay an 
indemnity of Q^^ milliards of francs within a few years of the 
close of the war. 

"Regarding the disposition of the colonial possessions of the 
Allies the writer goes into little detail, beyond stipulating that 
England and France must lose Egypt, India, Algiers, Timis and 
Morocco as a penalty for inducing their inhabitants to bear 
arms against Germany. 

"The Suez Canal the writer sees permanently in the hands 
of 'our ally, Turkey.' After the conclusion of peace, he hopes, 
English ships, instead of longer paying tolls into the pocket of 
the English-owned Suez Canal Company, will have to pay them 
to 'our ally, Turkey.' 

"The heavy indemnities proposed, the writer frankly says, 
are for the purpose of so weakening Germany's enemies that 
it will be years before they can even contemplate war against 
her again. They are supplemented by taxation and a military 
system from the present Belgium to the new Russian border 
that will strengthen Germany indefinitely. 

"Though Grermany's territory will be greatly increased in 
Europe, it must be laid down as a basic principle, in the writer's 
opinion, that the electorate eligible to choose the membership 
of the controlling Reichstag must be confined to the old bound- 
aries. 

"Newly acquired Russian Poland, with its own legislature 
in Warsaw, may perhaps become an adjunct kingdom, with 
Prince August William, of Russia, as ruler. The Belgians, he 
believes, may also form a kingdom and govern themselves. The 
acquired Baltic provinces, as well as the territory taken from 
France, can, he thinks, without harm have their own parlia- 
ments, and live under the direction of an imperial governor 
general." 

It would seem that doctrines and ambitions indistin- 
guishable from those of the now outlawed and repudiated 
Bernhardi and Treitschke are taught and promulgated by 
their successors. 

I have failed to find in the writings of the Grerman 
apologists any evidence of ante-bellum repudiation of these 



30 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

latter writers, and in the absence of such evidence, and in 
the light of the collateral proof furnished by the writings 
of others (quoted below), by the writings even of those 
who now seek to discredit and to belittle them, and by the 
circumstances attending the outbreak and conduct of the 
war, they must be considered as representing the views of 
at least that part of the German people who were intelli- 
gent enough to understand them. The quotations follow. 
I have used some of those employed by Viscount Bryce in 
a recent article (12), and have added to them from a list of 
my own almost as striking and conclusive: 

"War is in itself a good thing. It is a biological necessity of 
the first importance." 

"The inevitableness, the idealism, the blessing of war as an 
indispensable and stimulating law of development must be re- 
peatedly emphasized." 

"War is the greatest factor in the furtherance of culture and 
power. EflForts to secure peace are extraordinarily detrimental 
as soon as they can influence politics." 

"Efforts directed toward the abolition of war are not only 
foolish, but absolutely immoral, and must be stigmatized as un- 
worthy of the human race." 

"Courts of arbitration are pernicious delusions. The whole 
idea represents a presumptuous encroachment on natural laws 
of development, which can only lead to more disastrous conse- 
quences for humanity generally." 

"The maintenance of peace never can be or may be the goal of 
a policy." 

"Efforts for peace would, if they attained their goal, lead to 
general degeneration, as happens everywhere in nature where 
the struggle for existence is eliminated." 

"Huge armaments are in themselves desirable. They are the 
most necessary precondition of our national health." 

"The end all and be all of a State is power, and he who is 
not man enough to look this truth in the face should not meddle 
with politics." (Quoted from Treitschke's "Politik.") 

"The State's highest moral duty is to increase its power." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 31 

"The State is justified in making conquests whenever its own 
advantage seems to require additional territory." 

"Self-preservation is the State's highest ideal and justifies 
whatever action it may take if that action be conducive to that 
end. The State is the sole judge of the morality of its action. 
It is, in fact, above morality, or, in other words, whatever is 
necessary is moral. Recognized rights (i. e., treaty rights) are 
never absolute rights ; they are of human origin and, therefore, 
imperfect and variable. There are conditions in which they do 
not correspond to the actual truth of things. In this case in- 
fringement of the right appears morally justified." 

"In fact, the State is a law unto itself. Weak nations have 
not the same right to live as powerful and vigorous nations." 

"Any nation in favor of collective humanity outside the limits 
of the State and nationality is impossible." 

"War is a biological necessity of the first importance, a regu- 
lative element in the life of mankind which cannot be dispensed 
with, since without it an unhealthy development will follow, 
which excludes every advancement of the race, and, therefore, 
all real civilization." 

"Just as increase of population forms, under certain circum- 
stances, a convincing argument for war, so industrial condi- 
tions may compel the same result." 

"Frederick the Great recognized the ennobling effect of war. 
'War,' he said, 'opens the most fruitful field to all virtues, for 
at every moment constancy, pity, magnanimity, heroism and 
mercy shine forth in it; every moment offers an opportimity to 
exercise one of these virtues.' " 

"We can, fortunately, assert the impossibility of efforts after 
peace ever attaining their ultimate object in a world bristling 
with arms, where a healthy egotism still directs the policy of 
most countries. 'God will see to it,' says Treitschke, 'that war 
always recurs as a drastic medicine for the human race.' " 

"We ought to know that there is no such thing as eternal 
peace; we ought to have always in our minds that saying of 
Moltke's 'perpetual peace is a dream, and not even a beautiful 
dream. But war is a link in the divine system of the uni- 
verse.'" (13) 

"The German nation has been called the nation of poets and 
thinkers, and it may be proud of the name. To-day it may 



33 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

again be called the nation of masterful combatants, as which it 
originally appeared in history." (14) 

These quotations could be largely added to, but as their 
authors are generals, philosophers^ theologians, and princes, 
they seem representative enough to show the spirit that, 
whatever may have been its numerical or geographical 
extent, actuated and inspired that portion of the German 
people who had the power last midsummer to commit the 
entire nation to a gigantic war, with "Deutschland iiber 
Alles" and "Weltmaeht oder ISTiedergang" as its battle cries. 

Every student of ISTature recognizes and deplores the 
cruelty inseparable from the struggle for existence under- 
lying the great biological law of the survival of the fittest. 

But it has remained for these spokesmen of Germany to 
apply it to civilized nations, without essential change or 
modification, eliminating all considerations of morality, of 
altruism, of kindliness to the weak or helpless, of every- 
thing, in fact, which serves to distinguish us from our 
fellow animals. There is little enough at the best, but 
Bernhardi's "biological necessity" of war, like the "neces- 
sity" — to overrun Belgium — of the German Chancellor, is 
simply a barefaced return to the ethics of the tiger or, in 
its coldbloodedness, of the crocodile. 

It was amusing, though irritating, to find an American 
(Professor Jastrow), (15) in face of the above evidence 
and much more that is similar, crjdng to the American 
people : 

"Let us be fair and recognize that the spirit of militarism is 
strong in all of the warring nations." 

and then going on, with the tendency that most of our 
^'German-American" disputants have clumsily shown, to 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 33 

belittle while attempting to conciliate the country of their 
adoption, to say: 

"Even we are not entirely free of it, for does not Theodore 
Roosevelt voice a widely prevailing sentiment when he advocates 
warfare as essential to the full strength of the nation ?" 

The answer to which is, of course, that Colonel Eoosevelt 
never "voiced" or otherwise favored any such sentiment, 
and that no sensible person ever believed it to be widely 
prevalent in this country (p, 340). 

The distinction between the advocacy of sufficient arma- 
ments to ensure respectful treatment from military or 
naval bullies and the advocacy of "warfare" is so patent 
that the misstatement implies a confusion of thought that 
should much lessen the value — if it had any — of the 
author's labored but superficial impartiality. The real 
animus invariably crops out in all these "German-Amer- 
ican" writers, and, in the present case, the "appeal for f air- 
jiess and moderation" contains the statement that it was 
a "privilege" 

"To see a great united people rising to fight, not for ag- 
grandizement, for ports on the Atlantic Ocean, or for colonies, 
or eager for conquest of any kind, but struggling solely for 
their existence to preserve the fruits of their labors of the last 
thirty years." 

The "appeal" also describes the readiness of "Germany" 
*'to promise the integrity of France and even of the French 
Colonies if England would remain neutral." (The italics 
are mine.) It does not mention the fact that this sugges- 
tion was made by Prince Lichnowski (the German Ambas- 
sador in London) on his individual initiative and without 
authority from his government; or that on July 29th the 



34 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

German Chancellor, when asked about the French colonies, 
had declined to commit himself (English White Book, No. 
85) ; or that at about that time Germany had failed to say 
that it was "prepared to engage to respect the neutrality of 
Belgium so long as no other power violates it," although 
France had given an unequivocal promise to that effect. 
Nor does it allude to the English reason for refusal to 
accept the informal suggestion, namely, "that France with- 
out losing territory might be so crushed as to lose her posi- 
tion as a Great Power and become subordinate to German 
policy." 

As to Nietzsche, the German apologists place a touching 
reliance upon American ignorance when they say that be- 
cause the word superman or overman was used by Goethe 
before it was used by Nietzsche, therefore we might with 
equal justice trace Germany's war spirit to the one phil- 
osopher as to the other. If they see no difference between 
the philosophy of Goethe and the philosophy of Nietzsche; 
between Goethe's Olympian overman rising spiritually and 
intellectually above the foibles of humanity, and Nietzsche's 
bully trampling down whatever is not strong enough to 
resist; between the balance of perfect sanity and the fren- 
zied revolt which precedes madness, they must be in a state 
of curious mental confusion. But they need not assume 
that their readers are equally confused. "Germany," says 
that too ardent upholder, Dr. Dernburg, "has waged no war 
of any kind, has never acquired a territory in all her life 
except by treaty." Good, peaceful, friendly, gentle nation ! 
Even the little rudenesses common to less virtuous folk are 
foreign to her soul. "She never was aggressive to anybody." 
And how she has been misjudged ! We, in America, thought 
she had annexed Hanover, appropriated Schleswig-Holstein, 
divided up Poland, swallowed Silesia whole, taken by force 
Alsace and Lorraine. We thought she was even now an- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 35 

nouncing through her War Lord the incorporation of Bel- 
gium into Germany's "glorious provinces'' (p. 58). How 
came we to be so deceived? 

Doctor Dernburg a-sks sarcastically, (16) "Do Americans 
believe all the ^ojfficial news' which the Eussians are sending 
continuously from the seat of war as to their enormous 
successes ?" Assuming that we do not, he then asks why we 
believe the "White Books/' which he describes as "written 
for the purpose of making out a nation's case." 

The comparison of British and Belgian ^'books'' with a 
newspaper report would be absurd. They are plain, chron- 
ological, complete records of all the diplomatic documents 
bearing upon the war. But perhaps Doctor Dernburg is 
thinking of the German "White Book," which James M. 
Beck has characterized as disclosing "the suppression of 
documents of vital importance," and which has necessarily 
made no more impression on Americans than did that 
amazing pamphlet issued by a number of German State- 
owned teachers and scholars, and called "The Truth About 
Germany" (p. 251). These gentlemen may be the reposi- 
tories of "the whole realm of human knowledge." Who 
shall gainsay it? But wisdom failed them in their need. 
They committed the fatal error of making their misstate- 
ments ludicrous. 

This has been a digression, but it will serve as an example 
of the "fairness and moderation" of the Miinsterbergs and 
Franckes, the Eidders and Jagemanns, the Alberts and 
von Machs, the Hilprechts, Jastrows, and Dernburgs. 

6. But Question 1 is not yet fully answered. Can amy 
collateral evidence of the determination to attain to "World 
Power" he found in the estimation in which Germans hold 
their country and themselves? 

I think it can. 

A little book with the crude title of "German/s Swelled 



36 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Head," written by Emil Eeich, a Hungarian, I believe, and 
published in London, in 1907, contains much interesting, 
sometimes amusing, information on this subject. 

The writer quotes various authors in support of the 
statement that when the Kaiser speaks or writes of Greater 
Grermany he "in all sincerity means two-thirds of Europe. 
He means that the German Empire of the near future will, 
and by right of Race ought to, comprise two-thirds of 
Europe." He adds that this idea may appear too childish 
for serious consideration, says that in all countries there 
have been single eccentrics who have absurdly overrated 
the significance and importance of their nation, and that 
such persons do not prove very much as to the state of mind 
of the majority of a people. But he insists that 

"That which, in other countries never rises beyond a mere 
oddity is, in contemporary Grermany, a vast wave of national 
thought. In the Fatherland, as has long been remarked by 
many an observing traveler or scholar, the vrriters, teachers, 
journalists and scholars of the day have an infinitely greater 
influence on the people than similar brain-workers ever wield 
in England." 

He then quotes from "T^ie Foundations of the XlXth 
Century," a book which he says was warmly and publicly 
approved by the Kaiser, and which sold largely in Germany 
and gave rise to a mass of controversial literature. The 
author. Chamberlain by name, says : 

"By Germans, I mean the various populations of Northern 
Europe, who appear in history as Kelts, Germans, Slavs, and 
from whom, mostly in inextricable confusion, the peoples of 
modern Europe are sprung. That they came originally from a 
single family isi certain, but the German, in the narrower 
Tacitean sense, has kept himself so pre-eminent among his kins- 
men, intellectually, morally and physically, that we are justified 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 37 

in applying his name to the whole family. The German is the 
soul of our culture. The Europe of to-day, spread far over the 
globe, exhibits the brilliant result of an infinitely varied rami- 
fication. What binds us into one is the Germanic blood. . . . 
Only Germans sit on European thrones. What has happened 
is only prolegomena. . . . True history begins from the 
moment when the German, with mighty hand, seizes the inheri- 
tance of antiquity." 

Eeich quotes further from the work of Ludwig Wolt- 
man, "Die G&rmanen und die Renaissance in Italien" 
(1905), in which the effort is made to prove that Ben- 
venuto Cellini, Michaelangelo, Lorenzo Ghiberti, Giovanni 
Bellini, Leonardo da Vinci and Eaff aelle, were all of German 
birth or ancestry. He admits that this may be merely mis- 
placed erudition, or "stuff and twaddle.^' His point is that 
it is characteristic, that it is taken seriously in Germany, 
and that it was gravely noticed in some of the oldest and 
most respectable German reviews. He quotes again the 
author of the "Eoundations of the XIX Century," who 
says^ apropos of the overrunning of the Holy Eoman Em- 
pire by the Germans : 

"We can regret only one thing — that the German did not, 
everywhere his conquering arm preyed, exterminate more com- 
pletely," and that consequently the Latins "gradually recovered 
wide territories from the only quickening influence of pure 
blood and unbroken youth, in fact, from the control of the 
highest talent." Elsewhere the same writer laments that Italy 
"is lost, irredeemably lost, because it lacks the inner driving 
power, the greatness of soul which would fit its talent. This 
power comes from Race alone. Italy had it as long as it pos- 
sessed Germans." 

Eeich says that Friedrich Lange, erstwhile editor of the 
Tagliche Rundschau, has gone so far as to invent and 
preach a species of "German religion" {Deutsche Religion), 



38 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

and from many pulpits it has been announced that "the 
German people is the elect of God, and its enemies are the 
enemies of the Lord/' 

He quotes from the "Vorwarts" an extract from an 
oration by the theologian, Lezius : 

"Solomon has said: 'Do not be too good; do not be too just.' 
The Polish press should be simply annihilated. All Polish so- 
cieties should be suppressed, without the slightest apology 
being made for such a measure. This summary procedure 
should be likewise applied to the French and Danish press, as 
well as to the societies of Alsace, Lorraine and Schleswig- 
Holstein. Especially should no consideration whatever be 
shown to anything relating to the Poles. The Constitution 
should be altered with regard to the latter. The Poles should 
be looked upon as helots. They should be allowed but three 
privileges: to pay taxes, serve in the army, and shut their 
jaws" (sic). 

He (Eeich) supports his views by the statement of the 
Kussian novelist, Dostoiewski, who writes : 

"Chauvinism, pride, and an unlimited confidence in their 
own strength have intoxicated the Germans since the war 
(1870). This people, that has so rarely been a conqueror and 
has so often been conquered, had all of a sudden beaten the 
nation that had humiliated all the other nations. ... On the 
other hand, the fact that Germany, but yesterday all parceled 
out, has been able in so short a time to develop so strong a po- 
litical organization, might well lead the Germans to believe 
that they are about to enter on a new phase of brilliant develop- 
ment. This conviction has resulted in making the German not 
only Chauvinistic and conceited, but flighty as well; it is not 
only the Teutonic grocer and shoemaker now who are over- 
confident, but professors, eminent scientists, and even the min- 
isters themselves as well." 

"No wonder that the arrogance of the 'Elect Ones of God' 
comes out at every possible and impossible occasion. When 
Bismarck was asked what he would do should some one hun- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 39 

dred thousand British soldiers be landed on the north coast of 
Germany in case of a war with Great Britain, France and 
Germany, he replied: 'I should have them arrested by the 
police.' " 

He continues : 

, "Can one wonder, under such circumstances, that the Kaiser 
a few years ago, at the celebration of the two hundredth anni- 
versary of the foundation of the Kingdom of Prussia, ex- 
claimed: 'Nothing must be settled in this world without the 
intervention of Germany and of the Grcrman Emperor.' " 

He miglit have added the following: 

"Only one is master of this country. That is I. Who op- 
poses me I shall crush to pieces. . . . Sic volo, sio jubeo. 
. . . We Hohenzollerns take our crown from God alone, and 
to God alone we are responsible in the fulfilment of our duty. 
. . . Suprema lex regis voluntas." (17) J. Ellis Barker. (18) 

He might also have quoted Professor Eudolf Eucken, of 
the University of Jena, a leader of German ethical thought : 

"To us more than any other nation is intrusted the true 
structure of human existence; as an intellectual people we have, 
irrespective of creeds, worked for soul depth in religion, for sci- 
entific thoroughness. . . . All this constitutes possessions 
of which mankind cannot be deprived; possessions, the loss of 
which would make life and effort purposeless to mankind." (19) 

Eucken has not since changed his mind. In January, 
1915, he writes: (20) 

"This war is not only a struggle between certain nations, but 
also between certain forms of culture. We are fighting for the 
maintenance and spreading of the special form of culture which 



40 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

our nature has implanted and the whole course of our history 
has developed in us. . . . • 

"Thus it is that we have raised religion, philosophy, educa- 
tion, music and poetry to lofty heights. We have achieved such 
great things in the world because we put our soul into our 
work. Because we did not seek externals, but ourselves, in 
culture, it became for us a matter of deepest earnest 

"Mankind at this point needs German methods. However 
much our opponents may rail against us just now, they will 
eventually be forced to make use of us for their spiritual pres- 
ervation." 

The Berlin Deutsche Tageszeitung urges the necessity of 
forcing the German language on the whole world. 

"It is a crying necessity," the Berlin paper says, "that Ger- 
nmn should replace English as the world language. Should 
the English language be victorious and become the world lan- 
guage the culture of mankind will stand before a closed door 
and the death knell will sound for civilization." 

After talking of the '^'^moral decay" of Great Britain and 
the "fearful brutalizing influences and complete animalizar 
tion of the human species" in "every land where the 
English language is spoken" the Deutsche Tageszeitung 
continues : 

"Here we have the reason why it is necessary for the Ger- 
man, and with him the German language, to conquer. And the 
victory once won, be it now or be it one hundred years hence, 
there remains a task for the German than which none is more 
important, that of forcing the German tongue on the world. 
On all men, not those belonging to the more cultured races 
only, but on men of all colors and nationalities, the Grcrman 
language acts as a blessing which, coming direct from the hand 
of God, sinks into the heart like a precious balm and en- 
nobles it. 

"English, the bastard tongue of the canting island pirates, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 41 

must be swept from the place it has usurped and forced back 
into the remotest corners of Britain until it has returned to its 
original elements of aa insignificant pirate dialect." 
The feelings which this last amiable suggestion excited 
in the minds of Americans have nowhere been better ex- 
pressed than by Miss Eepplier (21), who, after remarking 
that every nation holds its own speech infinitely dear, and 
believes it to be infinitely superior to the speech of other 
and less favored countries, continues : 

"Conquering races have recognized the supreme importance 
of forcing their tongue upon the conquered, who, in their turn, 
have rebelled with bitterness against this finality of defeat. 
For centuries Ireland has striven to preserve a language which 
has no longer a vital part to play. Alsace has cherished with 
pathetic pride and tenderness the speech she was bidden to 
forego. Thirty years after the surrender of Strasburg a visitor 
could hear no word save French in the cafes and the streetsi. 
If the rules were rigid, the defiance was invincible. German 
for the schools, French for the home. German for officials, 
French for the family. German for protection, French for 
pleasure. German for the stem realities of life, French for the 
mad hope which never wholly died. 

"Some months ago a Berlin newspaper, in happy anticipation 
of 'der Tag,' pealed forth a prophetic note of triumph for the 
German tongue. Not conquered provinces alone, we were as- 
sured, but the whole wide world of civilization was destined to 
use this speech and be the better for it. 'On men of all colors 
and nationalities the German language acts as a blessing, 
which, coming direct from the hand of God, sinks into the heart 
like a precious balm and ennobles it.' 

"One wonders if German text and German script are included 
in the gift of a too partial Providence, and if we are 'rejecting 
grace' by trying to elude them. One wonders apprehensively 
whether, since German is the tongue beloved of Heaven, we shall 
all have to speak it when we go there. Here on earth this 
'precious balm' acts like an irritant upon men and women who 
are not devout enough to recognize a blessing when it is poured 
on them. I once spent a summer in Bavaria with a young 



42 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

American girl who never forgave the Bavarians for speaking 
their own language. Every time she heard the hated gutturals, 
she would wrinkle her pretty nose and say: 'It ought to be 
forbidden by law.' 

"As for English, 'the bastard tongue of canting island 
pirates,' its day has well-nigh run. Prussia, we are warned, 
will force it back into the remotest corners of Britain, 'until it 
has returned to its original elements of an insignificant pirate 
dialect.' The fact that corrupt variations of this dialect are 
stammered fitfully by 8,000,000 of people in Canada and 
97,000,000 of people in the United States, need not be taken 
into account. We know that nothing is impossible to heaven; 
and if the 'precious balm' of German is going to be spilled into 
our hearts, we must resign ourselves to our mercies. The 
jargon of Shakespeare, the broken utterances of Milton, and 
Keats, and Wordsworth, will, in the happy years to come, be 
deciphered by droning philologists, who may supply a key to 
certain simple passages or shake despairing heads over these 
rude relics of piracy, these pages 

'full of sound and fury, 
Signifying nothing.' " 

Major-General von Disfurtli (retired), in an article con- 
tributed to the Hamburg Nachrichten, writes as follows : 

"No object whatever can be served by taking any notice of 
the accusations of barbarity leveled against Germany by her 
foreign critics. We owe no explanations to anyone. Whatever 
act is committed by our troops for the purpose of discouraging, 
defeating and destroying the enemy is a brave act and fully 
justified. Germany stands the supreme arbiter of her own 
methods. It is no consequence whatever if all the monuments 
ever created, all the pictures ever painted, all the buildings ever 
erected by the great architects of the world be destroyed, if by 
their destruction we promoted Germany's victory. War is war. 
The ugliest stone placed to mark the burial of a German grena- 
dier is a more glorious monument than all the cathedrals of 
Europe put together. They call us barbarians. Wliat of it? 
We scorn them and their abuse. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 43 

"For my part, I hope that in this war we have merited, the 
title, 'barbarians.' Let neutral peoples and our enemies cease 
their empty chatter, which may well be compared to the twitter 
of birds. Let them cease to talk of the Cathedral of Rheims, 
and of all the churches and all the castles in France which liave 
shared its fate. Our troops must achieve victory. What elae 
matters V 

I am not certain that, in spite of the crude brutality of 
this statement, it is not to be preferred to the oily hypocrisy 
of some of the other German defenders. For example, in 
an address at New Eochelle, in this country. Dr. Dernburg 
is reported (22) to have said: "We Germans love the 
French and Belgians, who were forced into the war." The 
American paper which quotes this goes on sarcastically : 

"This explains why the British are fighting so desperately. 

"Judging from the experiences of France and. Belgium, only 
a rugged and husky nation can survive German affection. After 
the first demonstration of German love toward Belgium, Great 
Britain naturally decided that it was better to fight. Otherwise 
the Germans might take a notion to love the British, too. 

"Certainly, if the Germans love the French and Belgians, as 
Doctor Dernburg says, the British can hardly be blamed for pre- 
ferring German hatred, as giving them at least a fighting 
chance.' " 

Professor von Leyen, writing in the Frankfurter 
Zeitung, says: (33) 

"There are the neutral nations. Most of them side in sym- 
pathy with the English, Russians, and French. Most of them 
entertain hostile feelings against Germany. We do not need 
them. They are not necessary to our happiness nor to our more 
material interests. Let us ban them from our houses and our 
tables. Let us make them feel that we despise them. They 
must understand that they are condemned to be left out in 
the cold just because they do not merit German approval. 



44 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Grermany must and will stand alone. The Germans are the salt 
of earth; they will fulfill their destiny, which is to rule the 
world and to control other nations for the benefit of mankind." 

Professor Adolph Lasson, a German Privy Councillor 
and Professor of Philosophy in Berlin University, writes : 

"A man who is not a German knows nothing of Grermany. 
We are morally and intellectually superior beyond all com- 
parison as are our organizations and our institutions." 

As to the facts bearing upon this preposterous over- 
valuation of German achievement, I shall have something 
to say later, but now my object is to present a small 
portion of the existing evidence as to the state of mind 
which, pervading all Germany, did so much to bring on 
the war. 

John Jay Chapman deals trenchantly with the subject of 
Germany's mental condition: (34) 

"A perception of their insanity began to dawn on us in the 
first days of the war, when the Imperial Chancellor propounded 
his novel theories as to the binding character of treaties. These 
German doctrines chilled us. They prevented us from sympa- 
thizing with the magnificent display of German patriotism 
which accompanied the crime against Belgium. Soon after 
this the Teutonic philosophy of extermination was further re- 
vealed to us in the orders of the commanders, in the actual con- 
duct of the troops, and also in the books about Germany which 
we all began to read at this period. 

"We now discovered that the literature of Pan-Teutonism, 
which, up to this time, we had taken to be a sort of bad joke, 
was a very serious matter — representing as it did Unreason En- 
throned. 

"Pan-Teutonism had been teaching that Germany must save 
mankind through bloodshed. In a private person such a belief 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 45 

would lead to his incarceration; but so many books are pub- 
lished nowadays, and everyone is so inured to extravagant argu- 
ments, that no one objects to Unreason in a book. There is a 
kind of squint of insanity — of the malice of the neurotic in- 
valid — which accompanies the text in much Pan-German litera- 
ture. The author passes from obvious truths to obvious con- 
tradictions without knowing that he has made a transition. 
The author, moreover, is more sure he is right than a sane man 
ever ia; and when he wishes to be impressive he runs into mega- 
lomania. These characteristics of a madman, ( 1 ) unconscious 
passage from reason to unreason, (2) certitude, and (3) mega- 
lomania, are to be found in all the German war literature. 
Strangely enough, the turn of phrase and tone of mind are alike 
in the writings of the learned and of the vulgar. The war 
spirit speaks in a war tongue. Both the literati of Germany 
and the man-in-the-street in Germany blaze with passion and 
vociferate with conviction. To them their phrases are full of 
sacred truth; to them religion and piety, patriotism, profound 
thought, and holy inspiration live in the words they utter. 

"To my mind, there is immense psychological interest in 
these exhibitions of pure, unadulterated patriotism. Their sin- 
cerity penetrates us; but the idea they convey is zero. Their 
message is, indeed, '&. tale told by an idiot, full of sound and 
fury, signifying nothing.' Such is the message of any mere 
race patriotism, of any patriotism which obliges the rest of 
the world to be subdued before it can receive the benefits of 
the pretended dispensation. Zero is the substance and the sym- 
bol of race patriotism. All the piety and enthusiasm with 
which it is offered to the world, all the gimboats and bloodshed 
which herald it are powerless to raise the intellectual value of 
this emotion above the zero point." 

Prof. Ostwald, a Nobel prize winner (as a chemist), and 
a well-known €remian scientist, says (25) that the most 
profound cause of the war 

"lies in the fear entertained by our enemies of the power, un- 
precedented in history, with which Germany has put into 
practice her great ideal of social efficiency — an ideal which 



46 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Germany by this very war proposes to realize in the future 
more completely than ever before. They talk of German mili- 
tarism; it is possible, I admit, that the hostility which Ger- 
many is finding to-day in all parts of the world was created by 
the development of German militarism; but it is just that 
militarism- which constitutes one of the most significant ex- 
pressions of the German power of organization or social effi- 
ciency. Germany, thanks to her genius for organization or 
social efficiency, has attained a stage of civilization far higher 
than that of all other peoples. This war will in the future com- 
pel these other peoples to participate, tmder the form of Ger- 
man social efficiency, in a civilization higher than their own. 
Among our enemies the Russians, in brief, are still in the 
period of the undisciplined tribe, while the French and the 
English have only attained the degree of cultural development 
which we ourselves left behind fifty years ago. Their stage of 
culture is that of individualism; but above that stage lies the 
stage of organization or social efficiency, and it is this stage 
which Germany has reached to-day." 

Treitschke said, years ago : 

"Then when the German flag flies over and protects this vast 
Empire, to whom will belong the sceptre of the universe? 
What nation will impose its wishes on the other enfeebled and 
decadent peoples? Will it not be Germany that will have the 
mission to ensure the peace of the world? Russia, that im- 
mense colossus, still in process of formation, and with feet of 
clay, will be absorbed in its home and economic difficulties. 
England, stronger in appearance than in reality, will, without 
any doubt, see her colonies detach themselves from her and 
exhaust themselves in fruitless struggles. France, given over 
to internal dissensions and the strife of parties, will sink into 
hopeless decadence. As to Italy, she will have her work cut out 
to ensure a crust of bread to her children. . . . The future 
belongs to Germany, to which Austria will attach herself if 
she wishes to survive." 

Beieh, who quotes this, gives many other quotations to 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 47 

support his main thesis, judgment on which I must now 
leave to my readers. It was as follows, and it must be re- 
membered that it was written more than seven years ago : 

"The actions of a nation like the Germans are, in the first 
place, influenced by their state of mind; and, given that that 
state of mind in Germany is now one bordering on absolute 
megalomania, or the most morbid form of self-conceit and 
swelled-headedness, it is safe to conclude that their actions, 
too, will soon assume forms of the most daring self-assertiveness 
and aggression." (26) 

In some directions the ignorance of the German writers 
shared, as later events showed, by the German diplomats — 
is astounding. 

General Bernhardi's knowledge of current history may 
be estimated by the fact that he assumes (1) that trade 
rivalry makes a war probable between Great Britain and 
the United States, (3) that he believes the Indian princes 
and people likely to revolt against Britain should she be 
involved in war, and (3) that he expects her self-governing 
Colonies to take such an opportunity of severing their 
connection with her ! 

"General Bernhardi invoked History, the ultimate court of 
appeal. He appeals to Caesar. To Caesar let him go. Die 
Weltgeschicte ist das Weltgericht — World history is the 
World tribune. 

"History declares that no nation, however great, is entitled 
to try to impose its type of civilization on others. No race, 
not even the Teutonic or the Anglo-Saxon, is entitled to claim 
the leadership of humanity. Each people has in its time 
contributed something that was distinctively its own, and the 
world is far richer thereby than if any one race, however 
gifted, had established a permanent ascendancy. 

"The world advances not, as the Bernhardi school suppose, 
only or even mainly by fighting. It advances mainly by think- 



48 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

ing, and by a process of reciprocal teaching and learning; by a 
continuous and unconscious co-operation of all its strongest 
and finest minds. 

"Each race — Hellenic, Italic, Celtic, Teutonic, Iberian, Sla- 
vonic — has something to give, each something to learn; and 
• when their blood is blent the mixed stock may combine the 
gifts of both. 

"The most progressive races have been those who combined 
willingness to learn with a strength which enabled them to 
receive without loss to their own quality, retaining their primal 
vigour, but entering into the labours of others, as the Teutons 
who settled within the dominions of Kome profited by the les- 
sons of the old civilization." (27) 

John Jay Chapman, in his admirable and useful collec- 
tion of the utterances of representative Germans ("Deutsch- 
land iiber AUes"), which he has compiled, analyzed and 
illuminated by pertinent and often eloquent comment, 
deals with this subject of German megalomania, so fully 
and interestingly that I may dismiss it with his remarks 
in his chapter on "The Genesis of Madness :" 

"I will cite a few grotesque expressions from Bernhardi, 
because they could not have been used by a man who knew 
what the struggle for liberty of opinion in Western Europe had 
consisted in: 'There is no nation which knows how to unite 
so harmoniously (as the German does) the freedom of the intel- 
leotual and the restraint of the practical life on the path of free 
and natural development.' These be fine words ; but just where 
the 'freedom of the intellectual' should end, and the 'restraint 
of the practical' should begin in each case — this is the question 
that has puzzled the world, and sent the martyrs to the pyre 
and the statesmen to the scaffold. Again : 'This independence 
of the individual within the Umits marked out by the interests 
of the State forms the necessary complement of the wide exten- 
sion of the central power, and assures an ample scope to a 
liberal development of all our social conditions.' This is the 
chatter of a parrot. 

"So also is the following statement of what education ought 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 49 

to teach. 'The State should teach that the mind which thinks 
only of itself perishes in feeble susceptibility, but that moral 
worth grows up only in the love of the Fatherland and for the 
State, which is the haven of every faith and the home of justice 
and honourable freedom of purpose.' I have italicized the words 
which show the feebleness of the German intellect in these 
fields of thought. 

"The following argument could hardly have been put forth 
seriously in any country where argument was an instnunent of 
government; Count von Bernstorff insisted that Germany had 
not utilized the Belgian route because it was the quickest and 
easiest into France, but had gone through Belgium only because 
she was forced to act on the defensive. Germany knew that some 
day France was going to invade Belgium; but France could 
wait; Germany could not wait. Thus it was really France 
that began the war. 

"A man who had spent his youth in the debating club would 
not have presented such a case as this to the world; but in a 
tyraimy there is no distinction between dogma and argument. 
The official view is propounded and that is enough. 

"Bernhardi's books will always be valuable as the best 
short explanation of the war. They give the mind of the 
Teuton in 1914. They have done more towards explaining the 
disease which is now ravaging the German intellect than all 
the rest of German literature taken together. Moreover, Bern- 
hardi's books will always have a specific psychopathic interest. 
The future student will handle them with curiosity, saying: 
'Sixty-four million people once, and for a short time, believed 
these things.' 

"The keynote of the German creed is as follows : War is the 
natural state of man, and 'evokes the noblest activities of 
human nature.' 'The brutal incidents inseparable from every 
war vanish completely in the idealism of the main results.' 
These beliefs, it should be noticed, give respectability to the 
German designs against France. They lend the light of con- 
science and religion to a crime, and invoke a great principle 
to cover a piece of private vengeance. The Germans, being 
a highly bookish and sophisticated people, require good motives 
for bloodshed. The Holy Ghost is therefore summoned. The 
sin of feebleness is, it appears, 'the political sin against the 
Holy Ghost.' 
4 



50 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"In order to make it seem probable that the Germans will 
win in their war, the French and English are depicted as 
decrepit, outworn peoples, degenerate Romans, etc., whereas the 
Germans are the young blood of the world. The British play 
out-of-door games, — a sure sign of eflFeminacy; whereas the 
Germans sing, and play on the violin — sure proofs of manly 
endowment. The Germans are a 'chosen people' and the great 
men of the past have all been Germans. The most learned au- 
thor of this school proves that Christ and Dante were Teutonic 
characters. All of these crotchets have been believed in by the 
illuminati of Germany, by her professors and doctors, poets, 
priests, and leaders of thought. Why have they been thus 
believed? Because they have been handed out by the govern- 
mental central authority, by the source of opmdon. Folly, 
blasphemy, or nonsense, when sanctioned by the Oovernment, 
becomes to the Germans religion. Is it not strange that this 
nation, endowed with all the talents but one, has been done 
to death by the lack of that small linch-pin — political common 
sense? Their sin has found them out. Their one weakness 
has ruined all the fabric of their strength. 

"In Germany the State appoints the professors in the uni- 
versities; and thus during the last thirty years of military 
ascendancy, only militants have been appointed. There has 
been no future for learned men unless they favored militarism. 
And nevertheless a certain ancient prestige hung about the 
skirts of learning which the government sought to use when 
the war broke out. The Kaiser, therefore, fired oflF all the 
guns of culture in a sort of parlour salute, in which incense was 
used instead of gun-powder. There is probably not a name of 
note in German letters which is not to be found at the bottom 
of a war-cry, or of a cry for blood and vengeance. The sav- 
agery of these literary tricoteuses, which has so shocked the 
world, comes from their indorsement of whatever is being done 
by the military. Thus, one reads in one column of a newspaper 
that the Germans have deported into Germany forty-five 
hundred French boys between the ages of fifteen and seventeen, 
drawing them from Noyon and other French towns under Ger- 
man occupation. One thinks of how the parents of these boya 
must feel; one wonders what century one is living in; one 
recalls the words of Bismarck, that the Prussians must 'bleed 
France white.' One remembers Bernhardi's remarks that Franc© 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 51 

must be so weakened that she can 'never cross our path again.' 
In another column of the same paper there is a passionate 
threnody of the poet Wolfkehl, saying that 'the war came from 
God'; that its purpose is 'to save the European soul,' and that 
its horrors are necessary. Of all these horrors the words of 
the poet are the worst. 

"This war has been made by the intellectuals ; the philosophy 
of it is a study-bred thing, like the new German bomb-shells. 
That philosophy of destruction, which lies beneath both the 
siege-guns and the pamphlets, is a tissue of super-sophistica- 
tions, by which the old-time and gross passions of murder, theft, 
lust, hatred, and a certain nameless cruelty (which is new to 
the world and worse than all the rest), have been let loose on 
those nations which happen to live next to Germany, The 
hell of an insane sophis.tication burns behind this war in the 
German universities; and the hell of murdered women and 
children walk before it through Belgium. This war and its lit- 
erature are all one thing. We must watch both, of them to get a 
vision of modern Germany. When we see the total populations 
of cities fleeing before the advance of the German Army in 
Belgium, we must examine the creed of the learned Teuton. 

"Crack open a bit of Germany anywhere. Doctor Lenard, 
Professor of Physics at Heidelberg, thinks that Westminster 
Abbey and the tomb of Shakespeare ought to be destroyed. The 
brain of a people is ignited and is burning up with the rest 
of the Teutonic combustibles. We can not put out either of 
them, but must let them crackle and give out blast after blast, 
till the panic is over. Then we shall be able to look about us 
and find out how much is left of the German intelligence. 

"To recapitulate: — Germany has gone mad through dwelling 
on her imaginary wrongs. This came about because of the 
lack of political training in Germany, which left the citizen 
at the mercy of Government officials for his private opinions. 
The learned and eloquent classes thus became the tools of a 
military organization. The result has been an era of panic and 
destructive insanity of which this war is a sign." 

While opinions differ as to the personal responsibility of 
the Kaiser for this war, it seems to me that he so fully 
typifies in his own character, actions and behavior, the 



S^ A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

megalomania of the nation that it is nothing less than 
absurd to describe him as reluctantly pushed into the war 
and as struggling until the last moment for peace. 

The Kaiser is in all probability a neuropsychopathic, 
said to have a chronic and recurring infection of the middle 
ear (a not unknown cause of grave cerebral disease), and 
evincing many symptoms of the condition known as para- 
noia, in which there are usually present more or less definite 
systematized delusions, the other mental processes remain- 
ing approximately normal. If in such case the insane 
premises of the paranoiac are admitted, his conclusions will 
often legitimately follow. If the Kaiser is Kaiser by 
Divine decree, by the direct appointment of God, as he has 
repeatedly asserted, he cannot be blamed for thinking, as 
he has often shown that he does think, that whatever he does 
is right. But is it possible in the year 1915 that a quite 
sane person can believe, as the Kaiser surely does believe, 
that he is God's special appointee — appointed to rule over 
and guide the destinies of sixty millions of people ? I have 
no doubt the Miinsterbergs will have some answer to that 
question that will — to them — ^be psychologically satisfying. 
But I defy them to answer it to the satisfaction of the 
American people. 

That this mental condition is compatible with unusual 
ability, with a high degree of personal charm, with the 
efficient performance of work and discharge of duties out- 
side the sphere of delusion, has been repeatedly and abun- 
dantly shown and is a matter of everyday experience with 
alienists. 

The history of the world also presents many examples of 
individuals not entirely sane, like Joan of Are, who were 
able greatly to influence, largely through their profound 
belief in themselves and their cause, the course of human 
events. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 53 

"The Kaiser does not believe in representative government 
for Germany. He does not believe in democracy, at least not 
for Germany. Neither did Bismarck. Bismarck doubtless 
believed a good deal in Bismarck, partly as the agent of the 
Almighty, partly as Bismarck, director of the German people. 
Government of Germany by Bismarck through his Kaiser was 
representative government of a sort, for Bismarck, in a way, was 
representative. The Kaiser does not believe in that. He dis- 
charged Bismarck at once. He believes in government by the 
Kaiser as the agent divinely appointed to govern the German 
people. He is not responsible to the German people for what 
he does, but to the Almighty. He believes — he must believe — 
that he is competent to judge what is right for Germany and 
that when he does it he has God for his ally." (28) 

One of the best illustrations of the "delirium of gran- 
deur" with which the Kaiser appears to be afflicted (and 
with which on account of its frequency in ordinary luna- 
tics all medical men are familiar) is given in this very 
belief in his Divine vicegerency and in his constant and 
familiar references to God in his speeches, letters and 
telegrams. 

The Dean of American letters, Mr. William D. Howells, 
has dealt so eloquently with this phase — and other phases — 
of the Kaiser's character (29) that I shall let him continue 
this answer to the second portion of Question 1 — believing 
that the Kaiser represents in an exaggerated form (due 
probably to disease), the megalomania of the nation, and 
believing also that what Mr. Howells writes of him repre- 
sents with equal truth the estimate of him held to-day by 
the large majority of Americans. 

"As early as August 22nd the censorship of war news allowed 
us to learn that 'the Kaiser had ordered the Supreme Council 
of the Evangelical Church throughout Germany to include the 
following prayer in the liturgy at all public services during the 
war: 'Almighty and merciful God of the armies, we beseech 



54 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

in humility for Thy Almighty aid for our German fatherland. 
Bless the entire German war force. Lead us to victory and 
give us Thy grace that we may show ourselves to be Christians 
toward our enemies. As well, let us soon arrive at peace which 
will everlastingly safeguard our free and independent Germany.' 

"This carefully worded supplication must have been instantly 
rushed to the Throne of Grace, to the Father of Mercies, to 
Him without whose knowledge not even a sparroAV falls to the 
ground, and the response might seem to have been instant, for 
we read that on the 25th the Kaiser wired his daughter-in-law, 
the Crown Princess: 

" 'I rejoice with thee over the first victory of Wilhelm. God 
has been on his side and has most brilliantly supported him. 
To Him be thanks and honor. I remit to Wilhelm the Iron 
Cross of the second and first class. . . . God protect and 
succor my boys. Also in the future God be with thee and all 
wives. 

'(Signed) Papa Wilhelm.' 

"But in some respects this was apparently asking too much. 
In spite of the flattering recognition of His support of the 
Crown Prince. He seems to have thought it enough to be only 
with the Crown Princess 'in the future.' He evidently could 
not be bothered to look after 'all wives,' for we read that the 
wives of unarmed peasants and citizens were driven, with their 
children, from their homes in a country which Papa Wilhelm 
was wasting with fire and sword through a violation of its 
rights aa a neutral nation and of his own word solemnly given, 
and went wandering beggared through their native land. Other 
wives were slain at their hearthstones by Papa Wilhelm's artil- 
lery, or torn to pieces in their beds by bombs dropped from 
Papa Wilhelm's dirigibles flying over sleeping towns. 

"So far as 'all wives' were concerned, the Helper of the 
widow and the orphan was not so constant as Papa Wilhelm 
desired, though Papa Wilhelm had especially commended them 
to His care. Yet Papa Wilhelm did not lose heart, for in a tele- 
gram of the 27th we find him declaring from his headquarters 
on the Main, 'Confidence in the irresistible might of our heroic 
army and unshakable belief in the help of a living God, 
together with the consciousness that we are fighting for a, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 55 

■worthy cause, should give us faith in an early delivery of 
Germany from its enemies.' 

"It may be that the Supreme Being, the 'living God' as 
the first of living men here handsomely calls Him, was perhaps 
not really so very hand-in-glove with the Kaiser. It may be 
that He did not 'brilliantly support' the Crown Prince in battle, 
and that it was solely 'the invincible might of his heroic army' 
which gave the Kaiser early victory. For Papa Wilhelm had 
been training them in their work of multiple murder for forty 
years, incessantly, relentlessly, at the cost of the best years of 
their youth, of their freedom, of whatever makes life sweet and 
dear. To perfect the pitiless machine into which he turned 
a kindly people he spared no means known to the art of the 
oppressor; he sacrificed to this end truth and honor and the 
love of men; he substituted the terror of Use majeste for patri- 
otic loyalty; he made revenge and hate the prime motives of 
the nation which he welded into an adamantine mass, to be 
hurled, when the time came, against another nation which he 
had schooled them, in the uttermost cruelty of fear, to abhor. 
In this work he signed promises which trusting nations took for 
treaties with all the sacred and solemn guarantees, but which 
his ministers called 'scraps of paper' when the convenient time 
came. He made their commanders the terror of the men, and 
be perpetuated among the ofiicers of his army the code of the 
duel ; by his will the law of the sword became supreme against 
the law of the land in any question between soldiers and civil- 
ians. He turned the tide of civilization from its flow toward 
peace and goodwill, and drove its stream back among the 
morasses of the past, where it was choked with the corpses of 
the immemorial dead, the embers of their homes, and the ruins 
of their altars, so, that when the time came to destroy a peace- 
ful city his soldiers were as ready to do his will as they were 
to drive the wedge of their bodies through the enemy's lines 
and to fall in heaps that stayed their advance. 

"There is no means of telling just yet what the effect of his 
prayers has been with the Heavenly Father, or whether in the 
event they will avail against the prayers of the Belgians, the 
French, the English, and the Russians, beseeching the same 
God for victory against him. Who, indeed, always excepting the 
German Emperor, may declare what dwells in the will of the 
Almighty, or what His purpose is ? Will He continue His bril- 



56 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

liant support of the Crown Prince, or will He lift up His coun- 
tenance and make it to shine upon the peoples who have, 
humanly speaking, been cruelly outraged in all that is dear 
to civilized men, whose lands have been overrun by invading 
armies, whose cities have been burned, whose fields have been 
laid waste, whose wives and little ones have been driven beg- 
gars into the wilderness which wanton invasion has made of 
their country? At the actual writing it seems as if the 
Creator of heaven and earth may have thought twice concerning 
His imperial protege, and ceased to 'bless the whole Grerman 
force.' Part of this force is now retracing its bleeding steps, 
slowly indeed, and perhaps not finally; its retreat may be 
merely the recoil of the wild beast for another spring upon its 
prey; but as yet it does not seem so, and humanity may begin 
to breathe again. No one except the Kaiser may guess at the 
unfathomable counsels of the Ancient of Days." 

After describing the state of public feeling in Germany, 
and the generally accepted and applauded plans for her 
aggrandizement, another writer says of the Kaiser: 

"The German Emperor's speeches visualize the ideas of the 
man who has the final power to say how this public sentiment 
and these plans shall be used; and very clearly they prove 
that the Kaiser feels no responsibility to any person, to any 
moral code, or to any ethical ideal. He is the final arbiter. 

"That the Emperor William II has always anticipated the 
world-war which is now waging — is more than proved by the 
extracts from His Majesty's speeches. His very first official act 
upon coming to the throne was to issue an edict to the German 
army, and it was not until some days after that he issued a 
proclamation 'To my people.' To him the soldier is far more 
important than the civilian. Votes and elections count for 
nothing. 

"The German Emperor's speeches are voluminous. They 
have appeared in Germany in various forms and run to several 
volumes. The selections here given have not been deliberately 
picked out for the purpose of showing that the Kaiser has 
assumed the leadership of the war mania movement. It would 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 57 

have been impossible to have made any selection which would 
not have pointed in the same direction. 

The idea of war is ever in His' Majesty's mind, even when he is 
addressing himslf to purely pacific matters. The dove of peace 
is always mated with the German eagle. Hife Majesty cannot 
unveil a civid monmnent without referring to the military glory 
of his ancestors. He cannot address an educational conference 
without emphasizing that in his opinion the best kind of educa- 
tion is that which leads the youth of Germany to contemplate 
the military achievenfents' of their forefathers. He cannot pay 
a compliment to the ruler of another State without at the same 
time referring to the bravery and chivalry of the other mon- 
arch's military forces. He cannot even preach a sermon without 
referring to the military exploits of the ancient Hebrews; and 
he cannot even pray without calling upon the Lord of Hosts 
to lead the German army to victory." (30) 

The Kaiser set on foot the decoration of the "Avenue of 
Victory" at Berlin, drew up the general plan, and person- 
ally selected the artists who sculptured the various groups. 
At a dinner to which these artists were invited, the Kaiser 
said : 

"As I proclaimed on a former occasion, I, too, regard it as 
my mission, in conformity with the ideas of my parents, to 
stretch my hand over my German people and its rising genera- 
tion; to foster the beautiful; to develop art in the life of the 
people ; but only in fixed lines and within those strictly defined 
limits which are to be found in the sense of mankind for beauty 
and harmpny." (January, 1902.) (31) 

"The great ideals have become for us Germans a permanent 
possession, while other nations have more or less lost them. 
The German" nation is now the only people left which is called 
upon in the first place to protect and cultivate and promote 
these great ideals . . . ." (32) 

Speaking at a banquet of the Provincial Diet of Bran- 
denburg, in February, 1892, the Kaiser said: 



58 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"The firm conviction of your sympathy in my labours gives 
me renevced strength to persist in my work, and to press for- 
ward on the path which Heaven has laid out for me. I am 
helped thereto by my feeling of responsibility to the Ruler of 
All, and the firm' conviction- that He, our ally of Rossbach and 
Dennewitz, will not leave me in the lurch. He has given Him- 
self such endless trouble Avith our old Mark and with our House 
that we can assume that He has not done this for nothing. 

"The august figure of our great Emperor William the First, 
who has passed from among us, is always present with us, 
together with his mighty deeds. How were these accomplished ? 
Through the unshakable belief held by my grandfather in the 
mission intrusted to him by God, which he combined with an 
untiring zeal for duty. He was supported by the Mark and 
entire German Fatherland. Amid these traditions I have grown 
up and in them I was reared by him. I also have the game 
belief." (At the annual dinner of the Diet of Brandenberg, 
March, 1893.) (33) 

"May the might of Germany become as firm and as powerful 
as was once that of the Roman world-empire, so that in the 
future 'I am a German citizen' may be uttered with the same 
pride as was the ancient 'Civis Romanus sum." (Saltzburg, 
1900.) (34) 

It seems unnecessary to multiply evidence that the 
Kaiser has a form of megalomania that amounts to disease, 
or that he, unfortunately, in this respect, represents with 
fair accuracy, the present frame of mind — ^probably only 
temporary — of the German nation. 

But I shall add one additional bit of testimony, just at 
hand. It may be untrustworthy, but it has the earmarks 
of genuineness. 

An order issued by "Papa Wilhelm" to his troops in East 
Prussia is said (35) to read in part as follows: 

"Thanks to the valor of my heroes, France has been severely 
punished. Belgium, which interfered with our attack, has been 
added to the glorious provinces of Germany. From the course 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 59 

of militaiy events you know that the punitive expedition into 
Russia has also been a brilliant success. 

"My heroes, the hour of trial has n'ow come for you and 
for the whole of Germany. If Germany is dear to you — if 
your families are dear to you — if your culture, your faith, your 
nation, your Emperor, are dear to you, you will offer the 
enemy worthy resistance." 

I ask the reader to note the crescendo^ — from "Germany" 
through "families," "culture," "faith," and the "nation" 
up to the "Emperor!" Also the announced addition of 
Belgium to the "glorious provinces of Germany." 

The Kaiser may not have written this, hut, if he didn't, 
the author takes rank vi^ith Chatterton. There is a "con- 
densed novel" in those paragraphs worthy of Bret Harte 
or Leacock. 

But, after all, the question of the exact mental condi- 
tion of the Kaiser is not of fundamental importance. His 
power is unquestioned, his leadership indisputable. He 
stands to-day before the world as the embodiment of the 
spirit of the school of the Bernhardis and Treitschkes. He 
is the apotheosis of the Mlinsterberg idea of an Emperor 
as "the symbol of the State." 

The world believes that had he so willed this war would 
not have occurred. Whether his will to war was, how- 
ever indefensible and brutal, a sanely reasoned determina- 
tion, or the irresistible impulse of a mental defective the 
world may never know. As I have said, now it is not im- 
portant. 



CHAPTER 11. 

What is the Evidence as to the Events Immediately 

Leading up to the War in Their Relation to the 

Culpability of Germany? 

As I was trying to formulate my ideas in reply to 
this question, there appeared in the public press (36) a 
most illuminating and convincing article from the pen 
of one of the leaders of the American Bar, Mr. James M. 
Beck. He propounds, at the outset, three questions : Was 
Austria justified in declaring war against Servia? Was 
Grermany justified in declaring war against Euissia and 
France? Was England justified in declaring war against 
Germany ? 

He reviews in a masterly manner all .the official and 
documentary evidence now before the world, and assumes 
that it is to be presented to a "Supreme Court of Civiliza- 
tion" for consideration and judgment. 

In reply to the last of these questions he cites the solemn 
treaty of 1839, whereby Prussia, France, England, Austria 
and Eussia ^T^ecame the guarantors" of the "perpetual 
neutrality" of Belgium, which treaty was reaffirmed by 
Count Bismarck, then Chancellor of the German Empire, 
on July 23, 1870, and even more recently (1913) by the 
German Secretary of State, who said in the Reichstag : 

"The neutrality of Belgium is determined by international 
conventions, and QermoMy is resolved to respect these conven- 
tiorts." 

To confirm this solemn assurance, the Minister of War 
added in the same debate : 

(60) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 61 

"Belgium does not play any part in the justification of the 
German scheme of military reorganization. The scheme is 
justified by the position of matters in the East. Germamf will 
not lose sight of the fact that Belgium neutrality is guaranteed 
"by international treaties." 

A year later, on July 31, 1914, Herr von Buelow, the 
German Minister at Brussels, assured the Belgian Depart- 
ment of State that he knew of a declaration which the 
German Chancellor had made in 1911 to the effect "that 
Germany had no intention of violating our (Belgium's) 
neutrality," and "that he was certain that the sentiments 
to which expression was given at that time had not 
changed" (See Belgian "Gray Book," Nos. 11 and 12.) 

Mr. Beck says it seems unnecessary to discuss the wanton 
disregard of these solemn obligations and protestations, 
when the present Chancellor of the German Empire, in his 
speech to the Eeichstag and to the world on August 4, 1914, 
frankly admitted that the action of the German military 
machine in invading Belgium was a wrong. He said : 

"We are now in a state of necessity, and necessity knows no 
law. Our troops have occupied Luxemburg and perhaps are 
already on Belgian soil. Gentlemen, that is contrary to the 
dictates of international law. . . . The wrong — I speak 
openly — that we are committing we will endeavor to make good 
as soon as our military goal has been reached. Anybody who 
is threatened as we are threatened, and is fighting for his 
highest possessions, can only have one thought — how he is to 
hack his way through." 

Mr. Beck might have added that by this same treaty 
Belgium had pledged herself to resist any violation of her 
neutrality, and that it was not only her right but her duty 
to bar the way to the march of Germany's legions across the 
land. Mr. Beck continues as to the German Chancellor's 



62 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

**defence" by saying that it is not even a plea of confession 
and avoidance. It is a plea of "Guilty" at the bar of the 
world. It has one merit — that it does not add to the crime 
the aggravation of hypocrisy. It virtually rests the case of 
Germany upon the Gospel of Treitschke and Bernhardi, 
which was taught far more effectively by Machiavelli in his 
treatise, "The Prince," wherein he glorified the policy of 
Cesare Borgia in trampling the weaker States of Italy 
under foot by ruthless terrorism, unbridled ferocity and 
the basest deception. The wanton destruction of Belgium 
is simply Borgiaism amplified ten thousand fold by the 
mechanical resources of modern war. 

As to this point, Mr. Beck concludes that unless our 
boasted civilization is the thinnest veneering of barbarism ; 
unless the law of the world is in fact only the ethics of the 
rifle and the conscience of the cannon; unless mankind 
after uncounted centuries has made no real advance in 
political morality beyond that of the cave dweller, then this 
answer of Germany fails to show a "decent respect to the 
opinions of mankind." Germany's contention that a treaty 
of peace is "a scrap of paper," to be disregarded at will when 
required by the selfish interests of one contracting party, 
is the negation of all that civilization stands for. 

"Belgium has been crucified in the face of the world. Its 
innocence of any offense, until it was attacked, is too clear for 
argument. Its voluntary immolation to preserve its solemn 
guarantee of neutrality will 'plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, 
against the deep damnation of its taking off.' On that issue 
the Supreme Court could have no ground for doubt or hesita- 
tion. Its judgment would be speedy and inexorable." 

Mr. Beck then goes on to discuss the evidence offered to 
the public in the British and German "White Papers" and 
the "Eussian Orange Paper," and asks what verdict an 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAB 63 

impartial and dispassionate court would render upon the 
issues thus raised and the evidence thus submitted. He 
eays : 

"Primarily such a court would be deeply impressed, not only 
by what the record as thus made up discloses, but also hy the 
significant omissions of documents knoivn to he in existence. 

"The official defense of England and Russia does not appa- 
rently sihow any failure on the part of either to submit all of 
the documents in their possession, tut the German 'White 
Paper' on its faoe diiscloses the suppression of documents of 
vital importance, while Austria has as yet failed to submit 
any of the documentary evidence in its possession. 

"We know from the German 'White Paper' — even if we 
did not conclude as a matter of irresistible inference — ^that 
many important communications passed in this crisis between 
Germany and Austria, and it is probable that some communica- 
tions must also have passed between those two countries and 
Italy. Italy, despite its embarrassing position, owes to the 
world the duty of a full disclosure. What such disclosure 
would probably show is indicated by her deliberate conclusion 
that her allies had commenced an aggressive war, which released 
her from any obligation under the Triple Alliance." 

His conclusion as to this point is that until Germany is 
willing to put in evidence the most important documents in 
its possession, it must not be surprised that the world, 
remembering Bismarck's garbling of the Ems dispatch, 
which precipitated the Franco-Prussian war, will be incred- 
ulous as to the sincerity of Germany's mediatory efforts. 

He then reviews the entire diplomatic correspondence, as 
published, repeatedly calling attention to the absence of im- 
portant documents from the German and Austrian records. 
He finds that those two nations were guilty, not only of con- 
cealment or suppression of portions of the record, while 
Germany was pretending to lay its case unreservedly before 
the world, but that they were "diplomatic pettifoggers" 
who took a "colossal snap judgment"; that the German 



64 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

Secretary of State was guilty of a "plain evasion" ; the Ger- 
man Imperial Chancellor of a "pitiful and insincere 
quibble"; of "hypocrisy," of "arrogance" and "unreason- 
ableness." Of one contention of the German Secretary of 
State, that Austria might act in disregard of Germany's 
wish in a matter of common concern, he says : 

"This strains human credulity to the breaking point. Did 
the German Secretary of State keep up a straight face when 
he uttered this sardonic pleasantry? It may be the duty of a 
diplomat to lie on occasion, but is it ever necessary to utter 
such a stupid falsehood? The German Secretary of State sar- 
donically added in the same conversation, that he was not sure 
that the effort for peace had not hastened the declaration of 
war; as though the declaration of war against Servia had not 
been planned and expected from the first." 

Mr. Beck does not fail to call attention to the fact that — 

"In reaching its conclusion our imaginary court would pay 
little attention to mere professions of a desire for peace. . . ." 

"No war in modern times has been begun without the 
aggressor pretending that his nation wished nothing but peace, 
and invoking Divine aid for its murderous policy. To para- 
phrase the words of Lady Teazle on a noted occasion, when Sir 
Joseph Surface talked much of 'honor,' it might be as well in 
such instances to leave the name of God out of the question." 

The Judgment of the Court he says would be unhesitat- 
ingly as follows : 

"1. That Germany and Austria in a time of profound peace 
secretly concerted together to impose their will upon Europe and 
upon Servia in a matter affecting the balance of power in Europe. 
Whether in so doing they intended to precipitate a European 
war to determine the mastery of Europe is not satisfactorily 
established, although their whole course of conduct suggests 
this as a possibility. They made war almost inevitable by 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 65 

(a) issuing an ultimatum that was grossly unreasonable and 
disproportionate to any grievance that Austria had, and (b) in 
giving to Servia, and Europe, insufficient time to consider the 
rights and obligations of all interested nations. 

"2, That Grermany had at all times the povrer to compel 
Austria to preserve a reasonable and conciliatory course, but 
at no time eiffectively exerted that influence. On. the contrary, 
she certainly abetted, and possibly instigated, Aiistria in its 
unreasonable course. 

"3. That England, France, Italy and Russia at all timea 
sincerely worked for peace, and for this purpose not only over- 
looked the original misconduct of Austria, but made every 
reasonable concession in the hope of preserving peace. 

"4. That Austria, having mobilized its army, Russia was 
reasonably justified in mobilizing its forces. Such act of 
mobilization was the right of any sovereign State, and as long 
as the Russian armies did not cross the border or take any 
aggressive action no other nation had any just right to com- 
plain, each having the same right to make similar preparations. 

"5. That Germany, in abruptly declaring war against Russia 
for failure to demobilize when the other Powers had offered to 
make any reasonable concession and peace parleys were still 
in progress, precipitated the war." 

He adds that — 

"The Grerman nation has been plunged into this abyss by 
its scheming statesmen and its self-centered and highly neurotic 
Kaiser, who in the twentieth century sincerely believes that he 
is the proxy of Almighty God on earth, and therefore infal- 
lible." 

Since his article appeared, another labored defence of 
Germany has been sent to America, and, fathered by Dr. 
Bernhard Dernburg, at one time the German Colonial Sec- 
retary, and said to be "now Germany's most conspicuous 
advocate in the United States," has been given to the 
American press. It still further illustrates many of the 



66 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

points already made. For example, it speaks again of the 
mythical French attack upon Germany across Belgium, 
resting the assertion "upon absolutely unimpeachable infor- 
mation," which it does not give. Such attempts as have 
been made to sustain this eleventh-hour defence are, so far 
as I have seen, like many of those in the German "White 
Paper," based on similarly vague and unsupported state- 
ments. The whole effort in this last lengthy and involved 
document is to try to show that Eussia is "responsible for 
the war," that England "was fully cognizant of this fact," 
and that the latter's "claim that she entered this war solely 
as the protector of small nations is a fable." 

So far as I know, no such claim has been made by Eng- 
land. The word "solely" is interpolated to make the Ger- 
man case stronger. In fact, in the reply by the English 
professors and men of science to the learned men of Ger- 
many responsible for "The Truth About Germany" (page 
251), the former say with emphasis: 

"Great Britain, together with France, Russia, Prussia and 
Austria, had solemnly guaranteed the neutrality of Belgium. 
In the preservation of this neutrality our deepest sentiments 
and our most vital interests are alike involved. Its violation 
would not only shatter the independence of Belgium itself; it 
would undermine the whole basis which render* possible the 
neutrality of any State and the very existence of such States as 
are weaker, much weaker, than their neighbors. We acted in 
1914 just as we acted in 1870." 

But if the claim had been made, it would have had 
greater inherent probability and would be far more 
strongly upheld and substantiated by the admitted facts 
than is this last absurd effort to represent Germany as 
resisting "with quiet politeness" a demand, "as a price of 
British neutrality" to consent to her own "humiliation" 
and "retirement from the position of a Great Power." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 67 

Is it likely that a nation — or two nations — obviously, as 
events have shown, unprepared for immediate war would 
have made such a demand upon the greatest military 
power the world has ever seen, at a time when, as events 
have also shown, she was ready to the last apparently petty 
detail to challenge, if need be. United Europe? Does not 
every intelligent person in the world know that her early 
successes, on the offensive, were due to this very prepared- 
ness, which her opponents could at the time but feebly 
imitate ? And since then, in her remarkable defensive cam- 
paign, was not her temporary safety assured by these same 
preparations, so complete last August that it is scarcely 
conceivable that they could have been bettered by or through 
delay ? 

But even in this paper the same clumsy confusion 
between "Might" and "Eight," which has put Germany on 
the defensive before the civilized world is once more shown. 
I wish I had space to quote in full that part of this 
"Eeview of Official War-Papers." It speaks of the "heavy 
heart" with which Germany, "following the law of self- 
preservation," "decided to violate the neutrality of Bel- 
gium." It says that after England had informed the 
Belgians — as by solemn contract and by every law of honor 
and decency she was bound to do — ^that she would support 
them in case "Germany applied pressure to induce them to 
depart from neutrality" — England's own words — "Belgian 
fanaticism broke loose against Germany." 

Can Americans read with any patience the German 
expressions of ex post facto regret — the hypocritical assump- 
tion that they are discharging a sacred duty ? 

"By nobody," says the Kolnisehe Zeitung (close to the Berlin 
authorities ) , "is the fate of Belgium, the burning down of every 
building, the destruction of Louvain, so deeply deplored as by 



68 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

the German people and our brave troops, who felt bound to 
carry out to the bitter end the chastisement they were compelled 
to inflict." 

Every burglar who, — caught red-handed and resisted, — > 
added murder to his other crimes, might with equal force 
"deeply deplore" the "necessity" that "compelled" him to 
"inflict chastisement/' 

It is nauseating. 

And through it all outcrops at all sorts of malapropos 
times their insufferable self-appreciation. 

"We, however," says the Berlin Tageszeitung, "do not need 
to regard the public opinion of the world. In the last instance 
the German people, united with the Emperor, are alone com- 
petent to decide the correctness of Germany's course." 

The plea of "necessity" constantly recurs in the Grerman 
apologiae, and was symbolized and summarized by Gerhart 
Hauptmann, the German dramatist, in his reply to an 
appeal from the Frenchman, Eomain Eolland, author of 
"Jean Christophe": 

"Our jealous enemies forged an iron ring aroxmd our breast 
and we knew our breast had to expand, that it had to split 
asunder this ring, or else we had to cease breathing." 

Translated into plain English, dear reader, this is as 
if your neighbor Schmidt, his family having somewhat 
outgrown the modest residence in which he began house- 
keeping, had called God to witness that in the Holy name 
of Family it was necessary for him to take your house and 
that of his other neighbor Claretie (and some of your out- 
lying farms), and that it was also necessary (under God's 
guidance) to get at you through the property of a third 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 69 

neighbor, Vandervelde, which property, as the latter 
objected and resisted, it was further necessary to bum and 
destroy together with many of Vandervelde's children and 
his wife. 

In reply to these various German attempts to establish 
the righteousness of their cause by the plea of necessity 
for more room, and to their charges that Great Britain, 
having all she needs, is meanly and falsely trying to shut 
out the Teutons, Mr. Powys writes: (37) 

"How are we to suppose that Anglo-Saxon authorities would 
answer the charge of hypocrisy and disingenuousness ? I fancy 
they would claim — at any rate we may now be allowed to 
claim for them — ^that, quite obviously, the events of the past 
cannot be changed. By whatever means the Anglo-Saxon got 
possession of so vast a portion of the world's surface, he has 
got possession of it, and now holds it firmly. His apologists 
would doubtless add that not only does he hold it firmly, but 
he holds it wisely and liberally; he holds it, in fact, with as 
much regard for the liberty and local traditions of the peoples 
involved as is compatible with holding it at all. But the fact 
that the events of the past have enabled him to secure all these 
spoils ought not to be made a reason for the perpetual con- 
tinuation of the struggle. He has secured them. That is the 
end of it. If the Germans had been equally favored by oppor- 
tunity and chance they would have secured them. But as 
things are now, the past cannot be changed. And evolution 
must go forward. And such evolution, forcing life up to a 
different sort of struggle upon a different sort of plane, must 
be allowed free play for new valuations and new moral stand- 
ards." 

Chesterton has well summed up the German ethics. 
They have been told by their politicians that all arrange- 
ments dissolve before "necessity." That is the importance 
of the German Chancellor's phrase, excusing and explaining 
the violation of the neutrality of Belgium: "We are now 



70 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

in a state of necessity and necessity knows no law." He 
did not allege some special excuse in the case of Belgium, 
which might make it an exception to the rule. He dis- 
tinctly argued, as on a principle applicable to other cases, 
that victory was a necessity and honor was a scrap of paper. 

"The Prussians had made a new discovery," says Chesterton, 
"in international politics — that it may often be convenient to 
make a promise and yet curiously inconvenient to keep it. 
. . . They, therefore, promised England a promise on con- 
dition that she broke a promise and on the implied condition 
that the new promise might be broken as easily as the old one." 

This, after all, well summarizes an important part of 
the German "diplomacy." 

To return to Mr. Beck's paper, I beg to say finally that 
I have quoted some of his conclusions without his argu- 
ments, because, while the latter were incapable of satis- 
factory condensation, within my limits, I wanted to call 
particular attention to the impression made on the highly 
trained mind of one representative American by the docu- 
ments on which the German and German-American special 
pleaders largely rest their case. 

The responsiblity for the war seems likely to be a per- 
ennial subject of discussion, but every new fact disclosed 
tends to fix it more and more clearly upon Germany. 
Eecently (38), the former Premier of Italy, Giovanni 
Giolitti, in a speech to the Italian Parliament, revealed an 
episode of a year ago last August which had a bearing on 
the present war. He said that : 

"In August, 1913, Austria notified the Italian Grovernment 
by telegram that she intended to make war on Servia; and 
at that time, in response to Austria's inquiry about Italy's atti- 
tude, he, as Prime Minister, and the then Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, the Marquis di San Giuliano, agreed in telling Austria 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 71 

that, as such a war would be a war of aggression and not of 
defense, Italy would not be bound by the Triple Alliance to 
aid Austria, and would therefore remain neutral. 'It is neces- 
sary to declare this to Austria in the most formal manner,' said 
Signor Giolitti to the Foreign Minister at that time, 'hoping 
that Germany will act to dissuade Austria from a very 
dangerous adventure.' This interpretation of the Triple Alli- 
ance, Signor Giolitti explained to the Italian Parliament, was 
accepted by Germany and Austria. The statement is not only 
important as confirming the general opinion expressed before the 
war that Italy would not aid the other two members of the 
Triple Alliance in aggressive warfare, but is also significant as 
evidence of Austria's and Germany's plans that will help to 
sustain the verdict already reached by neutral peoples concern- 
ing the responsibility for this war." 

Here again it seems fruitless to continue to adduce evi- 
dence — it would be only cumulative. To Americans who 
care to pursue it further I would recommend two works: 
Mr. Beck's "The Evidence in the Case" and Dr. Dillon's 
"A Scrap of Paper, the Inner History of German Diplo- 
macy." 

In the former, Mr. Beck has summed up in his usual 
masterly way the morals of the situation and has drawn 
an illuminating comparison between what might happen to 
us and what has happened to Belgium. 

"If, however, there had been no Hague Convention and no 
Treaty of 1839, and if Germany, England and Fraiice had never 
entered into reciprocal obligations in the event of war to respect 
Belgium's neutrality, nevertheless upon the broadest considera- 
tions of international law the invasion without its consent 
would be without any justification whatever. 

"It is a fundamental axiom of international law that each 
nation is the sole and exclusive judge of the conditions under 
which it will permit an alien to cross its frontiers. Its terri- 
tory is sacrosanct. No nation can invade the territory of 
another without its consent. To do so by compulsion is aji act 



72 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

of war. Each nation's land is its castle of asylum and defense. 
This fundamental right of Belgium should not be confused or 
obscured by balancing the subordinate equities between France, 
Germany and England with respect to their formal treaty obli- 
gations. 

"Belgium's case has thus been weakened in the forum of 
public opinion by too insistent reference to the special treaties. 
The right of Belgium and of its citizens as individuals, to be 
secure in their possessions rests upon the sure foundation of 
inalienable right and is guarded by the immutable principle of 
moral law, 'Thou shalt not steal.' It was well said by Alex- 
ander Hamilton : 

" 'The sacred rights of man are not to be searched for in old 
parchments and musty records; they are written as with a 
sunbeam in the whole volume of human nature by the hand of 
Divinity itself and can never be erased by mortal power.' 

"This truth can be illustrated by an imaginary instance. Let 
us suppose that the armies of the Kaiser had made the progress 
which they so confidently anticipated, and had not simply cap- 
tured Paris, but had also invaded England, and that, in an 
attempt to crush the British Empire, the German General Staff 
planned an invasion of Canada. Let us further suppose that 
Germany thereupon served upon the United States such an 
arrogant demand as it made upon Belgium, requiring the 
United States to permit it to land an army in New York, with 
the accompanying assurance that neither its territory nor inde- 
pendence would be injured, and that Gtermany would gener- 
ously reimburse it for any damage. 

"Let us further suppose — and it is not a very fanciful sup- 
position — that the United States would reply to the German 
demand that under no circumstances should a German force be 
landed in New York or its territory be used as a base of hos- 
tile operations against Canada. To carry out the analogy in 
all its details, let us then suppose that the German fleet should 
land an army in the city of New York, arrest its Mayor, and 
check the first attempt of its outraged inhabitants to defend 
the city by demolishing the Cathedral, the Metropolitan Art 
Gallery, the City Hall and other structures, and shooting down 
remorselessly large numbers of citizens, because a few non-com- 
batants had not accepted the invasion with due humility. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 73 

"Although Germany had not entered into any treaty to re- 
spect the territory of the United States, no one would seriously 
contend that Grermany would be justified in such an invasion." 

And in still another American book (39), Mr. Oswald 
Garrison Villard calls attention to a point which has hith- 
erto escaped most of the controversialists : 

"It would also not be amiss for those Germans who ponder 
over the failure of the neutral nations to sympathize with Ger- 
many, to read once more the telegram of the Kaiser to the 
King of England, of August 1, 1914, in which the Kaiser says: 
'The troops on my frontier are in the act of being stopped by 
telegraph and telephone from crossing into France.' The sig- 
nificance of this to American readers lies in the Kaiser's 
astounding admission that mobilization against France meant 
immediate invasion of France iefore any declaration of war. 
Had this fact been publicly known or really tmderstood in 
Germany, it ought surely to have prevented the repeated asser- 
tions that France began the war by sending her aviators over 
German territory, by the entrance of armed patrols, a sudden 
attaelc in Lorraine, etc. For it is evident from the Kaiser's 
own words that long-prepared orders to invade French soil sent 
some of his troops onto it the instant the first order to mobilize 
appeared. Whether those troops did any damage or not, or 
reached French territory or not, before war was declared, is 
unimportant. The intent to rush right onto French soil before 
peace was officially ended is here admitted. It is thoroughly 
in keeping with the conversation of General von Moltke, in 
May, 1913, reported by the French ambassador to Berlin, that 
'we (the Germans) must begin war loithout waiting, in order 
brutally to crush all resistance.' This has been denied in Ger- 
many, but it is in keeping with the attitude of leading mili- 
tarists, and was, perhaps, one of the bits of evidence that led 
Italy to reject outright Germany's claim that Italy must come 
to her aid because she had been attacked. At any rate, the 
German propagandists who seek to conquer hostile American 
opinion must find some way of getting around the Kaiser's 
despatch. Its revelation of what German mobilization really 



74 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

meant does, however, in some degree explain why it was that 
the Kaiser and his military associates were so alarmed by the 
mere fact of Bussian mobilization." 



CHAPTEE III. 

What Has Been the Attitude of the German Apologists in 
Relation to Belgium Since the Violation of Neutrality? 

Professor Weber, of Kiel, said to be "very close to Prince 
Henry of Prussia and the HohenzoUern family, writes to 
an American friend :" (40) 

"It has been proved with certainty that Belgium had already 
entered into agreements with France long before the war to 
permit the passage of hostile troops through Belgium, perhaps 
even to take the field with them against us. 

"By this means Belgium had already surrendered her neu- 
trality and had actually taken a stand with our enemies. That 
we with one bold blow should dare to take the Belgium fortress 
is, therefore, easy to understand. We have been far too lenient 
in that we wished to give back to the Belgians their land im- 
harmed after the fall of Liege. 

"Since the Belgians were so deceived as not to accept this 
magnanimous offer, they must bitterly atone for it." 

As usual, nothing worthy of being called "proof" has 
been adduced in support of this statement, and admiration 
for the "magnanimity" which led Germany to offer to give 
back to the Belgians their own land must be withheld. 

Dr. Herman Hilprecht says that the Belgian Government 
"stubbornly declined the German proposition" — ^to allow 
the latter to violate the treaty of neutrality — and then 
attempts to justify fully and without reservation the subse- 
quent over-running of Belgium and the pillage and destruc- 
tion of Louvain. (41) 

Much precisely similar testimony might be adduced, 

(75) 



76 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

chiefly from German-American sources, and would amply 
suffice to show the mistake of the American writer who 
said: (42) 

"The government of Germany has announced that "the occu- 
pation of Belgium is now virtually complete'; and the people 
of the empire are celebrating the achievement with pride and 
exultation. Thus is closed one of the bloodiest chapters in the 
war — and one of the darkest chapters in the records of inter- 
national dishonor. 

"No matter what horrors may await the world in the un- 
folding of the dreadful conflict, none can exceed in poignant 
tragedy the fate of this devoted people. From the time of 
Caesar the bravery and the dauntless independence of the Bel- 
gians have been celebrated by historians and sung by poets. 
And now these high qualities have inspired a supreme demon- 
stration of heroism and sacrifice which makes all humanity the 
debtor of the martyred nation. 

"This is the one phase of the war which can be discussed 
almost without raising controversy. Upon the issues of Prus- 
sian policy, French hatred, British jealousy and Russian plot- 
ting, advocates on either side wax furiously eloquent and raise 
questions which their opponents are taxed to answer. 

"But upon the hideous wrong perpetrated upon Belgium, the 
most ruthless devotee of militarism, the most fanatical expo- 
nent of imperialistic destiny and the rights of 'culture,' must 
take refuge in silence or falter out feeble extenuation. The 
facts of history, the records of diplomacy and the principles of 
international justice converge here to denounce an act unpar- 
alleled in its cruelty and perfidy." 

Unfortunately, since this was written, the imperialistic 
and "cultured" fanatics have shown that they have no idea 
of taking refuge in silence, but fatuously believe that they 
can impose upon a thinking and reasoning world a view 
that it has already contemptuously and with practical 
unanimity rejected. 

The same writer gives a brief outline of the case (from 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 1^)1 

a slightly different standpoint from that of Mr, Beck), 
brings it down to date, and continues: 

"This [the treaty of 1839, etc., see pp. 80-82] was the record 
upon which Belgium stood when the troops of the Kaiser 
crossed her frontiers on August 2 last. The German govern- 
ment, having already violated the territory of Luxemburg, de- 
manded passage for its forces through the country whose in- 
tegrity it was sworn to honor and protect. With unblushing 
effrontery it called this demand a request for 'friendly neu- 
trality,' and declared that in case of opposition Germany would 
'consider Belgium as an enemy.' 

"There was here a double crime. Germany not only foreswore 
her own covenant, but undertook to penalize Belgium for ob- 
serving that country's solemn obligation; for, of course, consent 
by Belgium to the free passage of the Kaiser's forces would 
have been a repudiation of the treaty by Belgium and tanta- 
mount to an act of war against France. 

"Apologists for the invasion have attempted to set up two 
defences. The first is that France was preparing to violate 
the treaty, and that Germany simply forestalled her. Fortu- 
' nately, there are records which utterly disprove this pretense. 
After Germany's ultimatum, France offered the services of five 
army corps to Belgium to defend her neutrality. The answer 
was: 

" 'We are sincerely grateful to the French government for 
offering eventual support. In the actual circumstances, how- 
ever, we do not propose to appeal to the guarantee of the 
Powers. The Belgian government will decide later on the action 
which they may think it necessary to take.' 

"Belgium preferred to make her first appeal to Germany's 
sense of honor, and, when that failed, to the heroic resistance 
of a wronged people. And France was so ill-prepared for the 
invasion which Germany says she plotted that ten days elapsed 
before she had her forces in the neutral territory. 

"The second excuse offered in ex post facto palliation of the 
offense is that in the Belgian archives Germany has fovmd des- 
patches showing that in 1906 the British military attache and 
the Belgian General Staff discussed tentatively plans for landing 
a British force to defend Belgian neutrality if it were attacked 



78 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

It shows the desperate nature of the German case when this 
incident is cited to justify a brutal invasion. 

"The arrangement for giving help to Belgium, if needed, was 
discussed at the time Germany had thrust herself to the verge 
of war with France over Morocco; and the proposal of Great 
Britain to defend the neutrality of Belgium, as she was bound 
to do, was as creditable as Germany's violation of that neu- 
trality was dishonorable, 

"All the eloquence and sophistries of the professors^ poets, 
and psychologists advocating the German cause cannot remove 
the black stain of this deed. The facts are irrefutable, and the 
proof of guilt inexorable." 

Doctor Bernhard Dernburg has made perhaps the most 
elaborate of the arguments in defense of the violation of 
Belgium's neutrality. He begins with a series of counter- 
charges, as follows : England has broken treaties. England 
has encouraged Portugal to break "a, treaty of peace and 
amity" with Germany. England has "solicited" the sever- 
ing of the Triple Alliance, i. e., has tried to prevent Italy 
from fighting by the side of her bitter and hereditary enemy, 
Austria. Japan broke a Japanese-Chinese treaty. Finally, 
the United States Supreme Court said in 1889 that, under 
certain circumstances, treaty stipulations might, in the 
interest of the country, be disregarded. This judgment 
was handed down when the Chinese were excluded from th6 
United States. 

Much has happened in the quarter of a century since 
1889, but there was not then, and is not now, any just basis 
of comparison between a modification or abrogation of a 
treaty concerning immigration, and the brutal rape and 
pillage of a whole country because of its insistence upon 
the most elementary of human rights. 

The fundamental point seems to be this : A treaty 
between two or more countries concerning matters of 
internal administration may be the subject of change under 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 79 

changed conditions, or may be abrogated, and such change 
or abrogation may or may not be considered a casus belli. 
Furthermore, such a treaty may have to be broken in time 
of war under the law of imperative necessity (now appealed 
to by the Germans), and the degree of wrong involved in 
such infraction can be determined only by the circum- 
stances of the particular case. 

But a treaty concerning "neutrality/' in which the 
interests of five nations are involved, and by which, long 
in advance of war, each signatory binds itself not to acquire 
any advantage dependent upon the non-observance of such 
neutrality in time of war, is obviously made with particular 
reference to war and to war conditions. 

The nation that disregards such a treaty, that repudiates 
for its own interests such an obligation, is, as Mr. Fraley 
has said (p. 90), like the person who cheats at cards. It 
should be regarded as outside the pale of civilized inter- 
course. 

Doctor Dernburg's further claim as to Belgium is that 
the Treaty of 1839, which secured Belgium's independence, 
was no longer binding, because in 1870 new treaties were 
negotiated between England and France, and England and 
the North German Federation (August 9 and 26, 1870), 
guaranteeing Belgium's neutrality "for the duration of the 
war and for one year thereafter." Accordingly, he says, 
the treaty between Belgium and the Forth German Fed- 
eration came to an end in May, 1873. 

This matter is of vital importance in the argument. If 
Doctor Dernburg's claim is admitted, it would afford a 
technical excuse for Germany's treatment of Belgium. I 
do not believe that in the opinion of this country, or of the 
world, a dozen such technical excuses would suffice to win 
for Germany a pardon for her ruthless invasion. But the 
claim, of course, required examination on its merits. Fur- 



80 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

thermore, it afforded a test of Doctor Dernburg's veracity, 
which I was glad to apply. It is, therefore, of twofold 
eignificance. 

It will be well to repeat here Doctor Demburg's exact 
language: (43) 

"When the war broke out there was no enforceable treaty in 
existence to which Germany was a party. Originally, in 1839, 
a treaty was concluded, providing for such neutrality. In 1866 
France demanded of Prussia the right to take possession of 
Belgium, and the written French offer was made known by 
Bismarck in July, 1870. Then England demanded and obtained 
separate treaties with France, and with the North German Fed- 
eration, to the effect that they should respect Belgium's neu- 
trality, and such treaties were signed on the 9th and 26th of 
August, 1870, respectively. According to them both countries 
guaranteed Belgium's neutrality for the duration of the war 
and for one year thereafter. The war came to an end with the 
Frankfurt peace in 1871, and the treaty between Belgium and 
the North German Federation expired in May, 1872." 

Before examining into the truthfulness and force of this 
presentation of the case, it would be well to notice that 
Doctor Dernburg proceeded in his attempt to sustain it by 
rewriting for the German Chancellor his speech of August 
4, 1914, in which the Chancellor said to the Beichstag that 
the invasion of Belgium was "contrary to the dictates of 
international, law," and was "wrong." The fatal frankness 
of these words compelled their dexterous apologist to trans- 
late them afresh into modified terms for the benefit of 
Americans. As softened for our ears, they read thus : "The 
neutrality of Belgium could not be respected, and we were 
sincerely sorry that Belgium, a country that, in fact, had 
nothing to do with the question at issue, and might wish 
to stay neutral, had to be overrun." 

If Doctor Dernburg has the only correct report of this 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 81 

celebrated and incriminating speeeli, why has he withheld 
it until now, in order to confide it tardily to a waiting 
world ? 

I asked: What do the words "perpetual neutrality" 
mean in the Treaty of 1839 ? "\^Tien was that treaty abro- 
gated? Surely Doctor Dernburg knows that the negotia- 
tion of new treaties does not necessarily mean the abroga- 
tion of existing ones. Bismarck himself recognized this 
fact when, on July 22, 1870, he wrote to the Belgian Min- 
ister in Berlin: 

"In confirmation of my verbal assurances, I have the honor 
to give in writing a declaration which, in view of the treaties 
in force, is quite superfluous, that the Confederation of the 
North and its Allies will respect the neutrality of Belgium, 
on the understanding, of course, that it is respected by the 
other belligerent." 

I argued that if no treaty had been in existence since 
May, 1872 (which is the idea Doctor Dernburg is endeavor- 
ing to convey), why did the German Secretary of State say 
in the Eeichstag in 1913, "The neutrality of Belgium is 
determined iy international conventions^ and Germany is 
resolved to respect these conventions"? 

Why did the German Minister of War say in the same 
debate: "Germany will not lose sight of the fact that 
Belgium's neutrality is guxiranteed hy international 
treaties"? 

Why, on July 31, 1914, did the German Minister at Brus- 
sels assure ''the Belgian Department of State that he knew 
of a declaration which the German Chancellor had made 
in 1911 to the effect "that Germany had no intention of 
violating our" (Belgium's) "neutrality" and "that he was 
certain that the sentiments to which expression was given 
at that time had not changed" ? 



82 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Why on August 4, 1914, did the German Foreign Secre- 
tary, after wiring the Ambassador in London of a mythical 
French attack across Belgium, go on to say : "Oermany had 
consequently to disregard Belgian neutrality"? How 
foolish! He should have communicated with Dernburg, 
and learned that Belgian neutrality died of inanition in 
May, 1873. What were we to think of Imperial Chancellors 
and Foreign Secretaries who were unfamiliar with so im- 
portant a fact, known all the while by an ex-colonial secre- 
tary? 

But these were theoretical arguments. It seemed worth 
while to look into the facts. Doctor Dernburg had — ^incau- 
tiously, it seems — supplied the dates. 

The Nouveau Becueil General de Traites (Vol. XIX, 
1874, pp. 591-593) gives the text of the treaties Doctor 
Dernburg quotes. They were, as he says, signed on August 
9, and ratified on August 26, 1870. The expressions used 
in the treaty between Prussia and Great Britain, and in 
that between France and Great Britain are identical. Both 
treaties are "to maintain the independence and the neu- 
trality of Belgium." 

In both the penultimate article (Article 3) is the one 
quoted by Doctor Dernburg. It reads as follows : 

"Art. 3. This treaty shall be binding on the High Contract- 
ing Parties during the continuance of the present war between 
North German Confederation and France, and for 12 months 
after the ratification of any treaty of j)eace concluded between 
those parties; and on the expiration of that time the independ- 
ence and neutrality of Belgium will, so far a^ the High Con- 
tracting Parties are respectively concerned, continue to rest as 
heretofore on the first article of the Quintuple Treaty of the 
19th of April, 1839." 

I have italicised tKe part deliberately omitted by Doctor 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 83 

Dernburg, a part not eveu separated from the rest of tlie 
article by a period ; a part at least as essential and as im- 
portant to the full significance of the agreement as the part 
he quoted; biit a part which, unfortunately for Doctor 
Dernburg, absolutely destroyed and nullified his contention 
that, because of the one-year clause, no treaty obligation 
in the case of Belgium has existed since 1873. He has left 
himself no room to deny his purpose because in the very 
next sentence he says : 

"Why the new treaties, if the old one held good? The Im- 
perial Chancellor has been continuously misrepresented as ad- 
mitting that in the case of Belgium a treaty obligation was 
broken." 

We have already seen that to bolster up this contention — 
that the Chancellor had been "misrepresented" — he has 
rewritten the Chancellor's speech. But that he should 
venture to publish that part of an article of a treaty which, 
taken from its context, seemed to support his argument, 
and suppress the portion — the last half of the same para- 
graph — which absolutely invalidated his argument, was, 
we confess, a surprise. 

Is it possible henceforth to place any reliance upon the 
statements of a writer who is capable of so glaringly mis- 
quoting an official document? 

He might as well have rewritten Article III of that treaty 
to suit the purposes of his argument, just as he does seem 
to have rewritten the Chancellor's speech, and Germany's 
message to our State Department {vide infra). 

Doctor Dernberg has provided for himself a back door of 
retreat in reply to any such frontal attack, by saying that 
"when the war broke out, there was no enforceable treaty 
in existence.'' This is, alas, only too true, but it is about 
the only scintilla of truth in his whole misleading, sophis- 



84 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

tical, disingenuous and untrustworthy argument. As its 
writer elects to call himself a "guest" of this country — on 
whose invitation he neglects to say — the dictates of hospi- 
tality prevent me from applying to his statements a more 
fitting and more concise term. 

Dernburg took occasion at the same time to reiterate the 
old, old boast as to the glories of German civilization, 
which the events of the last few months should silence for- 
ever on men's tongues. What is civilization? Is it, as 
Doctor Dernburg seems to think, a matter of technical 
schools and electrical apparatus? Is it making cheaper 
stockings than the rest of the world ? Assuredly, no ! It is 
primarily a matter of conduct. It is an understanding of 
honor and of integrity. It is a recognition of the rights 
of others. The Eoman civilization was not a mere matter of 
good roads, good bridges and good aqueducts, though these 
things were built well. It did not rest on conquest or 
on eonunerce. "What Eome gave and secured," says Mr. 
Chamberlain, ^Vas a life morally worthy of man." Ger- 
many's campaign in Belgium — and the more that is said 
in defense of this great wrong, the blacker does it appear^ — 
is an affront to honor, a deathblow to integrity, a denial of 
just rights. It is a triumphant exposition of brute force ; of 
a life morally worthy of no man. It is a rejection of civili- 
zation, and of all that civilization implies. It is an abrupt 
return to savage and elemental conditions. 

What wonder that, knowing themselves forsworn, the 
Germans should strive to cast the guilt of their perfidy on 
Belgium's shoulders ! What wonder that, knowing them- 
selves to be unprincipled aggressors, they should have the 
hardihood to say that Belgium plotted against the peace 
of Europe ! There is no hatred so deep as that which we 
bear to the man we have wronged. There is no sight so 
bitter to a nation's eyes as the unstained honor of another 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 85 

nation it has dishonorably despoiled. As long as history 
is taught, the tale of Germany's broken word and Belgium's 
brave resistance will be told the world. As long as men 
stay men, they will loathe the oppressor and revere the 
indomitable courage of the oppressed. As long as truth 
stays truth, the blot on Germany's escutcheon will remain 
uneffaced and uneffaceable. 

Germany's present attitude toward Belgium has, in fact, 
excited throughout the whole civilized world feelings of the 
deepest contempt and aversion. The situation has nowhere, 
in the entire literature of the war, been more clearly and 
incisively dealt with than in the following editorial from 
a Philadelphia paper. (44) I quote it entire: 

"If Prof. Hugo Miinsterberg had not laid aside his avocation 
as eulogist of Germany's war policy, we should like to put to 
him a question in psychology. As a loyal German and an expert 
in the science mentioned, he might be able to explain why Ger- 
man statesmen and writers are so indignant against the Bel- 
gians ; so rancorously hostile to them ; so contemptuous toward 
their heroism and misery. 

"German impatience with France and aversion toward Russia 
we can understand, and German loathing for Great Britain ia 
an indulgence of which no impartial person would be willing 
to deprive a nation to which it gives such exquisite satisfaction. 
The author of the famous 'Hymn of Hate' against England has 
just received from the Kaiser the decoration of the Red Eagle 
of the Fourth Class; and everyone will agree that it is a well- 
deserved honor, selected with discrimination. 

"But Belgivim was not a powerful rival, like France; nor a 
'menace to Teutonic civilization,' like Russia; nor a colossal 
obstruction to German world empire, like England. She was 
peaceful, orderly, neutral, innocent of aggressive designs, asking 
only to be let alone. Even in her anguish she is silent and xm- 
complaining. 

"That the vials of German wrath and contumely should be 
poured out upon Belgium is rather puzzling, until one recalls 
the proverbial teaching that it is a human failing to hate most 



86 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

those whom we have injured. It may be the ruins of Louvain, 
the rich tribute of war levies and the spectacle of a nation 
haunted by famine that incite German resentment. 

''We have already noted the persistent effort to undermine 
the world's admiration for Belgium's grave sacrifice. Her con- 
sultation with an English military attache as to possible meas- 
ures of defense, to be adopted 'only after violation of our neu- 
trality by Germany,' has been denoimced as a betrayal, an 
'abandoment of neutrality,' by the Belgian government, justly 
punished by invasion. 

"But there is a more personal phase of the controversy which 
must appeal to many observers. This is the campaign of de- 
traction directed against the Belgians themselves. Recently a 
German-American publication, the Fatherland, criticised the 
American people for sending relief ships to the starving non- 
combatants, on the ground that this was assisting the enemies 
of Gtermany. 

"The instinct of chivalry toward a brave foe seems to be one 
of the features of war that have disappeared with the ma,rch 
of efficiency. The Belgians are denoimced for having resisted 
invasion; their king, despite his gallantry and devotion, is ridi- 
culed as a deluded conspirator and assailed as the betrayer of 
his people. 

"Sixteen years ago, with three lives between him and inheri- 
tance of the crown, Albert, of Belgium, lived for several months 
in the United States, studying American principles of govern- 
ment and his vocation of engineering. A book which he then 
wrote disclosed his intense admiration for liberal institutions; 
and these convictions he carried with him when unexpected 
deaths raised him to the throne. His simplicity of life, his 
democratic bearing and his tireless devotion to the economic 
advancement of Belgium made him a singularly useful and be- 
loved ruler. 

"During the war he has shown himself such a king as even 
democracy may honor. His determination to sacrifice his 
throne rather than the honor of his country evoked world-wide 
admiration, for he showed that he did not hesitate to pay his 
part of the price. 

"From the beginning he has shared the dangers of his troops, 
and to-day is as homeless as the poorest of his subjects. In the 
lefense of Brussels and Antwerp he was daily in the trenches. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 87 

and now is in active command of the remnant of his army, 
whicli with supreme courage is blocking the path of the Ger- 
mans to Dunkirk and Calais. 

"It is of this leader, whose heroism has been one of the most 
gallant spectacles of the war, that the Hanoverscher Anzeiger, 
an influential German newspaper, says : 

" 'King Albert, who is now stubbornly defending the last few 
square miles of his country, will some day give to a future 
Shakespeare material for a tragedy. It will be the tragedy of 
a ruler who wanted to make his little nation great and pros- 
perous and happy, and who was shamelessly betrayed by his 
friends, in whose honesty and fairness he had trusted.' 

"This reads like a confession of Germany's treaty violation; 
but it appears that those who 'shamelessly betrayed' Belgium 
were not the Germans, but the French and English. The paper 
continues : 

" 'Albert trusted perfidious Albion ; he steered his little 
vessel into the wake of the French ship of state, not knowing 
that this proud ship was being steered by foreign pilots in for- 
eign pay into a fateful, ruinous imdertow.' 

"And then follows a column of savage sneering in this vein: 

" 'Albert, of the house of Coburg, whose scions are justly 
famed for their sagacity, did not develop after his kin's tradi- 
tion. He proved a dilettante on the throne, for did he not light- 
heartedly sacrifice Belgium's neutrality — the most sacred palla- 
dium of all small nations — to vague promises ? . . . 

" 'King Albert, unlike his uncle (King Leopold), was always 
eager to become popular, and could be sure to win the approval 
and good will of his people by conducting his policies a la mode 
de Paris. More significant of an intimate Belgian leaning to- 
ward the western countries, however, was his ambition to make 
his country a sea power. 

" 'Albert always had been interested in questions of technique, 
commerce and social economy. It was his intention to continue 
the colonial policy begun by Leopold II and to develop it, 
though in a different direction.' 

"If the war 'had taken a different turn,' says an astute Grer- 
man critic, 'then Belgium would have become a sort of second 
Portugal, a vassal State, and the great British Empire would 
have made her feel every day that she owed her existence only 
to England's mercy.' As it is, of course, she enjoys her present 



88 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

felicity, and is couscioiis that slic owes it, to Germany's magna- 
nimity. 

"It is, however, the democracy of the Belgian king that most 
exasperates the Teutonic mind: 

" 'He and his people are now suffering the consequences of his 
ignorance. He ni;ide the fatal mistake of considering himself 
wiser than his uncle was. He played the crowned bom-geois. 
He catered to the scholars, artists and engineers. He always 
emphasized his democxatic sentiments, which were very popular 
in Belgium, for tliat coimtry is much behind in sociological 
aspect 

" 'In his ignorance, Albert, the dilettante, lent himself as the 
tool of the Britisli war-makers and of the French revenge-criera. 
His Coburger cousin. George of England, has tapped him, and 
Albert may thank George for the fate into which he stumbled 
blindly.' 

"With siich sentiments do the leaders of German thought ex- 
press their conception of international affairs and reveal them- 
selves upon questions of government and morality. The un- 
happy truth is that Prussianized Germany is utterly incapable 
of appreciating the Belgian spirit or the Belgian king; of 
understanding in the remotest degree the soul of this nation she 
has struck dowTi and the admiration it has stirred throughout 
the world. 

"Despite all her worship of militarism and the cult of glory, 
Germany could not feel the thrill of these lines by an Aus- 
tralian : 

" "In that Valhalla where the heroes go, 

A careful sentinel paced to and fro 

Before the gate, burned black with battle smoke, 

Whose echoes to the tread of armed men woke; 

Where up the fiery stairs, whose steps are spears. 

Came the pale heroes of the blood-stained years. 

" 'There were lean Ctesars from the gory fields. 
With heart that only to a sword thrust yields; 
And there were generals decked in pride of rank, 
Eed scabbard swinging from the weary flank: 
And slender youths who were the sons of kings, 
And barons with their sixteen quarterings. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 89 

" 'And while the nobles went with haughty air, 
The courteous sentinel questioned, "Who goes there ?" 
And as each came, full lustily he cried 
His string of titles ere he passed inside. 

, " 'And presently there was a little man, 
A silent mover in the regal van. 
His hand still grasped his rifle, and his eyes 
Seemed blinded with the light from Paradise. 
His was a humble guise, a modest air — 
The sentinel hailed him sharply, "Who goes there ?" 

" 'There were no gauds tacked to that simple name, 
But every naked blade leaped out like flame, 
And every blue-blooded warrior bowed his head — 
"I am a Belgian"; this was all he said.' 

"Germany cries out against her 'ring of enemies.' Which of 
them does she imagine is the most dangerous? Is it Russia, 
with her unnumbered hordes ; France, with her intrepid armies ; 
England, with her mighty fleet? 

"More powerful than any of these is that little nation she 
has crushed under her weight and now despises and maligns. 
It is the crime against Belgium that will rob a German triumph 
of honor or fill a German defeat with bitterness and humilia- 
tion. For the judgment of humanity is sure, and it will be as 
stern as that delivered of old against him who wronged the 
helpless: 'It were better for him that a millstone were hanged 
about his neck, and that he were drowned in the depth of the 
sea.' " 

The evidence as to the criminal and altogether inde- 
fensible position in which Germany finds herself in regard 
to Belgium is overwhelming. She has forfeited the respect 
of the civilized world. Her "promises" and "pledges" and 
"guarantees" will, as long as the present ruling class is in 
power, be regarded with contempt or derision by other 
nations. So far as the Belgian question relates to America, 
however, I have nowhere seen the issue better expressed than 



90 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

by Mr. Joseph C. Fraley, of Philadelphia, who, in a bro- 
chure entitled "How and Why a War Lord Wages War" 
(which all Americans should read), says: 

"We know that the one hope of stopping wars, is to supply 
a world-wide sanction for the support of international laws and 
morals. We have nothing to do with the reasons which led 
certain powers to engage that Belgian territory should be neu- 
tral in time of war. We have everything to do with this par- 
ticular instance of treaty breaking, in that it constitutes a new 
departure, a crime against all neutrals. Treaties made for 
peace conditions are obviously liable to be broken in war, but a 
treaty made with special reference to war, belongs to that class 
of obligations whose infringement is like cheating at oarda. 
The offender gets no second chance." 

And yet it takes a German-American (Jastrow) to say 
that the historian of the future will, in analyzing the causes 
of the war, regard the neutrality of Belgium "as a very 
minor factor, perhaps entirely negligible" ! 

Doctor Dernburg says : "England takes the position that, 
in case France had used Belgium as a stepping stone, 
England would have gone to war against France for break- 
ing the Belgian neutrality. This is a remarkable proposi- 
tion." It is remarkable, but only as offering an absolute 
demonstration, incomprehensible to the German mind, of 
England's unswerving intention to live up to her treaty 
obligations. 

In August, 1870, as we have seen, on the instance of 
Lord Granville, Germany and France entered into an iden- 
tical treaty with Great Britain to the effect that if either 
belligerent violated Belgian territory. Great Britain would 
co-operate with the others for the defense of it. This 
treaty was most strictly construed during the Franco-Prus- 
sian war. 

It may seem "remarkable" to Doctor Dernburg that a 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 91 

nation should live up to such an obligation; but whatever 
our own record may have been, however we may have sinned 
in the past, we hope that the time will never come when it 
will seem remarkable to Americans to keep our plighted 
word. 

On July 31, 1914, Sir Edward Grey telegraphed to Sir 
E. Goschen, British Ambassador at Berlin : 

"I said to the German Ambassador this morning that if Ger- 
many could get any reasonable proposal put forward which 
made it clear that Germany and Austria were striving to pre- 
serve European peace, and that Russia and France would be 
unreasonable if they rejected it, I would support it at St. Peters- 
burg and Paris, and go to the length of saying that if Russia 
and France would not accept it, His Majesty's Government 
would have nothing more to do with the consequences; but, 
otherwise, I told the German Ambassador that if France be- 
came involved we should be drawn in." (British White Paper, 
No. 111.) 

The following day Grey telegraphed Goschen: 

"I told the German Ambassador to-day that the reply of the 
German Government with regard to the neutrality of Belgium 
was a matter of very great regret, because the neutrality of 
Belgium aflFected feeling in this country. If Germany could see 
her way to give the same assurance as that which had been 
given by France, it would materially contribute to relieve 
anxiety and tension here. On the other hand, if there were a 
violation of the neutrality of Belgium by one combatant while 
the other respected it, it would be extremely difficult to restrain 
public feeling in this country." (British White Paper, No. 
123.) 

To combat these ofiQcial and categorical statements, what 
does Doctor Dernburg offer? "On July 30/' he tells us, 
"the Belgian Charge d' Affaires at St. Petersburg wrote to 



93 A TEXT -BOOK OF THE WAR 

his Government-— and the authenticity of this letter cannot 
be impeached — that the Eussian war party got the upper 
hand upon England's assurance that she would stand in 
with France." Here is a letter, said to be written by a 
Belgian Charge d' Affaires, at St. Petersburg, on July 30. 
The letter is not given. It does not appear in the official 
"Diplomatic Correspondence of the War," published by the 
Belgian Government. Its existence rests on an unsup- 
ported statement; but its authenticity "cannot be 
impeached." 

Are the American people, to whom this appeal is ad- 
dressed, satisfied to accept it as authentic on such evidence ? 
I do not think so. 

A little later, after a repetition of what is, as I have 
already said, the most contemptible and unworthy of all 
the arguments put forward by German apologists, — the 
attempt to make Belgium herself responsible for the out- 
rages committed against her (p. 124), a sarcastic effort to 
say she is "not the 'poor' little country" that is being pic- 
tured to the Americans, — Doctor Dernburg proceeds : 

"The Imperial Chancellor said that he had proofs that the 
French were to invade Germany by way of Belgium. Proof 
there is. French soldiers and French guns, in spite of all the 
denials made by the French Ambassador at Washington, were 
in Ligge and Namur before the 30th of July. Certainly this 
proof is only in private letters, but it comes from absolutely 
unimpeachable people." 

What would the Germans and "German-Americans" do 
without a few phrases, a few stock sentences worn thin in 
their hard service? Doctor Hilprecht publicly accuses the 
Allies of frightful cruelties on the basis of "official and 
absolutely trustworthy other information." Examination 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 93 

shows that the "official information" is lacking, also the 
"trustworthiness," 

The German Foreign Secretary telegraphs the German 
Ambassador in London (August 4, 1914) (Ko. 157, British 
White Paper) : "Please impress upon Sir Edward Grey that 
the German army could not be exposed to French attack 
across Belgium, which was planned according to absolutely 
unimpeachable information/' — information, of course, un- 
given. 

And now Doctor Dernburg comes along with his unim- 
peachable authenticity and his '^absolutely unimpeachable 
people." 

Doctor Dernburg reiterated his "assurances" that "no 
matter what happens, the Monroe Doctrine will not be 
violated by Germany either in North America, or in South 
America." He had, of course, no authority to give such 
assurance. He neglected to repeat his former published 
statement that, by sending Canadian troops to the war, 
"Canada had placed herself beyond the pale of American 
protection," a statement confirmed by the inept von Bern- 
storfl^, the German Ambassador in this country, who also 
said that a German invasion of Canada would not violate 
the Monroe Doctrine. Doctor Dernburg did, however, 
accuse Canada of "a wilful breach of the Monroe Doctrine" 
by going to war, "thereby exposing the American Continent 
to a counter-attack from Europe, and risking to disarrange 
the present equilibrium." 

Can casuistry be more finely spun? 

Canada, an integral part of the British Empire, sends 
troops to aid in protecting England from the gra^e peril 
threatened by an autocratic military Power; and "thereby^' 
violates a doctrine, the very essence of which was the pro- 
tection of this entire hemisphere from the possibility of any 



94 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

such autocratic military Power reaching over the sea to 
attack our all but defenseless shores. 

I must regretfully admit that to a certain sort of 
"legal" mind this theory of the non-violation of the Monroe 
Doctrine by the invasion of Canada is technically satis- 
fying {vide newspaper reports of a speech of ex- President 
Taft, ISTovember, 1914). But I would ask Americans gener- 
ally to refuse to accept without grave and justified sus- 
picion any such assurances as those given by von Bemstorff 
and Dernburg, and also to consider seriously whether they 
would desire to remain neutral for twenty-four hours after 
the bombardment of Quebec, or the occupancy of Toronto 
or Montreal. I think I know the answer. As the New 
York World observed : 

"Should German troops ever invade Canada, the application 
of the Monroe Doctrine to the specific case will he defined in 
Washington, not in Berlin." 

It may be added that unofl&cial "assurances," however 
"unimpeachable," were officially modified to "intentions" 
almost at once by our own State Department, which an- 
nounced that the instructions of Germany to von Bernstorff 
were to deny that Germany intends to seek expansion in 
South America. So the "assurance" becomes an "intent," 
and the "intent" does not include North America. Doctor 
Dernburg, more garrulous than his Government, endeavors 
to soothe our justifiable apprehension. "I am in the posi- 
tion to state," he says blandly, "that immediately after the 
outbreak of the war, by one of the first mails that reached 
the United States, the German Government, sent of its own 
free initiative, a solemn declaration to the Department of 
State that, whatever happened, she would fully respect the 
Monroe Doctrine." This would be more reassuring, first, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 95 

if Germany had so declared, and, next, if Germany's word 
were at par. But what difference does it make to ns 
whether she swears allegiance to the Monroe Doctrine, or 
threatens its annihilation ? We are no safer, and no more 
endangered, in the one case than in the other. 

But when Doctor Dernburg permits himself to say that 
"we" — meaning we Germans^ — "have no ambitions of en- 
largement in Europe or in America"; when he adds with 
touching simplicity: "We do not believe in incorporating 
in our empire any parts of nations that are not of our own 
language and race," Americans may be pardoned for asking 
how he reconciles this admirable disinterestedness with the 
words of the Kaiser addressed to his troops in East Prussia, 
which began, "Thanks to the valor of my heroes, France 
has been severely punished. Belgium, wMch interfered 
with ow attack, has been added to the glorious provinces 
of Oermany." 

Dernburg and the Kaiser ought to keep in closer touch 
if they want to influence America. The Kaiser's order 
appeared in our press on November 13, 1914. And yet on 
August 4, 1914, the German Foreign Secretary telegraphed 
the German Ambassador in London: 

"Please dispel any mistrust that may subsist on the part of 
the British Government with regard to our intentionsi, by re- 
peating most positively formal assurance that even in the case 
of armed conflict with Belgium, Germany will, under no pre- 
tense whatever, annex Belgian territory. Sincerity of this 
declaration is borne out by the fact that we solemnly pledged 
our word to Holland strictly to respect her neutrality. It is 
obvious that we could not profitably annex Belgian territory 
without making at the same time territorial acquisitions at 
expense of Holland. (British White Paper, No, 157.)" 

We wonder if the attention of Holland has been called 



96 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAB 

to the Kaiser's order, as read in conjimction with the Sec- 
retary's admirable telegram! When it is, they should be 
read together with the opinion of the Kaiser's Professor of 
Philosophy at Berlin, Dr. Lasson: (45) 

"We Germans have little esteem and less respect and sym- 
pathy for the Holland of the present day. Holland in its isola- 
tion sinks more and more into the dull narrow-mindedness that 
is the mark of small sects. Without its hold on Germany it 
would have long ago disappeared. God be praised that the 
Dutch are not our friends." 

More recently (January, 1915), von Bethmann-Hollweg 
has felt it necessary to go back to the "scrap of paper" 
interview of August 4th, and re-interpret it, chiefly for the 
benefit of Americans. I have dealt with this elsewhere 
(p. 300), but it seems worth while to record the impression 
this effort has made upon an American editor: (46) 

"More important, but no more candid, is the recent defense 
put forth by the Imperial Chancellor, Doctor von Bethmann- 
Hollweg. This statesman's courageous admission at the open- 
ing of the war that G'ermany was committing 'a great wrong' 
because of 'necessity' has been the one noble utterance of his 
Government during the conflict. He now rejects, however, the 
esteem which his frank and generous statement won and joins 
the chorus of detraction against Belgium. 

"As the originator of the 'scrap of paper' doctrine regarding 
treaties, the Chancellor had attained a world-wide eminence 
which he resents. After six months' cogitation, he has de- 
cided that he has been a victim of misunderstanding, and that 
his historic phrase, far from being a cynical repudiation of 
international honor, was, in reality, an indictment of British 
hypocrisy and Belgian perfidy. He repeats the charge that Bel- 
gium had 'abandoned her neutrality' by consulting with Britain 
as to resisting the long-threatened violation by Germany, and 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 97 

" 'England drew the sword only because she believed her own 
interests demanded it. Just for Belgian neutrality she would 
never have entered the war. That is what I meant when I told 
Sir Edward Goschen that among the reasons which had impelled 
England to go into the war, the Belgian neutrality treaty had 
for her only the value of "a scrap of paper." ' 

"We do not know the nature of the doctoral degree which the 
Chancellor holds, but in view of his defense we sincerely hope it 
is not a doctorate of laws. His attempt to erase the 'scrap of 
paper' stigma from the Government which assassinated Belgian 
nationality and stamp it upon the country which went to war 
in defense of that cause challenges admiration for its audacity 
rather than its wisdom. 

"We by no means subscribe to the theory that Great Britain's 
foreign policy is purely altruistic, or that she is pouring out 
her blood and treasure solely for the sake of plundered Belgium. 
Nor is this fantastic idea suggested by Britain herself. If 
Belgian had lain several hundred miles distant instead of across 
a narrow channel, and if a Germanized Belgium had not meant, 
as Germany boasted, 'a knife at the throat of England,' the 
British Government and people would possibly not have con- 
strued their guarantee of Belgium's neutrality to require resort 
to arms. 

"But even in that case it would have been Germany, not Eng- 
land, that made the treaty 'a scrap of paper,' while, as the 
matter stands. Great Britain is incontestably in the position of 
upholding her part in the treaty at tremendous cost, while 
Germany as clearly has violated her part for her own advantage. 

"The fundamental inspiration of England, of course, is self- 
interest or self-preservation — the identical purpose which Ger- 
many pleads. But it cannot be denied that she is promoting 
that cause by defending a cruelly vsTonged nation and the 
sanctity of international obligations, while Germany, under the 
same plea, has forsworn her word and committed a monstrous 
assault. 

"It is really astonishing that a statesman of high attainments 
should offer such a defense as that of Doctor von Bethmann- 
Hollweg. If it was an act of necessity, even of virtue, for Ger- 
many to violate the treaty for self-protection, it is quite out of 
the question for impartial observers to find guilty the country 
which observed and defended the treaty for the same reason. 
7 



98 A TEXT'BOOK OF TEE WAR 

-England ought really to cease harping on this theme of 
Belgian neutrality,' says the exasperated Chancellor. He do^s 
not yet realize that that chord vibrates to the fi-g" «*^^ 
n^nfty and that the note of its condemnation wall resound 



through all time." 



CHAPTEE IV. 

As Time Went on, Has There Been Reason to Modify or to 
Mitigate the Almost Universal Condemnation of Ger- 
many's Treatment of Belgium, Felt and 
Expressed at the Outset in 
This Country? 

I purposely abstain from making in this connection any 
definite accusation as to the individual "atrocities" ascribed 
to the Germans by the French and Belgians, because the 
evidence, even when it has been taken under oath, with 
names, places, dates, and details (as is the case with that 
offered to the world by the Belgian Commission), is met 
by denials, also under oath, and by virulent countercharges. 
It is also met, most ineffectively and almost absurdly, by 
the repeated publication of statements by some American 
newspaper correspondents who, I am sure with entire 
truthfulness, declare that, having been in the countries of 
the combatants, they saw no cases of such atrocities and 
could obtain no convincing evidence that they ever took 
place. This is interesting but unimportant. If the fact 
that certain persons, even those living continuously at 
or near the scene of a crime, and not merely visiting it 
with the escort and protection of the suspected criminals, 
had not seen the crime committed, and could get no 
reliable evidence that it had been committed, were allowed 
to weigh in Courts of Justice against the testimony of eye- 
witnesses who had seen it, there would be a general and 
world-wide jail delivery. 

Six reputable witnesses of a murder, a rape, a burglary, 
or an arson (and the Belgium case has the ear-marks of all 

(99) 



100 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

four) should outweigh six million who would swear that — 
not having been there — ^they did not see it, and that they 
were later unable to obtain evidence satisfactory to them- 
selves that the murder, rape, burglary, or arson, had 
occurred. The entire question is one of the credibility of 
certain witnesses and of the weight to be given to collateral 
circumstances that have a bearing upon the case. Taking 
the latter first, should not the following extracts from Ger- 
man official orders be regarded as having a direct relation 
to the matter? 

EXTRACT FROM A PROCLAMATION TO THE MUNICIPAL 
AUTHORITIES OF THE CITY OF LIEGE. 

"August 22d, 1914. 
"The inhabitants of the to\sTi of Andenne, after having de- 
clared their peaceful intentions, have made a surprise attack on 
our troops. 

"It is with my consent that the Commander-in-Chief has or- 
dered the whole town to be burned and that about one hundred 
people have been shot. 

"I bring this fact to the knowledge of the city of Li&ge, so 
that citizens of Lifege may realize the fate with which they are 
menaced if they adopt a similar attitude. 

"The General Commanding in Chief. 

"(Signed) Von Bulow." 



NOTICE POSTED AT NAMUR, AUGUST THE 25TH, 1914. 

(1) "French and Belgian soldiers must be surrendered as 
prisoners of war at the prison before 4 o'clock. Citizens who 
do not ohey will he condemned to enforced labor for life in 
Germany. 

"A rigorous inspection of houses will begin at 4 o'clock. 
Every soldier found vnll be immediately shot. 

(2) "Arms, powder, dynamite, must be surrendered at 4 
o'clock. Penalty: death by shooting. 

"The citizens who know where a store of arms is located must 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 101 

inform the Burgomaster, tinder penalty of enforced labor for 
life. 

(3) "Each street will be occupied by a German guard, who 
will take ten hostages in each street, whom they will keep in 
custody. 

"If any outrage is committed in the street, the ten hostages 
will be shot. 

"The Commandant of the City. 

"(Signed) Von Bulow." 
Namur, 25th August, 1914. 

(Imprimerie Chantraine.) ' ^ 



LETTER ADDRESSED ON AUGUST 27TH, 1914, BY LIEU- 
TENANT-GENERAL VON NIEBER TO THE 
BURGOMASTR OF WAVRE. 

"On August 22d, 1914, the General Commanding the 2d Army, 
Herr von Bulow, imposed upon the city of Wavre a war levy of 
three million francs, to be paid before September 1st, as expia- 
tion for its unqualified behavior (contrary to the Law of 
Nations and the usages of war) in making a surprise attack 
on the German troops 

"I draw the attention of the City to the fact that in no case 
can it count on further delay, as the civil population of the 
City has put itself outside the Law of Nations by firing on the 
German soldiers. 

"The City of Wavre will he lurned and destroyed if the levy 
is not paid in due time, without regard for anyone; the innocent 
will suffer loith the gmlty." 



PROCLAMATION POSTED AT GRIVEGNEE, SEPTEMBER 
8TH, 1914. 

"(1) Before the 6th of September, 1914, at 4 o'clock in the 
afternoon, all arms, munitions, explosives and fireworks which 
are still in the hands of the citizens, must be surrendered at 
the Chateau des Bruyeres. Those loho do not obey will render 
themselves liable to the death penalty. They will he shot on the 
spot, or given military execution, unless they can prove their 
innocence 



102 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"(5) In order to be sure that this permission is not abused, 
the Burgomasters of Beyne-Heusay and of Grivegnee shall im- 
mediately draw up a list of persons "who shall be held as 
hostages,* at the fort of Fleron, in 24-hour shifts ; on September 
6th, for the first time, from 6 o'clock in the evening until mid- 
day, September 7th. 

*"The life of these hostages loill depend upon the population 
of the aforesaid communes rem,ainmg pacific under all circtwi- 
stances. 

" ( 6 ) I will designate from the lists submitted to me the per- 
sons who will be detained as hostages from noon of one day to 
noon of the next day. If the substitute does not arrive in time, 
the hostage will remain another 24 hours. After this second 
period of 2^ hours, the hostage incurs the penalty of death if 
the substitution is not made 

"(10) Anyone knowing of the location of a store of more 
than one hundred litres of petroleum, beivzine, benzol, or other 
similar liquids in the aforesaid communes, and who does not 
report same to the military commander on the spot, incurs the 
penalty of death, provided there is no doubt about the quantity 
and the location of the store. Quantities of 100 litres are alone 
referred to 

"(11) Anyone who does not instantly obey the command of 
'hands up,' becomes guilty (sic) of the death-penalty. . . . 



NOTICE POSTED AT BRUSSELS, OCTOBER 5TH, 1914, AND 

PRESUMABLY IN MOST OF THE COMMUNES 

IN THE COUNTRY. 

"On the evening of September 25th, the railway and tele- 
graph lines were destroyed on the Lovenjoul-Vertryck line. 

"Consequently, the two above-mentioned places, on the morn- 
ing of September 30th, had to give an account and to furnish 
hostages. 

"In the future, the communities in the vicinity of a place 
where such things happen {no matter whether or not they are 
accomplices) will be punished without mercy, 

"To this end, hostages have been taken from all places in 
the vicinity of railroad lines menaced by such attacks, and at 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 103 

the first attempt to destroy the railroad tracks or the telegraph 
or telephone wires, they will be immediately shot. 

"Furthermore, all troops in charge of the protection of the 
railroad lines have received orders to shoot any person ap- 
proaching, in a suspicious manner, the railroad tracks or the 
telegraph or telephone lines. 

"The Governor General of Belgium, 
"(Signed) Baeon von dee Goltz, 

"Field Marsjial." 



NOTICE POSTED AT BRUSSELS, NOVEMBER 1ST, 1914. 

"A legally constituted Court Martial has pronounced, the 
28th of October, 1914, the following condemnations: 

" ( 1 ) Upon Policeman De Ryekere for attacking, in the exer- 
cise of his legal functions, an agent vested with German au- 
thority, for wilfully inflicting bodily injury on two occasions, 
in concert with other persons, for facilitating the escape of a 
prisoner, on one occasion, and for attacking a German soldier — 
Five years imprisonment. 

"The city of Brussels, excluding suburbsi, has been punished, 
for the crime committed by its policeman, De Ryekere, against 
a German soldier by an additional fine of five million francs. 

"The Governor of Brussels, 
"(Signed) Baeon von Liietwitz, 

"General." 



EXTRACT FROM THE SIXTH REPORT OF THE BELGIAN 
COMMISSION OF INQUIRY. 

"After such proclamations^, who will be surprised at the mur- 
ders, burnings, pillage and destruction committed by the G'er- 
man army wherever they have met with resistance? 

"If a German corps, or patrolling party, is received at the 
entrance to a village by a volley from soldiers of the regular 
troops who are afterwards forced to retire, the whole population 
is held responsible. The civilians are accused of having fired or 
having co-operated in the defense, and without inquiry, the 



104 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

place is given over to pillage and flames, a part of the inhabi- 
tants are massacred 

"The odious acts which have been committed in all parts of 
the country have a general character, throwing the responsi- 
bility upon the whole German army. It is simply the appli- 
cation of a preconceived system, the carrying out of instruc- 
tions, which have made of the enemy's troops in Belgium 'a 
horde of barbarians and a band of incendiaries.' " 

A very extraordinary instance of German prevision has 
been brought to light by Prof. Eaymond Weeks. (47) It is 
to be read in conjunction with the military orders quoted 
above and with the American and German evidence as to 
atrocities given below. It constitutes, perhaps, the most 
unique of all possible additions to the "Complete Letter 
Writer." Professor Weeks says: 

"The German military authorities are said to have foreseen 
everything. They even foresaw the need of denying atrocities, 
as is evinced by a manual called The Military Interpreter, 
second edition, Berlin, 1906; publisher, A. Bath. The author 
is Captain von Scharfenort, an official of the Military Depart- 
ment. This manual, among many useful formulae, offers a 
model letter of protest against an accusation of atrocities. 
This suggestive document is entitled, 'Letter to the Commander- 
in-Chief of the Hostile Army,' and commences thus : 

" 'In a circular letter of the Minister of Foreign Affairs you 
have reproached the German troops with numerous violations 
of international custom. 

" 'According to you, German troops have been guilty of acts 
of hostility against ambulances; they are said to have made 
prisoner, M. A., in the midst of an ambulance corps organized 
by him; they are accused of having made use of explosive 
bullets, of having compelled peasants in the vicinity of S. to 
dig trenches under fire; they are accused of having attempted 
to transport provision and munition trains and caissons by 
protecting them with the conventional sign of Geneva; finally, 
a physician who was earing for a wounded Prussian soldier is 
said to have been killed by him. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 105 



« t; 



'Although I was quite sure, a priori, that these accusa- 
tions were false, I was unwilling to rest content with simply 
assuring you that such things were impossible, and I made an 
inquiry to discover whether something might have happened 
which could have been transformed, by reporters unworthy of 
credence or filled with malevolence, into the monstrosities 
which were laid at our door.' 

"After stating that the inquiry offered great difficulties 
because of the vagueness of the accusations, he continues : 

" 'It is exact that M. A. was arrested, and that he had been 
occupied in caring for the wounded, but his arrest did not 
take place in the midst of an ambulance corps. It was moti- 
vated by the suspicion that the above-mentioned person was in 
communication with the garrison of S., and his arrest, as also 
his imprisonment which followed, took place with all of the 
consideration due to his situation and to his honorability. As 
to the duration of his detention, the military investigation 
alone can decide. As for all the other affirmations, I must 
declare them to be fabrications. Out of regard for the Powers 
which adhered to the Convention of Geneva and the declaration 
of St. Petersburg of November 29 (11 December), 1868, I add 
here and I affirm that the said-mentioned convention has been 
observed by the German troops in the most scrupulous manner,' 
etc. 

" 'Yes,' Professor Weeks adds, 'the German military authori- 
ties foresaw everything — except that some of their soldiers' 
diaries would be captured.' " / 

The strongest a priori argument against belief in Ger- 
nan atrocities rests upon the inherent improbability that 
men such as the Germans we have all known, and most of 
whom we have liked, could be so transformed by war as to 
be guilty of even a tithe of the hideous and bestial out- 
rages said to have been perpetrated by them. 

But are they the Germans we have known ? Is it safe to 
argue from Philip sober to Philip drunk? It is said that 
they were under iron discipline. Perhaps they were; but 
if that discipline openly and brazenly included a policy of 



106 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

terrorism of the civilian populations of conquered terri- 
tory, it is itself an argument for the plaintiffs. A system 
that could in time of peace condone the Zabern infamy, as 
between individuals, could conceivably in time of war 
condone the asserted Belgian atrocities, as between nations. 
Military mouthpieces say (unrebuked, so far as I know), 
that "any act'^ committed by their troops for the purpose of 
"discouraging, defeating and destroying the enemy is a 
brave act." General von Disfurth is said to have said: 
(p. 42) "I hope that in this war we have merited the title 
barbarians." 

As to the asserted physical impossibility that some of 
the alleged occurrences could have taken place, I may 
speak with more confidence, from expert knowledge. The 
accomplished lady who writes for an American paper under 
the nom-de-plume of "Sallie Wistar" asked my opinion of 
the statement of a correspondent, who said: (48) 

''It is unworthy of our people to accept such tales with- 
out proof. A moment's thought ought to convince any 
intelligent mind that a child, whose hands had been hacked 
oflE by the sword, could not have survived such an experi- 
ence, unless, indeed, the most skilled surgical treatment 
were immediately administered on the spot. ... It 
would require overwhelming proof to convince reasonable 
minds that any hapless, innocent Belgian child ever had 
its hands lopped off by the kindly Germans." 

I replied : "Your correspondent is mistaken in supposing 
that no child whose hands had been cut off could survive 
hemorrhage, fever, and shock unless skilled surgical aid 
be at once administered. The records of every accident and 
emergency hospital in the world would contradict this. 

"The proportion of children who would die after such 
mutilation would vary with the amount of hemorrhage, the 
degree of fever, or the extent of shock. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 107 

*'But accepting the current descriptions as approximately 
correct, hemorrhage might be trifling, as it is apt to be after 
blunt wounds and crushes; fever would be absent if the 
wound remained, as it might remain, uninfected, and shock 
would be present to greater or less degree in accord with 
the elements of bleeding, pain and fright. Shock might be 
relatively trifling and need not in any case be necessarily 
fatal. 

"In some of the reported cases it seemed evident that the 
removal of the hand or hands had been a sequel to the 
wounds received, and, as might be expected, not an im- 
mediate and instantaneous severance by a sweep of a sabre. 
The latter would require a degree of expertness scarcely to 
be expected even from one of the War Lord's 'heroes.'' 

"To sum up> nothing that I have seen as to the alleged 
German atrocities is surgically impossible of belief." 

Perhaps the most astounding position taken by German- 
Americans as to Germany's behavior toward Belgium is to 
be found in an article called "War Hypocrisy Unveiled" 
in which the author (Albert E. Henschel), a member of 
the ISTew York Bar (49), in reply to the suggestion that 
Germany might invade this country to attack Canada, says : 

"In place of this moat unfair analogy let us suppose that 
your house was afire, with the only means of escape over your 
neighbor's roof. Would you dally over the question of the 'neu- 
trality' of your neighbor's house — considering that his home is 
his castle? — or would you simply go over his roof and save 
yourself and your family? 

"But what did the Germans do? Did they rush helter 
skelter into Belgium without so much as saying, 'By your 
leave?' 

"No. To the honor and dignity of human nature be it said 
that in that time of imminent peril they did what no other 
nation has ever done, they delayed sufficiently — when every mo- 
ment was precious — ^to ask permission of Belgium and to give 



108 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

assurance that her integrity and independence would be pro- 
tected and reparation made for all losses. The future historian 
will refer to this act of Germany as a manifestation of a most 
sublime sense of justice, original and unique in the annals of the 
world. 

"When this offer was refused Germany did what any other 
European nation would have done in the first place. She went 
into Belgium to save herself from destruction. 

"There is no doubt that Belgium had the right to refuse 
permission and to resist invasion. But, when she made her 
choice, which involved war with Germany, she cannot complain 
of the war thus invited." 

There is one paint as tO' which many Americans will 
agree with him. German/s act considered as "a manifesta- 
tion of a most sublime sense of justice" is, beyond all 
cavil, '^original and unique in the annals of the world." 

I wish every American who desires to reach a just con- 
clusion as to the question of '^atrocities" could find time 
and opportunity to read "German Atrocities in France," 
a translation of the oflBcial report of the French Commis- 
sion the reports of the Belgian Commission of Inquiry 
(quoted above) ; "The Innocence of Belgium, established 
by the Military Documents Published by Germany"; and 
"Les Crimes Allemands, d'apres les Temoignages Alle- 
mands," by Joseph Bedier, Professor at the College da 
France. He would then be in possession of the affirmative 
side of the question and could judge for himself what 
weight to give to the denials. 

There is some evidence, however, which a book prepared 
by an American, for Americans, should contain. It has 
been summarized by Dr. Morton Prince in articles that 
appeared in February (50), and have been reprinted with 
the caption "The American Versus the German Viewpoint 
of the War." Dr. Prince reviews a series of articles by 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 109 

Dr. von Mach, in which, vrndei the heading, "The German 
Viewpoint," he gives pictures of German army life in 
order to show that a prophecy of the elder Moltke's has 
been fulfilled and that because universal service has 
brought "the educated classes" into the army "a more 
humane way of waging war" has resulted. Dr. von Mach 
quotes from an account written by Professor von Hart- 
mann, now serving as a lieutenant in the German army. 
He calls his first "picture," a "French Lesson at the Front. 
Place — A Stubble Field in Belgium. Time — Autumn, 
1914." He depicts groups of the "splendid fellows from 
the country" who have lighted their pipes after breakfast 
and are '^singing the beautiful home and soldier songs," 
which "often soften, for the time being, even the hardest 
hearts of warriors." Then they have a lesson in French! 
Another "picture" shows them marching to the front, sing- 
ing Koerner's "Prayer During Battle," beginning "Father 
I Call to Thee." Dr. von Mach adds : "Whatever selfish 
train of thought the individual soldier or officer had been 
following fell into insignificance before the grand concep- 
tion of God and man." 

Dr. Prince then presents his pictures, from the Ameri- 
can viewpoint. He says: 

"Dr. von Mach has given his pictures as drawn by an eye 
witness, Professor Hartmann, a German. Let me, too, draw 
some pictures, and let me, too, take my pictures from an eye 
witness in Belgium; but lie shall be a neutral witness, an 
American, Mr. E. Alexander Powell, who had unusual oppor- 
tunities to observe what he describes in his book, recently pub- 
lished, 'Fighting in Flanders.' He was one of the few corre- 
spondents on the firing line. , . . 

"I cite this account because I wish to disregard all ex parte 
testimony. All the . Belgian accounts are those of interested 
witnesses. We shall see the war waged in Belgium not from 



110 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

the Belgian or the German viewpoint, but from the American 
viewpoint." 

He calls his picture "A German Lesson at the Front." 
Place — Aerschot. Time — August, 1914." He says that to 
understand the picture we must remember that orders had 
been deliberately given to burn and pillage Aerschot by the 
German commander after the German troops had entered 
the town. This, the commander himself told Mr. Powell, 
was in retaliation for the shooting of the chief of staff by 
a boy, 15 years of age, the son of the burgomaster, "What 
followed," Mr. Powell was given to understand — the exe- 
cution of the burgomaster, his son and several score of the 
leading townsmen, the giving over of the women to a lust- 
mad soldiery, the sacking of the houses, and the final burn- 
ing of the town — "wb,s, the punishment which would al- 
ways be meted out to towns whose inhabitants attacked 
German soldiers." 

This is what Mr. Powell saw : 

"In many parts of the world I have seen many terrible and 
revolting things, but nothing so ghastly, so horrifying as Aer* 
schot. Quite two-thirds of the houses had been burned, and 
showed unmistakable signs of having been sacked by a mad- 
dened soldiery before they were burned. 

"Everywhere were the ghastly evidences. Doors had been 
smashed in with rifle-butts and boot heels; windows had been 
broken; pictures had been torn from the walls; mattresses had 
been ripped open with bayonets in search of valuables; drawers 
had been emptied upon the floors; the outer walls of the houses 
were spattered with blood and pock-marked with bullets; the 
sidewalks were slippery with broken bottles; the streets were 
strewn with women's clothing, 

"It needed no one to tell us the details of that orgy of blood 
and lust. The story was so plainly written that anyone could 
read it," ... 

"Piecing together the stories told by those who did survive 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 111 

that night of horror, we know that scores of townspeople were 
shot down in cold blood, and that, when the firing squads could 
not do the work of slaughter fast enough, the victims were 
lined up and a machine gun was turned upon them. 

"We know that young girls were dragged fiom their homes 
and stripped naked and violated by soldiers — many soldiers — 
in the public square in the presence of officers. 

"We know that both men and women were unspeakably 
mutilated, that children were bayoneted, that dwellings were 
ransacked and looted, and that finally, as though to destroy 
the evidences of their horrid work, soldiers went from house 
to house with torches, methodically setting fire to them." 

It may be observed here that there seems good reason to 
believe that, in many instances, the houses which were 
spared by the German soldiery, in accordance with direc- 
tions chalked upon their doors or shutters — "giite Leute- 
Nicht zu pliindern" — were those occupied by the German 
spies, known as "fixed agents." Germany is thought to 
spend $3,900,000 a year on this branch of her spy system ; 
and at the outbreak of the present war the number of 
"fixed" spies, i. e., spies permanently residing in a coun- 
try, were in France alone over 15,000. (51) 

The reason given by the Germans for the outrages at 
Aerschot — that the 15-year-old son of the burgomaster shot 
a German officer — ^is not denied. The Germans say that it 
was part of a pre-arranged plan. The Belgians say that the 
boy was acting in defence of his sister's honor. ]^o one 
now knows certmnly which story was true. 

But, as Dr. Prince says: 

"There must have been some reason, or perhaps the boy was 
a fanatic, or half-witted. Surely no sane man, and surely no 
man holding the responsible position of burgomaster, would 
give a dinner party to German officers and arrange to have his 
own son shoot one of them, knowing that there was no escape 



112 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

from the consequences of such an act committed in his own 
home. 

"But accept either story you like, what do you think of the 
commanding officer, of the mode of conducting war, that exe- 
cutes several score of the leading townsmen, that shoots down 
women and children, that gives over the women to the soldiery, 
that orders the sacking of the houses and, finally, the burning 
down of the town, house by house, because a boy shot an officer ? 

"Is this the German idea of a 'hiunane way of waging war?' 

"If you think this mode quite justified, let me tell you how it 
impressed an American, one, remember, accustomed to the 
sights of war in many lands: 

" 'It was with a feeling of repulsion amounting almost to 
nausea that we left what had once been Aerschot behind us.' " 

The second scene, from the American viewpoint, is 
staged at Louvain. Time — same. 

Mr. Powell says it was: "Another scene of destruction 
and desolation." He describes the charred skeletons of the 
handsome buildings and says : "The fronts of many of the 
houses were smeared with crimson stains." He continues : 

"In comparison to its size, the Germans had wrought more 
widespread destruction in Louvain than did the earthquake 
and fire combined in San Francisco. 

"The looting had evidently been unrestrained. The roads 
for miles in either direction were littered with furniture and 
bedding and clothing. Such articles as the soldiers could not 
carry away they wantonly destroyed. Hangings had been torn 
down, pictures on the walls had been smashed, the contents of 
drawers and trunks had been emptied into the streets, literally 
everything breakable had been, broken. This is not from hear- 
say, remember, / smo it tcith my own' eyes. And the amazing 
feature of it all was that among the Germans there seemed to 
be no feeling of regret, no sense of shame. Officers in immacu- 
late imiforms strolled about among the ruins, chatting and 
laughing and smoking." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 113 

The orgy of blood and destruction had lasted two days. 

"Several American correspondents, among them Mr. Richard 
Harding Davis, who were being taken by train from Brussels 
to Germany, and who were held for some hours in the station 
at Louvain during the first night's massacre, have vividly de- 
scribed the horrors which they witnessed from their car win- 
dow. On the second day, Mr. Hugh S. Gibson, secretary of the 
American Legation in Brussels, accompanied by the Swedish 
and Mexican charges, drove over to Louvain in a taxicab. 
Mr. Gibson told me that the Germans had dragged chairs and a 
dining-table from a nearby house into the middle of the square 
in front of the station and that some officers, already consid- 
erably the worse for drink, insisted that three diplomatists join 
them in a bottle of wine. And this while the city was burning 
and rifles were cracking, and the dead bodies of men and women 
lay sprawled in the streets!" 

Dr. Prince adds, addressing Dr. von Mach: 

"Indeed, their 'beautiful home and soldier songs,' as you say, 
had softened their hearts, but the scene is a different one, 
isn't it? 

"But we have the same happy soldiers, 'lounging, talking and 
laughing,' just as your professor describes them, and smoking 
and drinking (though it is beer and wine instead of coffee) and 
'everybody is elated,' just as you say. 

"But the Belgian townspeople, what of them ? Do the happy 
soldiers see them? I don't know." 

Louvain was not destroyed by bombardment or in the 
heat of battle. The Germans had entered it unopposed and 
had been in undisputed possession for several days. 

Mr. Powell had an interview with the commanding gen- 
eral, von Boehn, which as Dr. Prince says, is destined to 
become classic : 

"It had been sought by the general, who had expressed a 
wish to have an opportunity to talk with Mr. Powell, to give 



114 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

him the German version of the treatment of the Belgian civil 
population for the enlightenment of the American public. Mr. 
Powell was accordingly invited to dine with the general. Here 
is more of the conversation as given by the former as 'nearly 
verhatim' as he could remember it. 

" 'But why wreak your vengeance on women and children?' 
I asked. 

" 'None have been killed,' the general asserted positively. 

" 'I as sorry to contradict you, General,' I asserted, with 
equal positiveness, 'but I have myself seen their bodies. So 
has Mr. Gibson, the secretary of the American legation in 
Brussels, who was present during the destruction of Louvain.' 

" 'Of course,' replied General von Boehn, 'there is always 
danger of women and children being killed during street fight- 
ing if they insist on coming into the streets. It is unfortunate, 
but it is war!' 

" 'But how about a woman's body I saw with the hands and 
feet cut off? How about the white-haired man and his son 
whom I helped to bury outside of Sempst who had been killed 
merely because a retreating Belgian soldier had shot a Gterman 
soldier outside their house ? 

" 'There were 22 bayonet wounds in the old man's face. I 
coimted them. How about the little girl, two years old, who 
was shot while in her mother's arms by an Uhlan and whose 
funeral I attended at Heyst-op-den-Berg ? How about the old 
man near Vilvorde who was hung by his hands from the rafters 
of his house and roasted to death by a bonfire being built imder 
him?' 

"The general seemed taken aback by the exactness of my in- 
formation." 

I have not space to quote further from Dr. Prince, but 
I hope all Americans who may read this will remember 
that the evidence given above is that of Americans, of 
"neutrals," not of French, or Belgians, or British, or 
Russians. I would ask them to read also the description 
of his own mental attitude given by Mr. Powell: (52) 

"An American, I went to Belgium at the beginning of the 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 115 

war with an open mind. I had few, if any, prejudices. I knew 
the English, the French, the Belgians, the Germans equally 
well. I had friends in all four countries and many happy rec- 
ollections of days I had spent in each. When I left Antwerp, 
after the German occupation, I was as pro- Belgian as though I 
had been born under the red-black-and-yellow banner. I had 
seen a country, one of the loveliest and most peaceable in 
Europe, invaded by a ruthless and brutal soldiery; I had seen 
its towns and cities blackened by fire and broken by shell; I 
had seen its churches and its historic monuments destroyed; I 
had seen its highways crowded with hunted, homeless fugitives; 
I had seen its fertile fields strewn with the corpses of what had 
once been the manhood of the nation ; I had seen its women left 
husbandless and its children fatherless; I had seen what was 
once a Garden of the Lord turned into a land of desolation; and 
I had seen its people — a people whom I, like the rest of the 
world, had always thought of as pleasure-loving, inefficient, 
easygoing — I had seen this people, I say, aroused, resourceful, 
unafraid, and fighting, fighting, fighting. Do you wonder that 
they captured my imagination, that they won my admiration? 
I am pro-Belgian ; I admit it frankly. I should be ashamed to 
be anything else." 

I believe that, in the light of the testimony given by a 
writer, who, having originally been as nearly impartial as 
one may be to-day, and by the other fair-minded Amer- 
icans also quoted, the vast majority of my fellow-country- 
men will agree with Dr. Prince when he thus apostrophizes 
some of the more conspicuous German apologists : 

"No, Dr. von Mach, you and your fellow propagandists, Dr. 
Demburg and Dr. Miinsterberg, Dr. Albert and others, appeal 
in vain to the American people. You do not know the true 
full-blooded American of the twentieth century, Americans are 
governed by feelings of humanity, of pity, of mercy, of fair play, 

"Those are the ideals of our national conscience. Americana 
believe in a government for the people and by the people, not in 
a government by an autocratic military caste, without pity, 
without mercy, without regard for the rights of mankind. 



116 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"If I read the signs of public opinion aright, if I correctly 
understand American ideals of human rights, Germany stands 
condemned by American opinion, America cares nothing for 
the 'necessities of war,' whether argued as an excuse for crimes 
against humanity by a German General Staff in 1914, or a 
'Spanish Butcher' in Cuba in 1898; she cares nothing for fine- 
spun specious arguments as to why Germany was not to blame 
for the invasion of Belgium. She sees only a peaceful, unof- 
fending nation defending her inalienable rights to her own 
soil. And she sees the inhabitants, for this offense, shot down, 
and their houses, one by one, put to the torch ; she sees tens of 
thousands of homes desolate, and hundreds of thousands of in- 
habitants driven into exile, or starving and dependent upon 
American charity — all this, mind you, not as a sporadic in- 
stance in one city, but repeatedly, day by day, in many cities 
and towns; and not as unavoidable accidents from the shelling 
of the enemy in battle, but deliberately and systematically and 
unnecessarily, after the capture and occupation of the city, for 
the sole purpose of revenge, to overcome resistance by terrorism, 
as officially proclaimed and officially justified. It is for these 
reasons, if for no others, that Germany appeals in vain to 
American sympathy." 

I have thus far cited only Ataierieans, no Allies. But it 
may be permitted to offer evidence supplied by the Ger- 
mans themselves. In addition to the general orders above 
quoted (p. 100 et seq.), which are almost sufficiently damn- 
ing, we have many involuntary individual confessions in 
the shape of diaries found on German prisoners. There are 
large numbers of these and the Marquis de Dampierre is 
preparing a minute and exhaustive report upon them. In 
the meanwhile Prof. Joseph Bedier, of the College de 
France, has published a pamphlet which contains a selec- 
tion from those which first came to hand, with, in each 
instance, a photographic reproduction of the leaf or leaves 
quoted from. Nothing could be more direct and definite 
than this testimony. It is impossible to imagine it to have 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 117 

been forged or in any way tampered witli. The extracts, 
which are quoted below, are in every case those of which 
the original German is photographically reproduced. (53) 

I translate a few only. 

Paul Spielmann (of Company I, Eeserve Battalion, In- 
fantry Brigade) describes a night surprise at a village 
near Blamont. He says : 

"The inhabitants have fled by way of the village. It was hor- 
rible. Blood is glued against all the houses; and as to the 
faces of the dead, they were hideous. They were buried at 
once, to the number of sixty; among them many old women, 
some old men, and a pregnant woman, all frightful to see; and 
three children who were cuddled up one against the other but 
were all dead. The altar and the arches of the church were 
demolished. 

"These people had telephoned to the enemy! And this morn- 
ing, September 2d, the survivors have been expelled; and I 
saw four little boys carrying on two sticks a cradle with a baby 
of five to six months. It is frightful to look at — everything 
is delivered to pillage. ... I saw also a mother with her 
tioo little ones, one of them with a great wound of the head, 
the other with an eyeball burst." 

Private Hassemer (of the Eighth Corps) wrote: 

"3-9-1914 — At Sommepy (Marne) — Horrible carnage — The 
village burned to the ground ; the French thrown into the burn- 
ing houses; civilians and all burned together." 

Lieutenant Kietzmann (Second Company of the First 
Battalion of the Forty-ninth Eegiment of Infantry) writes 
tinder date of August 18th: 

"Near Diest lies the little village of Schaffen. About fifty 
civilians were hidden in the church tower and thence opened 
fire on our troops with a mitrailleuse — all the civilians were 
shot." 



118 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

This does not sound quite so "atrocious," given a state 
of war. But an interesting sidelight on this execution of 
"civilians" is thrown on this scrap of diary by a paragraph 
in the first report of the Belgian Commission of Inquiry. 
It says : 

"Killed at Schaffen, August 18th . . . among others 
. . . the wife of Frangois Luyckz, aged 45 years, with her 
little daughter, aged 12. They were discovered in a drain 
and were shot. The daughter, aged 9, of Jean Ooyen, was shot. 
Andr6 Willem, sexton, was tied to a tree and burned alive." 

This, to be sure, is Belgian testimony. But, taken in 
conjunction with Lieutenant Kietzmann's diar}'', it seems 
fair to conclude that some unpleasant things happened at 
Schaffen on August 18th last. 

A Saxon officer (178th Regiment, Twelfth Army Corps, 
First Corps of Saxony) writes, to his everlasting credit 
(unfortunately his name was not on his diary) : 

"August 26. — The attractive village of Gu6-d'Hossus (Ar- 
dennes), although it seemed to me innocent, was delivered to 
the flames. I am told that a cyclist had fallen from his wheel, 
his gun going off by accident, then some one had fired in his 
direction. Therefore all the male inhabitants have simply been 
thrown into the flames. It is to be hoped that such atrocities 
( Scheusslichkeiten ) will not be repeated." 

Philipp , a private (of Kamenz, in Saxony, First 

Companj'-^ First Battalion, 178th Eegiment), on August 
S3d wrote : 

"At ten o'clock this evening the battalion entered a village 
that had been burned, lying to the north of Dinant. The sight 
made one shudder. At the entrance to the village lay about 
fifty villagers, shot for having from ambush fired upon our 
troops. In the course of the night many others, to the number 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 119 

of more than two hundred were shot. Wotnen and children 
■loere forced to hold lamps in their hands and thus assist at this 
horrible spectacle. Afterwards we ate our rice among the 
cadavers, as we had not eaten since morning." 

Private Schlauter (Third Battery, Fourth Eegiment of 
Field Artillery) wrote, August 35th: 

"In Belgium. ... of the citizens about 300 were shot. 
The survivors were requisitioned as grave-diggers. You should 
have seen the loomen at that time! But there was nothing else 
to do." 

Professor Bedier also gives three facsimiles of portions of 
an article by Under-Officer Klemt, published in the 
Jauersches Tageblatt, October 18, 1914. It is entitled: "A 
Day of Honor for Our Eegiment, 24 September, 1914." 
His description refers to an incident which occurred near 
the little village of Hannonville, when, after a skirmish, 
his soldiers came upon some wounded Ftenchmen lying in 
a little depression. 

He says they killed them by clubbing them or running 
them through. He goes on : 

"At my side I hear some peculiar crackings; they are 
Hows from a gun-butt with which a soldier of our 15Jf.th 
is striking the told head of a Frenchman; very wisely he 
is using for this work a French gun, for fear of breaking 
his own. The men with especially sensitive souls do the 
wounded Frenchmen the honor -of finishing them with a 
bullet; but the others hack and hew as hard as they can. 
Our adversaries had fought courageously . . . but whether 
they were wounded slightly or gravely our brave fellows 
saved for their Fatherland the expensive care which it 
would have been obliged to give to so many enemies." 

The accuracy of Klemt's narraitive was attested by his 



ISO A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

superior. Lieutenant von Niem. The eloquent author of 
the article asserts that His Eoyal Highness, Prince Oskar 
of Prussia, when he heard of the exploits of the 154th, said 
that it, and a grenadier regiment that made up the brigade, 
were worthy of the name "Konigsbrigade !" 

I can spare room for the reproduction of only one of the 
original pages of these diaries. (See opposite page.) 

I have selected my quotations almost at random. 
There are many more to be found in Prof. Bedier's pam- 
phlet and a much larger number that, as I have said, will 
be published later in fac-simile, after study and arrange- 
ment by an expert cartographer. 

It may be that someone who takes the trouble to read 
them will remain unconvinced. They seem to me conclu- 
sive, but may not seem so to everyone. 

But, I may ask then, what is the indisputahle German 
record as to Belgium? 

Thousands of civilians have been killed; tens of thou- 
sands have been rendered homeless and are living on 
charity; many miles of Belgian territory have been occu- 
pied by German invaders; the stories of Aerschot, Ter- 
monde, Louvain, Liege, ISTamur, Eheims are known to^ all ; 
fines of millions of francs have been levied as a punish- 
ment for resistance to a brutal breach, of neutrality. Is it, 
after all, worth while to seek for evidence of other atroci- 
ties? These are known to, and have been condemned by 
the whole civilized world. As David Starr Jordan has well 
expressed it: (54) 

"To 'hack a way througli' civilization is the sum of outrages, 
by whomsoever committed, or whatever the details of the 
method by which it is accomplished. To consider excuses or 
apologies for details is in some degree to condone the real 
offense. 



'^ <.'. v,^.vfV '/^*-v >4^4,^^ =. ^^^?^ 









"i- ^-rj^ 






From the Diary of Private Paul Glode. 



German Text. 

See facsimile on reverse side. 

"[Von der Wut der Soldaten kann man sich ein Bild machen, 
■\venn man die zerstoi'ten] Dorfer sieht. Kein Haus ist mehr 
ganz. Alles essbare wird von einzelnen Soldaten vequiriert. 
Mehrere Haufen Menschen sah man. die standreclitlich erscliossen 
\vnrden. Kleine Schweinchen lief en umher und snchten ihre 
Mutter. Hvinde lagen an der Kette und liatten nichts zu fressen 
und zu saufen und iiber ilinen brannten die Hjiuser. 

"Xeben der gerechten Wut der Soldaten selireitet aber aucli 
purer Vandalismus. In ganz leeren Dorfer setzen sie den roten 
Halm ganz Willkiirlich auf die Hiiuser. Mir tun die Leute leit. 
Wenn sie audi unfaire \'\'aflen gebrauchen, so verteidigen sie doch 
nur ihr Vaterland. Die Grausamkeiten die veriibt wurden und 
nocli werden von seiten der Burger werden wust geriicht. 

"Verstilmmelungen der ^'erw'lmdeten sind an Tagesordnimg." 

Translation. 

"August 12, 1914. In Belgium. One gets an idea of the mad- 
ness of our soldiers when one sees the demolished villages. Not 
a single house intact. Everything eatable has been taken by the 
soldiery. I saw many heaps of human beings who had been 
sentenced and executed. Little pigs ran around among them, 
seeking their mothers. Dogs, without food or W'ater, were 
chained among the burning houses. Sheer vandalism was present 
as well as just anger. To villages already absolutely abandoned 
our soldiers arbitrarily applied the incendiary torch ( "den roten 
Hahn," "the Bed Cock" ) . The inhabitants made one sorry. 
If they did employ unfair weapons they were after all defending 
iheir Fatherland. The atrocities that those villagers commit or 
have committed are avenged in a barbarous manner. 
"The mutilation of the wounded is a daily routine." 
"[From the diary of Private Paul Glode, of the 9th Battalion 
of Pioneers ( 9th Corps ) ] ." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 121 

"The huge fact of the crushing of Belgium submerges all 
details. Our thought is expressed in these words of Emerson: 
'What you are speaks so loudly we cannot hear what you say.' " 

An American paper (55) has well summed up this 
aspect of the matter. It says that even if we made the 
acquittal of the German private soldier as broad and sweep- 
ing as it could be made, there have, nevertheless, been 
atrocities, aside from those attributed to the individual, 
atrocities committed by the German Government. It con- 
tinues : 

"The German Government sowed the North Sea with mines 
and blew up harmless trawlers coming from the Scandinavian 
countries and Holland. The German Government sent airships 
over Antwerp, Paris, Warsaw, and many undefended and un- 
fortified towns and villages in France, Belgium, and Poland, and 
scattered death and destruction impartially on home, shop, and 
farm. The German Government dispatched warshipsi to the 
coast of England and killed women and children in Whitby, 
Hartlepool, Scarborough, and Yarmouth. The German Govern- 
ment revived the mediaeval custom of holding hostages and 
killing them if the population from which they came committed 
any infraction of the rules of war. The German Government 
held cities for ransom. The German Government has now com- 
pleted its record of atrocities by declaring a war zone arovmd 
England and putting the ships of every neutral nation on notice 
that if they venture into that zone they may be sunk with all 
on board! 

"These are the real atrocities. What difference does it make 
that exuberant liars in the early days of the war may have 
ascribed to the German private a ferocity that was not his? 
Probably he did not cut off the hands of Belgian women; prob- 
ably he did not spear French babies on his bayonet. But his 
superior officers had given him a lesson in ruthless brutality, in 
reversion to barbarity, to seek a parallel for which we should 
have to go to the Indian raids on the Colonies, and if he omitted 
to follow that suggestion it is vastly to his credit. The atroci- 
ties, if by that word we mean individual cruelty, may be dis- 



132 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

missed; but how is the G'erman Government going to make its 
defense at the bar of the civilized world when it is arraigned 
on the charge of ordering atrocities on a vaster scale than it 
would ever enter into the mind of a private soldier, however, 
depraved he might be, to conceive? 

"There is an active German propaganda in this country. Its 
agents are tireless. But there is an agency far more powerful 
at work in behalf of the cause for which England and France 
and Russia are fighting. It is' the wireless telegraph station at 
Sayville, which receives and gives out the official reports and 
declarations of the German Government." 

A book (56), which Professor J. H. Morgan has just 
translated, the notorious "Kriegsbrauch im Landkriege^' 
or "German War Book," issued by the German General 
Staff, for the instruction of oflBcers, is in itself alomst suf- 
ficient evidence of their inhuman and barbarous methods. 

"It asserts the rules of war as they are understood by the 
Prussian military school, justifying by rote all those practices 
which have amazed the world at Aerschot, Rheims, and Louvain. 
The German General Staff, clause by clause, destroys in these 
pages every safeguard which through centuries of civilizing 
effort has been erected to soften the rigour of war so far as 
this may be done consistently with war's purpose. The pro- 
fession of arms is stripped of all honour. Under the terms 
of these German regulations the practice of war is not possible 
to an honorable man. The German officer is required 
to terrify the helpless into betraying their own people, to 
murder prisoners, to retain women and children under fire, to 
levy blackmail upon surrendered cities, to compel the civilian 
enemy to prepare works for the destruction of his country, 
to suborn incendiaries and assassins. Upon all these matters 
the German War-Book is explicit. . . . We will take two 
instances illustrating the German idea of war. On marching 
into the enemy- country the German officer is instructed to 
require from the inhabitants the services of native guides 
to enable him the more easily to locate and destroy the 
defenders. Should these unwilling guides lead the invader 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 123 

astray they must necessarily be shot. The guide, we are told, 
'owed obedience to the power in occupation.' He has been 
guilty of 'passive disobedience' by neglecting to locate his 
eomradesi in order that they might be destroyed: 'The leaders 
of the troops cannot do otherwise than punish the offender 
with death, since only by harsh measures of defense and 
intimidation can the repetition of such offences be prevented.' 
It does not seem to occur to the G'ermani War Staff that pro- 
ceedings which require that civilians shall be shot for refusing 
to betray their country are in the least blameworthy. Our 
second instance restores the practices of war as they were 
understood in the Middle Ages. It has always been held by the 
historians as a blot upon the fame of a great English King 
that four himdred years ago the women and children of a 
French town were refused a free passage through the lines. 
The Kriegsbrauch of modern Germany allows and glorifies an 
act which four centuries ago was felt to be needlessly inhuman. 
It is laid down in the German War-Book that the defender 
of a fortress must not be allowed to strengthen himself by 
sending away to a place of safety the women, children, old 
people, and wounded. To allow helpless non-combatants to 
pass through one's lines is 'in fundamental conflict with the 
principles of war.' Will not these women, children, old people, 
and wounded gravely embarrass the defenders? May not their 
slaughter by shot and shell induce the garrison to surrender 
a little sooner? 'The very presence of such persons,' says the 
German book of war, 'may accelerate the surrender of the 
place in certain circumstanes, and it would therefore be foolish 
of a besieger to renounce volimtarily his advantage."' 

As The Outlodk said about the raid on Scarborough: 
(57) 

"The victims were not soldiers, but civilians, and to a large 
extent women and children. What military advantage commen- 
surate with the effort and risk can come from such a raid is 
hard to say, but one great disadvantage has resulted. Germany 
is making a great effort to secure the approval of American 
sentiment. Such a raid as this nullifies the arguments of Ger- 
man representatives. Americans are not won by exploits that 



124 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

end in the killing of women and babies; and all the reasoning 
in the world will not conceal the fact that the raid on Scar- 
borough waa an exploit of this kind." 

But the question that heads this chapter can hardly be 
adequately answered by consideration only of the atrocities 
of war. There are other forms of "atrocity," diplomatic 
and controversial for example. 

The best instance, because at this writing the most 
recent and most conspicuous, is the effort which Germany 
and the German apologists are making to shift the respon- 
sibility for the Belgian outrage to the shoulders of the 
Belgians themselves. 

This added German crime, this contemptible attempt 
to make it appear to the American people that Belgium 
has herself been "guilty" and "criminal" and is merely 
receiving just chastisement, is so significant that I do not 
want the opinion I have expressed to seem to be only a 
personal one. 

The matter is adequately dealt with by one of our 
American paper. (58) It begins: 

"It is an evidence, we suppose, of that admirable efficiency 
which marks the Teutonic character that Germany is still 
making relentless war upon Belgium — not only against the 
army, but against the people; not only to destroy the nation's 
independence, but to blast the good name it has won by heroic 
sacrifice. 

"Were it not for the testimony of Louvain and of the huge 
war levies extorted from the famine-stricken country, it would 
be incredible that a civilized government should deliberately seek 
to traduce a people whom it had already wronged and robbed. 
Not satisfied with bloody conquest, Germany is determined to 
strip her victim even of honor — would brand her as guilty of 
broken faith, the very offense to which Germany herself has 
ofiicially confessed. The persistence of this campaign makes 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 135 

it necessary to keep the record straight before the American 
people. 

"The present attack started a couple of months ago with 
the announcement that the invaders, rummaging through 
government papers in Brussels, had found documents proving 
that 'Belgium violated her own neutrality' in 1906 by agreeing 
to the landing of British troops in case of war. 

"For weeks this odious charge was trumpeted to the world, 
with all the offensive comment that enmity could invent. Having 
exhausted the resources of unsupported slander, Germany has 
at last published the documents, with an adroit elucidation by 
Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, special publicity agent of Germany in 
this country." 

The editorial then cites the facts as to the violation of 
the treaty of Belgium and says that, as to them, there is no 
controversy, as the German Government had confessed its 
own guilt and pleaded "military necessity.^' The out- 
hurst of condemnation that followed its crime, however, 
caused this attitude to be abandoned, and the so-called 
"secret documents'^ provided a pretense for completing the 
crushing of Belgium, by denouncing her as a dishonorable 
plotter against Germany's security. 

"Kothing more revolting in its cold-blooded injustice 
was ever perpetrated in international controversy,'' the 
editorial continues, "but the studied effort to heap insult 
upon injury will make Belgium's case more than ever the 
cause of civilization." 

It then tells the story of the "secret documents," which 
need not here be set forth (see pp. 363-76), the charge 
which was falsely and maliciously founded upon them, and 
goes on : 

"When one thinks of the ruined cities and famine-haunted 
people of Belgium, of the sufferings endured by that nation to 
keep inviolate its pledged word, it is difficult to characterize 
adequately the malignant craft of this charge. 



136 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"The veiy documents produced in its support, confidential 
as they were, recorded in plain terms Belgium's absolute deter- 
mination to stand by her obligations of neutrality — not only 
against Germany, but against France or England or any other 
country — and they as plainly reveal Germany as the sole 
menace to that neutrality, just as the event proved. 

"Yet Doctor Dernburg, who is of course the chief protagonist 
in this country, has the audacity to cite these memoranda as 
evidence of what he calls Belgium's 'guilt'! In the hope, no 
doubt, that Americans would read his preface and ignore the 
documents themselves, he delibrately suppresses paragraphs 
which prove Belgium's scrupulous insistence upon her neu- 
trality and Great Britain's steady recognition thereof. 

" 'Plans had been concerted,' he says, 'to invade Belgium, in 
1906.' Here he accuses the British of plotting and the Belgians 
of consenting to a violation of the treaty of neutrality. He 
says, further: 

" 'The imperial Chancellor has declared that there was irref- 
utable proof that if Germany did not march through Belgium 
her enemies would. This proof, as now being produced, is of 
the strongest character.' 

"Doctor Dernburg makes his outrageous charge in the face 
of the following explicit passages in the papers: 

"'Colonel Barnardiston (the British attach^) referred to the 
anxieties of the General Staff of hisi country with regard to 
the general political situation and because of the possibility 
that war may soon break out. In case Belgiiun should be 
attacked, the sending of about 100,00(> troops was provided 
for. ... The landing of the English troops would take 
place on the French coast in the vicinity of Dunkirk and 
Calais. The entry of the English into Belgium would take 
place only after the violation of our neutrality by Germany.' 
"These provisos, carefully avoided by the German publicity 
agent, prove that the projected British 'invasion' was to take 
place only in the event of and following a German invasion. 
The arrangement was as creditable to Great Britain — a guar- 
antor of the neutrality treaty — as the tmprovoked assault last 
August by Germany was dishonorable. The 'guilt' of Belgium 
consisted in consulting the neighbors as to what should be done 
in case of an expected incursion by a burglar. 

"The event shows that the precaution was eminently justified, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 127 

and that Britain's offense lay not in plans of aggression, but in 
unpreparedness to fulfill her obligations to defend the neutrality 
she had guaranteed. 

"Exactly the same condition applies to the 1912 memorandum. 
Belgium therein gave notice that even to save her territory she 
would not yield to a British landing made without her consent. 
And that landing, also, was to be made only in case Germany 
had first forsworn her pledged word and had violated the 
neutrality for which she was in part responsible. 

"A third Dernburg paragraph almost answersi itself. The 
government that would speak of the 'guilt of Belgian' all but 
forfeits its place in the family of nations. 

"Germany's intention to invade Belgium instantly on the 
outbreak of war had been proclaimed and advertised and 
boasted for years in the published works of her military strate- 
gists. If Belgium had not 'concerted plans' with Britain and 
France to defend herself, she would have been guilty of supreme 
folly; and if Great Britain had not prepared for action to 
follow a German assault upon Belgium, she would have been 
false to her pledged word. 

"The complaint that Belgium did not 'approach' Germany 
in the same manner is surely the very acme of irony, for she 
had already received notice that Germany would tear up the 
'scrap of paper' to which her imperial pledge had been given, 
and would invoke 'necessity, which knows no law.' 

"But abstract arguments and documentary evidence alike can 
be put aside when the world examines the actual events. No 
advocacy can explain away the facts that Belgium was true 
to her neutrality; that France did not violate it; that Great 
Britain did not, and that Germany did; that German armies 
had been for some time overrunning Belgium before a French 
or British detachment set foot on the violated territory. 

" 'Only our prompt action at Liege,' says Doctor Iternburg, 
with astounding hardihood, 'prevented the English landing and 
invading Belgium.' Evidently he thinks Americans never saw 
a map of Belgium ; the taking of Liege could not possibly inter- 
fere with a British invasion — as a fact, the city has been held 
by the Germans for months, yet the landing of British troops 
has never been interfered with. 

"Equally deceptive is the generality that 'all Belgium's 
fortresses are on the eastern frontier.' Namur is near the 



128 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

Doraer of France, and could not possibly menace a German army 
unless that army had penetrated one-third way across Belgium. 

"Doctor Dernburg is more himself when he frankly states 
that 'the Belgian people had been told at the beginning of the 
war that Germany demanded that the Belgian force should fight 
with the Germans against the French and English.' This was 
the true German conception of neutrality and of the 'scrap of 
paper' to which her imperial word was attached. 

"We have given this much space to a renewed discussion of 
the Belgian question because it is, to Americans, the vital 
issue of the war. It embraces rights and principles which are 
fundamental to every nation's security and the very per- 
manence of civilization. And most neutrals will give small 
heed to German pleas about 'Russian barbarism.' 'French 
revenge' or 'British greed' while the corpse of Belgiimi's mur- 
dered nationality appeals for justice. 

"The violation of that country was a moral, a legal and an 
international offense for which there can be no excuse and no 
palliation. It was a barbarous wrong, a defiance to civilization, 
an act of perfidy without parallel in history; because it was 
committed in an age when the obligations of honor and decency 
are stronger than at any other period of human development. 

"There are issues of the war the responsibility for which 
must be shared with Germany by other countries. But concern- 
ing Belgium her guilt is unique and undivided. And it will 
grow more odious with every effort she makes to shift it to her 
victim, though she produces docixments enough to choke the 
Kiel canal." 

I do not apologize for the space I have given here and 
elsewhere to the ease of Belgium vs. Grermany. It is not 
only to Americans "the vital issue of the war" as regards 
things past. It is also of supreme importance in all its 
relations; in the cold-blooded perpetration of the crime, 
in the barefaced avowal that it was a crime, in the deceit- 
ful withdrawal of that avowal when the outraged moral 
sense of the world was realized, in the clumsy, blundering 
efforts to explain it away, in the barbarous atrocities that 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 129 

followed it, and finally in this last contemptible attempt 
by the juggling of documents, the glossing over of essential 
sentences, the actual suppression of important paragraphs, 
to make it seem to the American people, that Belgium, if 
she is, by ill fate, destined to disappear from the face of the 
earth, does so as a shameful suicide instead of as the victim 
of a brutal international murder. 

The question at the head of this chapter is most cer- 
tainly and unhesitatingly to be answered in the negative. 



CHAPTEE V. 

In What Estimation Does America To-day Hold Belgium? 

If time had permitted that the opportunity be offered 
there would have been a thousand American contributions 
to the tribute paid to the King of Belgium, known as "King 
Albert's Book." Colonel Eoosevelt, for example, who is as 
well known to all peoples of the world as any living Ameri- 
can, and as much respected, does not appear as a contribu- 
tor. But he has, characteristically and unequivocally ex- 
pressed his views in his book, Just published: (59) 

"Luxembourg made no resistance. It is now practically 

incorporated in Germany. Other nations have almost forgotten 

its existence and not the slightest attention has been paid to 

its fate; simply because it did not fight; simply because it 

trusted solely to peaceful measures and to the treaties which 

were supposed to guarantee it against harm. The eyes of the 

world, however, are on Belgium because the Belgians have 

fought hard and gallantly for all that makes life best worth 

baving to honorable men and women. In consequence, Belgium 

has been trampled under foot. At this moment not only her 

men but her women and children are enduring misery bo 

dreadful that it is hard for us who live at peace to visualize it 

to ourselves." 

****** 

"When once Belgium was invaded, every circumstance of 
national honor and interest forced England to act precisely as 
she did act. She could not have held up her head among 
nations had she acted otherwise. In particular, she is entitled 
to the praise of all true lovers of peace, for it is only by action 
such as she took that neutrality treaties and treaties guar- 
anteeing the rights of small powers will ever be given any 
value. The actions of Sir Edward Grey as he guided Britain's 
(130) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 131 

foreign policy showed adherence to lofty standards of right 
combined with firmness of courage under great strain." 

"There is one nation, however, as to which there is no room 
for difference of opinion, whether we consider her wrongs or the 
justice of her actions. It seems to me impossible that any 
man can fail to feel the deepest sympathy with a nation which 
is absolutely guiltless of any wrongdoing, which has given proof 
of high valor, and yet which has suffered terribly, and which, 
if there is any meaning in the words 'right' and 'wrong,' has 
suffered wrongfully. Belgium is not in the smallest degree 
responsible for any of the conditions that during the last half 
century have been at work to impress; a certain fatalistic 
stamp upon those actions of Austria, Russia, Germany, and 
France which have rendered this war inevitable. No European 
nation has had anything whatever to fear from Belgium. 
There was not the smallest danger of her making any aggressive 
movement, not even the slightest aggressive movement, against 
any of her neighbors. Her population was mainly industrial 
and was absorbed in peaceful business. Her people were thrifty, 
hard-working, highly civilized, and in no way aggressive. She 
owed her national existence to the desire to create an abso- 
lutely neutral State. Her neutrality had been solemnly guaran- 
teed by the great Powers, including Grermany as well as England 
and France. 

"Suddenly, and out of a clear sky, her territory was invaded 
by an overwhelming Grerman army." . 

"The Germans are in Belgium from no fault of the Belgians, 
but purely because the Germans deemed it to their vital interest 
to violate Belgium's rights. Therefore the ultimate responsi- 
bility for what has occurred at Louvain, and what has occurred 
and is occurring in Brussels rests upon Germany and in no way 
upon Belgium. The invasion could have been averted by no 
action of Belgium that was consistent with her honor and self- 
respect. The Belgians would have been less than men had they 
not defended themselves and their country." . . . 

"The prime fact as regards Belgium is that Belgium was an 
entirely peaceful and genuinely neutral power which had been 
guilty of no offence whatever. What has befallen her is due to 
the further fact that a great, highly civilized military power 



133 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

deemed that its own vital interests rendered imperative the in- 
fliction of this suffering on an inoffensive although valiant and 
patriotic little nation." 

These writings of Colonel Eoosevelt represent the opin- 
ion — the fixed, unalterable, intense and practically •unani- 
mous opinion of all Americans, except that portion of the 
German-Americans that has been allowed to represent — ^or 
misrepresent — ^them in public. This opinion is no less well 
set forth by the following distinguished Americans who 
contributed to ''King Albert's Book." 

"Under the gallant lead of the heroic Belgian King, his 
downtrodden and afflicted people have been fighting for liberty, 
and to maintain the plighted faith of nations, which guaran- 
teed it to them. Those who were guilty of an awful breach of 
faith, confessed their crime while in the act of committing it, 
and pleaded necessity to absolve them from all law, a plea 
which the whole civilized world refuses to accept. 

"For their bold stand for right and duty, the Belgians, 
guiltless of all offense, have been overwhelmed by numbers, 
trampled in the dust, and reduced to starvation, their homes 
destroyed, their whole country devastated and converted into a 
human slaughter-house. 

"In this sad plight, they have deserved axid are receiving the 
sympathy and the helping hand of people of every civilized 
nation in this hour of their dire distress. 

"I am glad to know that my countrymen are sending material 
relief to the sufferers, and with it the hearts of our people go 
out to them and their brave king, in human sympathy, un- 
feigned and unrestrained. 

"As neutrals, by international law and by our own law, our 
hands are tied and will remain so. But our hearts go Avhither 
they list." — Hon. Joseph H. Choate. 

"BELGIUM 

"Ruined ? Destroyed ? Ah, no ; though blood in rivers ran 
Down all her ancient streets; though treasures manifold 
Love-wrought, time-mellowed, and beyond the price of gold 

Are lost, yet Belgium's star shines still in God's vast plan. 



A: 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 133 

"Rarely have kings been great, since kingdoms first began; 

Rarely have great kings been great men, when all was told. 

But, by the lighted torch in mailed hands, behold 
Immortal Belgium's immortal king, and man." 

— Ella Wheeler Wilcox. 

"La Belgique ne regrette rien." 
"Not with her ruined silver spires, 

Not with her cities shamed and rent. 
Perish the imperishable fires 

That shape the homestead from the tent. 

"Wherever men are staunch and free. 
There shall she keep her fearless state, 

And, homeless, to great nations be 
The home of all that makes them great." 

— Edith Wharton. 

"The proposed tribute is part of the debt of honor and rever- 
ence which is due from the whole world to that most nobly 
heroic people and the prince who has shown himself worthy 
of them. The tragedy of their great little land is of a pathos 
matchless in the history of the past; and in the future when, 
as we all hope, the military spirit of Germany shall be brought 
low, I believe the Germans themselves will share our horror of 
the ruin they have wrought among its homes and shrines. — 
WilUam Demi Howells. 

"Belgium is rare; Belgium is unique. Among men arises on 
rare occasions a great man, a man of cosmic import; among 
nations on rare occasions arises a great nation, a nation of 
cosmic import. Such a nation is Belgium. Such is the place 
Belgium attained in a day by one mad, magnificent, heroic leap 
into the azure. As long as the world rolls and men live, that 
long will Belgium be remembered. All the human world owes, 
and will owe, Belgium a debt of gratitude such as was never 
earned by any nation in the history of nations. It is a mag- 
nificent debt, a proud debt that all the nations of men will 
sacredly acknowledge." — Jack London. 

"We have experienced so many emotions in America in the 
course of this terrible war that it would be difiicult, had not 
Germany violated the neutrality of Belgium, to assert definitely 



134 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

what has been our dominant sensation. But, as it is, I think I 
can safely speak for my countrymen, and state that nothing 
has so horrified us and aroused our indignation and sympathies 
as the cruel fate of this valiant little country. 

"Above all, no chapter of the war, as yet presented to us, 
has so excited our admiration as well as our profound respect. 
We are the only country, owing to our geographical position 
as well as to our facilities, that has been able to look at all 
sides of the European imbroglio from the beginning; and 
propaganda has made no impression whatever upon us. We 
have had the opportunity to make up our minds, and wholly 
out of order as this would appear in certain quarters, we be- 
lieve ourselves to be quite equal to this feat without exterior 
assistance. We know, among many other things, that the 
magnificent resistance at Lifege upset all the long-matured plans 
of the German War Office, and that had Belgium proved either 
weak or ignoble, the history of the war would be very different 
reading to-day. 

"I venture to say that every town in the United States, big 
and little, has its Belgian Relief Society, even if it does not 
spread beyond the dimensions of the weekly sewing circle; and 
that the most consistent democrat in the country takes off his 
hat to King Albert of Belgium. The Americans are always 
alert to recognize a man, and are capable of being quite^ in- 
different to the niche presented to him by destiny. What he 
does in that niche is the point. If the result of this upheaval 
is a great European Republic (I refer, of course, to the Con^ 
tinent), I feel positive that if the people of the United States 
of America were allowed to vote, the popular candidate would 
be King Albert of Belgium." — Gertrude Atherton. 

This chapter might, by extracts from current American 
literature, be almost indefinitely prolonged. But quite 
sufficient additional American testimony will be found in 
Chapters III, IV, X and XI, and indeed, throughout the 
book, to justify the statement that everywhere in America 
to-day the words "1 am a Belgian" would, as in the Aus- 
tralian's thrilling war poem (p. 88), bring instant evi- 
dence of deep sympathy and profound respect. 



CHAPTEE VI. 

Is There Any Evidence Which Tends to Show Why the 

Present Time Was Selected by Germany to 

Precipitate the War? 

Professor Usher, the author of "Pan-Germanism" 
(where much interesting matter corroborative of the state- 
ments of Emil Eeich, as to Germany's megalomania, may 
be found presented in a more dignified way), has best 
answered this question in an article on "The Eeasons 
Behind the War." (60) 

In the first place, Austria for centuries has dreamed of 
dominating southeastern Europe, of ruling the Balkans, of 
possessing a seacoast on the Adriatic and ^gean. Only 
the control of Servia can give her fully and unreservedly 
what she desires. Moreover, under Servia's leadership, 
once she had recovered from her great losses in men and 
resources during the Balkan wars, a strong Slav state 
might have been established in control of all Austria's 
present approaches to the Adriatic. Her motives seem 
plain, and she was in precisely the position, after the mur- 
der of the Arch-Duke Ferdinand, to serve as a cafs-paw 
for her "ally" — and master. But why did the latter push 
her relentlessly into war at this time, when ample repara- 
tion was offered and further amends were easily procurable, 
as the evidence shows beyond all question? The Anglo- 
Irish difficulties, the Canadian-Hindu troubles, the sensa- 
tional disclosures in the French Chamber as to the bad 
condition of the army, the alleged deficiencies in the 
French areoplane squadrons, the only partial recovery of 

(135) 



136 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Eussia from the effects of the Japanese war, the exhaustion 
of the Balkan States themselves from their recent wars, 
even the preoccupation of the United States with troubles 
in Mexico, all seemed to preclude the chance of a general 
interference. 

Professor Usher continues: 

"If such interference took place and a general European war 
resulted, there had not been in twenty years anything like as 
favorable an opportmiity for the Triple Alliance or one as 
disadvantageous for the Triple Entente. The stake was so 
immense, the results of success would be so stupendous, so out 
of proportion, in the case of the Triple Alliance, with what 
they might lose, that the issue of war might even be courted 
with some assurance. . . . 

"The schemes of the Pan-Germanists indeed reach to the 
creation of a vast confederation of states. . . . reaching 
'from the North Sea to the Persian Gulf, from the Baltic to the 
Mediterranean,' as one of their slogans has it. . . . 

"Of this great scheme (supposing it to be, as many claim, 
the veritable policy of the Triple Alliance) the undisputed 
possession of the Balkans by the Triple Alliance is the most 
important single factor. . . . 

"As to a general assault upon the Triple Entente the Triple 
Alliance has long seen two obvious methods, both in the opinion 
of many, likely to be successful; the one, a long waiting game 
where the rapid growth of the population in Germany, Austria, 
and Italy, and the decline of the rate of growth in France, 
England, and Russia, would in time give the Alliance a real 
preponderance in numbers; the other, a short quick blow at 
some moment when the Triple Alliance could bring all its 
strength to bear and when the Triple Entente could not. The 
former meant, not improbably, many years of waiting, and in 
those years much might happen. 

"Thoroughly alive to the situation, the Triple Entente had 
already under execution the preliminaries of so vast an increase 
of offensive force, and showed such a determination to main- 
tain a naval and military preponderance, that there would be 
no alternative but waiting, once these schemes were perfected. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAE 137 

The French, and particularly the Russian, army was to be 
increased, not only in size, but in efficiency and equipment; 
and an influential minority in England, with apparent popular 
support, was agitating conscription. The English navy was to 
be much increased in fighting force by manning at war strength 
in the near future a much larger proportion of ships than ever 
before. Chiefest of all, the Russians were building in the 
Baltic a really formidable fleet, capable of contesting the Baltic 
with Germany and of threatening the rear of the German fleet 
in the Atlantic to such an extent that united fleet action in the 
North Sea would become an impossibility. 

"If they [the Triple Alliance] were to fight at all, they musit 
fight now. Next siunmer might be too late. Now the actual 
offensive force of their rivals was proportionately less than it 
might be again for ten years, and their difficulties at home were 
collectively and individually greater than any of the three has 
seen for a generation. 

"So far as the fulfillment of the schemes of Pan-Germanism 
was concerned, the moment was more than opportune and might 
not return." 

Professor Usher seems to me to have sufficiently an- 
swered Question VI. 



CHAPTEE yil. 

What Are the Principles Represented by the Opposing Forces 
in This War? 

A. They are absolutism and militarism on the one hand 
and democratic liberty and representative government on 
the other. 

For a century a transference of political power from 
military despots to popular assemblies has been going on 
in Western Europe. In Russia and the Far East the same 
gradual shift of forces has been taking place. France and 
Portugal are republics. England is democratic. Japan 
has abandoned feudalism for democracy. China is an 
experimental republic. Eussia has her Duma. Servia has 
fought for self-government. The people of Italy have 
shown their real sentiments by keeping her from fighting 
against the Allies. Belgium has a growing and intelligent 
democratic minority of its population. At this critical tide 
in the affairs of the world the inmost feelings of the peoples 
involved, the beliefs and aspirations that are a living part 
of their very being are apt to dominate and often — ^though 
I admit, not invariably — determine their action. 

What is the alignment ? 

On one side Germany — ^with whose ideals and purposes 
we are familiar — Austria, not a real nation, but an arti- 
ficial conglomeration of heterogeneous peoples, the mere 
tool of Germany, and Turkey, now, as always, the type of 
a corrupt fanatic Oriental despotism. 

On the other, France, England, Belgium, Servia, 
Portugal, Eussia, Japan. 

(138) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 139 

And ranged on their side, so far as sympathy goes, are 
the democratic neutral powers, Denmark, Norway, Hol- 
land, Italy and the United States. 

The Outlook, which has admirably summed up the 
foregoing facts, says editorially: (61) 

"When in a chemical experiment certain molecules by a 
natural attraction combine, that fact shows that they have 
something in common. When, in such a war as this, France, 
England, Belgium, Portugal, Japan and Russia combine, that 
fact shows that these various peoples have something in com- 
mon. We believe that something in common is a passionate 
desire for democratic liberty. 

"The victory of Germany can be no other than a victory for 
militarism ; the victory of the Allies no other than a victory for 
permanent peace. If Germany wins she must maintain her 
armaments, if not increase them; for power obtained by force 
can be maintained only by force. If Germany is defeated, a 
diminution of her armaments as a condition of peace may well 
be demanded by the Allied Powers." 

Dr. Dernburg has, with great pains, tried to portray for 
the benefit of Americans, a Germany which will excite 
their admiration. He sneers (63) at Chesterton, Caine, 
Wells, Doyle and Bennett as "writers of fiction." If any 
one of them ever wrote a story or a novel less convincing 
than the "official" and "unimpeachable" documents of Ger- 
many and its representatives during this present war, we 
have failed to see it. As a writer of "fiction," Doctor 
Dernburg is himself entitled, in everything but interest 
and plausibility, to rank with any one of them. His ver- 
sions of the Chancellor's speech to the Eeichstag, and of 
Germany's "solemn declaration" to our Department of 
State, would alone suffice to class him with Hall Caine, 
"Germany," he asserts, 'Tias no special grudge against any- 
body." He forgets his Goethe : "Ein echter deutscher Mann 



140 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

mag keinen Franzen leiden. Doch ihre Weine trinkt er 
gem." "Grudge" craps out of every sentence of his paper ; 
grudge against England, grudge against France, grudge 
against "poor little" Belgium (it is Ms sneer we quote), 
and against Eussia. If the United States escape such 
obvious ill will, this may be due to his extraordinary sense 
of ^^obligation as a guest." At least, as we have seen, he 
intimates that we have von Bernhardis in this country, and 
that he would shame us by naming them if he were free 
to do so ! 

The Germany described by Doctor Dernburg is one 
which few Americans will recognize. Grudgeless, "fighting 
morally for her freedom and her existence," "modest," 
wanting merely her oft-claimed "place under the sun"; 
"out for conquest on a peaceful line," "the line where the 
higher culture wins"; a "democracy," "'directed by the 
most liberal ballot law that exists, even more liberal than 
the one in use in the United States." Only the last of 
these statements deserves passing mention, and this because 
it might delude some American who had not time to inform 
himself. 

The "democracy" so eulogized is no more a democracy 
in our sense, or in the French sense, or in the English sense 
(despite the monarchical form of the British government) 
than it is a Court of Archangels. As Mr. Mencken says, 
it is not "a democracy in the American sense, or anything 
colorably resembling it. It was founded upon no romantic 
theory that all men were natural equals." Metzsche re- 
served Brotherhood for "shopkeepers, cows, women and 
Englishmen." 

It is a "democracy" in which the vote of one Prussian 
Junker is equal in political effect to the votes of many men 
of lower class. 

It is a "democracy" with 3,000,000 oflBcials for 14,000,- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 141 

000 electors, or, roughly speaking, "one policeman to every 
five adults" (Price Collier). 

It is a "democracy" in which, as Sarolea said in 1913, 
every part of the empire has theoretically a proportional 
share in the administration, while Prussia really enjoys the 
ultimate political and financial control. 

It is a "democracy which Professor McElroy entitles a 
"half Slavonic military despotism, calling its war chief the 
'anointed of the Lord,' and to maintain and extend which 
the Germans are giving their lives." 

It is a "democracy" with an "Overlord" who can seriously 
say: (Bremen, 1897) 

"If we have been able to accomplish what has been accom- 
plished, it is due above all things to the fact that our hoxise" 
(the Hohenzollerns) "possesses a tradition by virtue of which 
we consider that we have been appointed by God to preserve and 
direct for their own welfare the people over whom He has given 
us power." 

And still later, only four years ago : (1910, Konigsberg) 

"It was in this spot that my grandfather, in his own right 
placed the royal crown of Prussia upon his head, insisting once 
again that it was bestowed upon him by the grace of God alone, 
and not by parliaments, and meetings, and decisions of the 
people. He thus regarded himself as the chosen instrument of 
Heaven, and as^ such carried out his duties as a ruler and lord. 
I consider myself such an instrument of Heaven, and shall go 
my way without regard to the views and opinions of the day." 

Prince Henry of Prussia, the Kaiser's brother, declared 
that he was actuated by one single motive : "A desire to 
proclaim to the nations the gospel of Your Majesty's sacred 
person, and to preach that gospel alike to those who will 
listen and those who will not." 



142 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

This (jerman "democracy" is blessed with a Parliament, 
concerning which so well informed a writer as Collier can 
say: "Wliy should the press or society take this assembly 
very seriously, when as the most important measure of 
which they are capable they can vote to have themselves 
dismissed by declining to pass supply bills, and when, as 
has happened four times in their history, they return 
chastened, tame, and amenable to the wishes of their 
master?" Mr. Collier affirms that after forty odd years 
the Germans are still without real representative govern- 
ment. 

It is a *^democracy" in which the battle cry is "World 
power or perish" ; in which there is an Overlord who says : 
"Only one is master of this country. That is I. Who 
opposes me I shall crush to pieces" ; in which for a genera- 
tion the toast of the ruling class has been "Der Tag," "The 
Day," when they should be let loose by their masters to 
work havoc and destruction ; the day for which the masses, 
the people, the "electors," had been more or less unwillingly 
preparing, and on which, as a reward for their toil and 
energy and self-sacrifice, they were allowed to become 
"cannon fodder" for the glory of the War Lord. 

This question of the democracy of Germany has a por- 
tentous significance from another viewpoint. 

As to one of the theoretical results of the war, by many 
still widely believed in and hoped for, viz., that after the 
German people realized the failure of the initial campaign 
and came to see the inner causes and springs of the hopeless 
war in which they are engaged, they would wrest authority 
from the hands of those who had misused it and found a 
New Germany, an American paper (63) has admirably 
expressed the unfortunate truth. Its editorial! historical 
summary is so enlightening at this juncture that I quote 
it almost in full, although I am not in accord as to one 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 143 

point, viz., the "absolute unity" of the German people ''see 
pp. 461-71). 

'"One of the earliest predictions made concerning the war was 
that it would result in a revolution in Germany; that imperial- 
ism, militarism and autocracy would be submerged beneath the 
tides of an awakened democracy. 

"It was a plausible tlieoiy, and still has its hopeful support- 
ers. They will be likely to reject the opinion expressed in the 
Pall Mall Gazette: 

" 'The New York Times speculates on the possibility of a 
German revolution under the impetus of disaster. Prophecy is 
hazardous, but nothing in German history discloses either the 
initiative or the capacity to bring such a movement to fruition. 
Germany has always had her political shape and her political 
thought imposed upon her by strong wills and strong hands.' 

"Many who are familiar with world history will resent so 
harsh a sneer. They know that the very cradle of human lib- 
erty was in the historic land of Germany. . . . 

"It would seem the limit of absurdity and injustice to say 
that the German people of modern times are incapable of free- 
ing themselves from autocracy. 

"But the singular fact is that history declares the theory, up 
to this time, to be true. For three centuries the peoples of all 
the earth — except the Germans — have been struggling toward 
democracy. Literally, every nation worthy of the name — ex- 
cepting Germany — has had its revolts and revolutions, its over- 
turning of dynasties and tyrannical governments. 

The German people alone have been satisfied. They have 
warred with everybody but their rulers. Emperors, kings, petty 
princes and grand dukes by the score, by the hundred, have 
maintained their sway over contented populations. The house 
of Hohenzollern, now ruling the empire, has reigned over Bran- 
denburg and Prussia in unbroken line for exactly 500 years. 
There is not another royal family, probably, which can boast 
such uninterrupted domination. . . . 

"Glancing at the record of the last 300 years, we find that 
every other country in Europe, all of America and half of Asia 
have had their great, impulsive movements toward democracy, 
but that in Germany the liberal institutions which do exist 



144 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

have been handed down by an autocracy which thereby has 
perpetuated its own power. 

"There has never been in that country a successful revolution, 
and no apparent desire for one. The history of Germany is a 
history of great sovereigns, great generals, great writers and 
philosophers; but there is in it no great liberator. The birth- 
place of religious and intellectual freedom, the cradle of the 
race that has carried democracy to the ends of the earth, it has 
itself never known political freedom. It can commemorate the 
glories of a Leipsic and a Sadowa, but not of a Lexington or a 
Yorktown. 

"The power of the Hohenzollern dynasty was really founded 
by the Great Elector, Frederick William of Brandenburg ( 1640- 
1688), whose son Frederick was first King of Prussia (1701- 
1713), and was succeeded by Frederick William I (1713-1740). 
Let us see what Europe was doing while the first of these 
sovereigns was creating a State, the second feebly living out his 
term and the third was winning immortality by collecting regi- 
ments of giant grenadiers. 

"In 1640 Portugal threw off the yoke of Spain, which it had 
worn for sixty years. Two years later came the great civil war 
in England, which was to last until, seven years later, a 
despotic king was put to death by the people whose rights he 
had invaded. 

"In 1688 the British spirit of freedom, inherited from Teu- 
tonic ancestors, drove the last of the wayward Stuarts from the 
throne. It was this revolution which reduced the power of the 
State in behalf of individual liberty and self-government, and 
not the French revolution, which extended the power of the 
State by destroying aristocratic privileges, that was the true 
forerunner of the American revolution. But it had no echo, 
then or at any other time, in Germany. 

"Passing over one of Poland's many revolts — in 1706 she 
forced her Saxon king to abdicate — ^we glance at the reign of 
Frederick the Great (1740-1786). Russia had a dynastic revo- 
lution, the reactionary Peter III being dethroned by Catherine 
II, whose vigorous sway introduced Western civilization, pro- 
moted commerce, founded schools and granted religious liberty. 
In 1772 the people of Sweden, led by Gustavus III, crushed the 
power of the arrogant nobles and established constitutionalism. 

"The enlightened despotism of Frederick lifted Prussia to the 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 145 

rank of the first military power in Europe. He performed 
prodigies for the material and intellectual advancement of the 
kingdom; but its people gave no response to the epoch-making 
summons of the American revolution. In the year he died the 
patient Dutch dethroned an aristocratic monarch. 

"The reigns of Frederick William II, III and IV covered 
three-quarters of a century, 1786-1861. Yet only once during 
this, perhaps the most restless period in the history of politics, 
did the people of Prussia and the other German States reveal 
signs of discontent with the rigorous rule imposed upon them. 

"In 1787 Belgium freed herself from Austria and set up a 
republic, although three years later she accepted the old system, 
modified by a constitution. A little later came the cataclysm 
of the French revolution; and while it caused some aspirations 
in Germany toward freedom, its excesses were so alarming that 
German armies were sent to support the doomed autocracy in 
France. 

"Napoleon simply used the German States as counters in his 
titanic game of empire. He shuffled them as though they had 
been cards ; squeezed the 300 of them into 38 ; bestowed crovms 
as though they were tips. The very brutality of his iron sway 
resulted finally in arousing a martial spirit, and it was Prus- 
sian valor that at the last rose up and smote his empire to dust. 

"Yet it is to be noted that the German people were still faith- 
ful to their royal leaders. In 1795 Poland had risen under 
Kosciusko, and the Netherlands had established the Batavian 
republic, which lasted as long as that of France. Two years 
later Switzerland had also followed the inspiration of the great 
revolution. In 1809 Sweden deposed an unsatisfactory mon- 
arch; in 1813 the Netherlands expelled the French and restored 
the house of Orange, and in 1814 Napoleon was overthrown; but 
during all this time the inhabitants of the German States re- 
mained unmoved. 

"It was a time of tremendous literary activity; but among 
all the great writers — Goethe, Kant, Schiller, Fichte, Richter 
and a score of others — ^though the world was racked with the 
birth-pangs of democracy, there was none to inspire his coimtry- 
men with aspirations toward political liberty. Some of the 
German sovereigns were absolutists, some granted constitu- 
tions; but the mass of the people remained indifferent. The 
few who declaimed about freedom did nothing else to achieve it. 

10 



146 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"Between 1822 and 1830 Greece revived the glories of her 
ancient valor and won her independence from the Turk. The 
last-named year saw the Poles drive out the Russians, Belgium 
win her independence from Holland and France dismiss the last 
of the Bourbons. Spain indulged in a civil war in 1834, and 
two years later forced her sovereign to swear to maintain a 
violated constitution. In 1843 Greece extorted a constitution 
likewise from her Bavarian king. 

The stormiest year of the nineteenth century was 1848, with 
revolutions in France, Italy, Hungary and elsewhere. Then, 
for the first and only time, the German people revealed a vigor- 
ous sense of political independence. While France was de- 
throning Louis Philippe and setting up the second republic, 
Bavaria forced the abdication of her king, Baden produced a 
feeble revolt and Berlin a few days of barricades in the streets. 
The end of it all was the exile of the liberal leaders — some of 
whom became great Americans — and the establishment in Prus- 
sia and other States of constitutions which were merely tinged 
with democracy. 

"A little later began the era of Bismarck, creator of the 
German empire. Its rise has been one of the wonders of the 
world ; but no one, least of all intelligent Germans themselves, 
will pretend that it is democratic. 

"In 1852 France returned to the imperial idea. In 1860 
Garibaldi began the struggle which unified Italy. In 1862 
Greece deposed her Bavarian sovereign and gave the crown to 
a Danish prince. In 1868 Japan abolished feudalism and 
adopted Western ideas. Between 1868 and 1874 the Spaniards 
changed their government three times. And 1871 saw the es- 
tablishment of the French republic, that has proved its vigor 
against the vast armies of imperial Germany. 

The twentieth century, young as it is, has seen movements 
toward democracy in the Balkan States, in Russia, in Portugal, 
in Turkey and in China, two of these having become republics. 
But throughout all this period the German people have re- 
mained the willing subjects of a highly efficient but uncompro- 
mising autocracy. . . . 

"Grermany takes her greatest pride to-day, not in the valor 
of her troops, but in the absolute unity of her people. There 
is not one of them who by a word or breath v^U admit that a 
single act of the autocracy, from Austria's criminal ultimatum 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 147 

to the extortion of blackmail from starving Belgium, has failed 
in the remotest degree in justice. 

"From the standpoint of patriotism this is admirable; from 
the standpoint of civilization it is ominous. Three-fourths of 
the world condemns the conflict as a needless and brutal crime 
of misgovernment ; yet in the whole German people there is no 
voice raised in behalf of humanity or in condemnation of the 
false and barbarous philosophy that exalts militarism and pro- 
vokes aggressive conquest. 

"There could hardly be more striking evidences of that habit 
of docility which yields veneration to autocratic power and 
sacrifices liberty to attain a machine-made efficiency. 

"The world's debt to Germany is vast; to her it owes music, 
philosophy, religious and intellectual emancipation. But as a 
nation she remains insensible to political freedom. 

"In this day of democrat^ the absolute surrender of indi- 
vidualism to an autocratic State, so that among a whole people 
there is not a single variation of thought or utterance upon the 
mightiest and most complex problem that ever confronted the 
world, is a painful spectacle, from which humanity will derive 
no inspiration and to which it will pay no admiring tribute." 

The following acute summary (64) of the Grerman 
views, ideals, ambitions and purposes of to-day sets forth 
at the same time the over-weening confidence and prepos- 
terous self-satisfaction of the German leaders : 

"The objects of Prussia's ambition — an ambition shared by 
every anemic bespectacled clerk and able-bodied tram conductor 
in the Fatherland — are 'cultural,' and the means of achieving 
them are heavy guns, quick-firers, and millions of ruthless war- 
riors. Efial German culture in all its manifestations — scien- 
tific, artistic, philosophical, musical, commercial, and military, 
accepts and champions the new principle and the fresh ideas 
which are to regenerate the effete social organisms of to-day. 
According to the theory underlying this grandiose national en- 
terprise, the forces of Christianity are spent. New ichor for 
the dry veins of decrepit Europe is stored up in German phil- 
osophy and poetry. Mediaeval art has exhausted the traditional 
forms, but Teutonism is ready to furnish it with new ones. 
Music is almost a creation of German genius. Commerce was 



148 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

stagnating in the ruts of old-world use and wont until German 
enterprise created new markets for it, and infused a new spirit 
into its trading community. Applied science owes more to 
German research and ingenuity than to the efforts of all the 
world besides. And the race thus highly gifted is deserving 
of a field worthy of its world-regenerating labors. At present 
it is cooped up in Central Europe with an absurdly small 
coast-line. Its surplus population has, for lack of colonies, to 
be dumped down on foreign shores, where it is' lost forever to 
the Fatherland. For this degrading position, which can no 
longer be tolerated, there is but one remedy: expansion. But 
to be eflFectual it must be expansion combined with Germani- 
zation. And the only means of accomplishing this end is for 
Germany to hack her way through the decrepit ethnic masses 
that obstruct her path and to impose her higher civilization on 
the natives. Poland was the first vile body on which this ex- 
periment was tried, and it has been found, and authoritatively 
announced, that the Slavs are but ethnic manure, useful to fer- 
tilize the seed-fields of Teutonic culture, but good for little 
else. The Latin races, too, are degenerates who live on memo- 
ries and thrive on tolerance. Beef-eating Britons are the in- 
carnation of base hypocrisy and crass self-indulgence, and their 
empire, like a hollow tree, still stands only because no storm 
has yet assailed it. To set youthful, healthy, idealistic Ger- 
many in the high places now occupied by those inert masses 
that once were progressive nations, is but to adjust obsolete 
conditions to the pressing requirements of the present time — 
to execute the wise decrees of a just God. And in order to 
bring this task to a satisfactory issue, militarism must reign 
as the paramoimt power before culture can ascend the throne. 
Militarism is a necessity, and imreasoning obedience the condi- 
tion of its success." 

In a most excellent article Dr. Ellis Oberholtzer, of 
Philadelphia (65), reviews a portion of the same field, 
and shows the absolute domination of Germany by Prus- 
sia, the Hohenzollems, the aristocracy and the multi-mil- 
lionaires. He calls attention to the Dreiklassen system, by 
which all the voters in a district are divided into three 



.1 TEXT-BOOK OF TILE WAR lia 

classes according to their taxable wealth, and goes on: 

"Thus in the first class the very wealthy elected one-third 
of the members of a kind of electoral college, those in the second 
class, the less wealthy, elected a third, while the masses of the 
people, bundled into a class by themselves, chose another 
third. . . . 

"In this system no change has been made, though the consti- 
tution was promulgated more than sixty years ago. In Essen, 
when I lived in GermaJiy, Herr Krupp, the gunmaker, and 
Bismarck, who owned some property in that town, formed one 
class, a score or more lesser magnates another class. Their 
influence and power were as two to one against the thousands 
of woi-kingmen and small tradesmen thrown together into the 
third class." 

He says that there are districts in East Prussia in which 
95 or even 99 per cent, of the people cast but one-third of 
the votes for a member of the Prussian Diet. He brings 
the matter home to us by saying that it is as if Pennsyl- 
vania had a king, "by the grace of God," who was also 
Emperor of the United States. He would choose his own 
ministers from a land-holding aristocracy. The Senate or 
upper house of legislature would be a House of Lords with 
the selection of whom the people would have nothing to do. 
The House of Eepresentatives would be made up of mem- 
bers chosen from time to time by the rich men in each 
district of the State. The government could not be changed 
except by consent of the king and of an hereditary noble 
hierarchy surrounding the throne. "In this," he says "do 
popular government and the parliamentary system consist 
in Prussia., which is two-thirds of the German Empire in 
population and three-thirds in the domination and control 
of German affairs." He speaks of the absence of anything 
corresponding to what we know as "freedom of speech" or 
"liberty of the press," and contiuues: 



150 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"But an American or English editor could not patiently write 
for newspapers held in such restraint and exerting so little in- 
fluence upon public opinion. It is necessary for the publisher 
to carry a copy of every issue to the police station before the 
presses) run off the edition and to print in plain view the name 
of a verantwortliche redactewr, or responsible, answerable 
editor. This man, in the case of some of the Socialist papers, 
has been hired for the use. He goes to jail; another who takes 
his place follows him into durance vile, while the actual editor 
still continues daily to take his flings at the government. And 
not all the editors who have been imprisoned in these forty 
years have been Socialists. The more moderate radicals have 
sometimes been visited by the police to be withdrawn for a time 
from the sunshine. 

"What makesi the way of the journalist particularly difficult, 
although the general libel laws are harsh, is the unverletzliche, 
or inviolable character of the Kaiser, and he is holy twice over, 
once because he is the German Emperor and again because he is 
the King of Prussia. He is so much in the German scheme of 
government by force of law, and by hisf assumption of preroga- 
tives (through the exercise of many of the chancellor's powers 
since the dismissal of Bismarck), and his general meddling in 
all manner of questions by his pronunciamentos which he 
issues as a vicegerent of God, that free political discussion in 
the press is out of the question. A great excellency of the 
English democracy is found in the open and unceasing debate of 
the merits of public men. The one great public man in Ger- 
many is removed from the province of debate, unless it should 
be in the line of adulation. 

"The press has never reached any degree of respectable public 
influence in Germany. When it finally escaped actual daily 
censorship it found itself at the mercy of Bismarck, who used 
a so-called Guelph fund, belonging to the Duke of Cumberland, 
in the Prussian Treasury. He seized the income to bribe the 
press. With advertisements and subsidies, by withholding in- 
formation from one paper and giving it to another, by prose- 
cuting an editor who attacked him as chancellor and sparing 
another who lashed the enemies of Prussian policy, by feeding 
the 'reptiles,' as men called them, because they crawled at hia 
feet, he made the freedom of the press the travesty it has al- 
ways been. The newspaper as an organ of public opinion has not 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 151 

succeeded in raising' itself to a much greater heiglit since the 
passing of Bismarck's extraordinary regime. 

"If the laws relating to l^se majeste fail, the police authori- 
ties can turn to the famous clause in the penal code relating 
to Grober Unfug, the committing of a gross nuisance. This 
term covers a multitude of sins — ^the objectionable yelping of 
dogs', the indecent public exposure of the human person and, 
by test in the courts of justice, the misbehavior of newspaper 
editors, touching subjects of government. So much for the 
liberty of the press in Germany. . 

"But the seat and center of the monarch's power is in the 
army. He is its absolute head. Under its influence at one time 
or another comes every male German fit to carry a gun. The 
recruit is put under drill sergeants, always chosen from the 
noble junker or monarchical classes, and trained for a term of 
years to military efficiency and implicit obedience of his com- 
manders. These soldiers are set down among the people in 
fortresses and barracks in every part of the empire. Not a 
town or agricultural district which is not under the constant 
surveillance of the army; not a road in the remotest parts of 
the empire which is untraversed by the troops, or a gawky 
peasant who is permitted to forget that war any day may be- 
come the business of his life. Here William II, imperator et 
rex, is omnipotent. . 

"The Socialists appeared in strength soon after the Empire 
was formed. 'We will give them all the Socialism they want,' 
said Bismarck, and the present Emperor has continued the 
policy. Rules and regulations cover the movements of the in- 
dividual from the cradle to the grave in every relationship of 
life. Great bureaus have been established to govern, cajole, 
protect and sustain the population. 

"Hundreds! of thousands of men, organized with almost sol- 
dierly order, stand under noble person-ages, named by the Kaiser 
and the princes around him, to the great all-comprehending 
civil service. If there were 'free institutions' anywhere in this 
German land they would sink imder the weight of the universal 
military organization and the bureaucracy created by State So- 
cialism. 

"Can it be supposed that thisi great system will soon be 
changed ? Can we conceive of the people rising up to change it ? 
Is there desire to sweep it away ? I have never heard a German 



152 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

outside of the ranks of militant Socialism express a wish for 
anything better than what he has. The typical old-line Prus- 
sian, who thanks God that he is not as other men, hasi become 
the typical Gterman. He would have more seaports, more colo- 
nies and the like of that, but as for being rid of compulsory 
military service, or a king, or a bureaucratic system it is not 
much on his mind. 'Your America is corrupt,' he will tell you. 
'Of course, you do not have an army. Yours is a new country, 
without enemiesi. Democracy has failed wherever it has been 
tried.' 

"This is heard with more or less patience. What is depress- 
ing is to see the entire vaunted university system arrayed on 
the side of the Prussianized military Germany. There was a 
day in 1837, when Sevan men — Gervinus, Dahlmann, the two 
brothers Grimm among the number — walked out of Gottingen 
for their political opinions; another day, in 1848, when Pro- 
fessor Kinkel, at Bonn, shouldered a musket, led his students 
out to fight for republican institutions, and rotted in a prison 
at Spandau, until one of those students, young Carl Schurz, by 
bribing a keeper, lowered the poet and sage on a rope and hur- 
ried him in the night to a schooner at Rostock, by which means 
they together escaped to England. 

"But the boldest man in our day has been Von Seydel at 
Munich, the Calhoun of Germany, who contended that the 
Empire under the Constitution is a Staatenbund instead of a 
Bundesstaat, and that Bavaria can secede from the Union, in 
the manner of South Carolina, whenever she has a mind to do 
so. About all of this nobody cares a rap. He would not have 
carried a gun to make so much come 'to pass. Every country 
university professor has before his eyes the blandishments of 
a well-rewarded post in Berlin, and this> keeps him soundly 
Hohenzollern in his sympathies. Treitschke, Wagner and Dam- 
bach were, in my day asi a student at Berlin, the types of men 
representing German scholarship in the political and economic 
sciences. They were Bismarck's own body servants. 

"There is a great potential rumbling of unrest, but it has re- 
mained as pointless as it is strong, because of the rigor of the 
political system and a military domination of the people of a 
character never before seen in any country under the sun. 
There have been the loudest demands in recent years in Prussia 
for direct equal manhood suffrage. The demonstrations have 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 153 

been as violent as the laws will allow. Some Social Democrats 
have found their way into the Landtag, in spite of the seem- 
ingly impossible obstacles to be overcome, in expression of the 
popular dissatisfaction, but the Government has yielded not one 
jot or tittle to the spirit of democratic progress. 

''In 1890, at the end of the Bismarck regime, the Social Demo- 
crats polled 1,427,298 votes (nearly 20 out of 100) and they 
elected 35 members of the Reichstag. Such advancement has 
there been that in 1907 they held 53 seats, and five years later, 
in 1912, 110, a total since somewhat increased in bye-elections. 
Out of more than 12,000,000 voters a third, or over 4,000,000, 
were Social Democrats. The Radicals polled 1,500,000 votes 
and the National Liberals 1,600,000, a total for the left, or 
opposition parties, of approximately 7,500,000, for which by a 
just apportionment, they would have 260 instead of less than 
200 seats in a house of 397 members. 

"This Social Democratic uprising means something, but the 
Government is so amazingly constituted that the party is with- 
out any power to influence public policy. And now the Kaiser 
and his military men raise a cry of invasion from Russia, re- 
kindle the fires of hate for England and France and these So- 
cialists (with few exceptions) throw off their hats and go off 
to war behind the Prussian 'vons' and 'zus,' who direct the 
greatest military autocracy which mankind has ever seen. 

"Revolution in Germany, of which a good deal is said, is 
probably as far distant as ever; though possibly the way may 
be prepared for changes if the Allies shall win in this war. 
One of the most important works on the subject of govermnent 
is President A. Lawrence Lowell's "Governments and Parties 
in Continental Europe." He is of the opinion that there is no 
real wish for popular government in Germany, unless it be in 
the South, where the principles of the French Revolution made 
themselves felt in the 18th century, and no genius to institute 
it, conduct it and enjoy it. Just this lesson did the young lib- 
eral enthusiast, Carl Schurz, learn in 1848. 'The people,' says 
he in his Reminiscences, 'although highly developed in science, 
philosophy, literature and art, had always lived under a severe 
guardianship in all political matters. They had never been out 
of leading strings. They had never received or known the 
teachings which spring from the feeling of responsibility in 
free political action. The affairs of Government lay outside 



154 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

of the customs and habits of their lives.' (Reminiscences, vol- 
ume I, page 124.) May not these judgments apply just as 
truly to the Germans of this present day ? 

"It may be a fact, as another respectable writer has said, that 
they are discontented because they have 'outgrown their insti- 
tutions'; that the aim of a great body of them is 'unfettered 
representative government.' I, for one, basing my opinion on 
observations during a long residence in their midst, cannot 
think that they have very much less political liberty than they 
deserve, or are fitted to exercise. That people which needs what 
is better usually finds the way to attain it. The proof or dis- 
proof of our theories may be at hand, possibly, in the course 
ofj or at the end of this great present war. , . . 

"These then are the 'free institutionsi' of Prussia and of all 
Germany. They belong to that period in England which pre- 
ceded the Revolution of 1688, that period in France preceding 
the fall of the Bastille. The German would fain believe that in 
these few past months he has extended the sphere of his influ- 
ence into Belgium and a portion of France. He had before 
proven his character as a ruler of captured lands in the un- 
happy provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. England and the rest 
of the world will fairly conclude that it is his design to impose 
these sentiments and systems upon other parts of the earth's 
isrurface, if he shall be the victor in this war. The German 
frau will throw up her hands several times in a day and ex- 
claim, 'Gott bewahre!' It is 'Gott bewahre' now for the non- 
Prussian world and the great cause of popular government. 
Shall democracy live on this planet, after two or three cen- 
turies of growth and development, or shall it be written by the 
historian of the future that in the first years of the twentieth 
century it went down before kaisers and princes and praetors, 
directing obedient legions armed to the teeth 2" 

Witli this convincing and enlightening testimony as to 
the Teal principles represented by Germany in this war, and 
this final reply to Doctor Dernburg's false description of 
Germany's "democrac/' and of her ballot-law, "more 
liberal than the one in use in the XJnited States," I must 
close this chapter. I wish I could get every intelligent 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 155 

German-American in this country to read it, not, of course, 
for what I ha,ve written, but for what I have quoted. I 
think many of them, whatever their views as to the relative 
merits of the two systems of government, would find, as I 
do, something humorous in calling "democratic" a system 
under which civilians could be arrested by an army officer 
for ^^intending to laugh/' And yet that occurred as 
recently as December, 1913, and was proved at the trial 
resulting from the shameful, and now historic, Zabern 
occurrence, when, with other outrages, a helpless cripple 
was stabbed in the back. The Court, acting in this "democ- 
racy," acquitted the colonel in command "because he did 
not know that 'he had acted illegally." {66) 



CHAPTEE VIII. 

In Addition to the Evidence Already Presented as to tiie 
Mental Attitude of the Average German Toward His Own 
Race and Toward Other European Races, Are There Any 
Facts Tending to Show His Real Attitude Toward 
America? 

If in answering this I begin by coming back again to 
Bernhardi and Treitschke, it is because I believe it lias been 
shown that, in spite of eleventh-hour denials, they truly 
represent the Grermany of 1914 — the Germany of this war. 
How much of the mistaken ''devotion" of the German 
nation at this time is due to their teachings and to those of 
their class it is impossible to state dogmatically. But that 
they have greatly influenced their compatriots there can be 
no doubt. 

Let us see what these "Pan Germanists" have to say to 
their fellow-countrymen about America. Bernhardi says 
(67) that in our efforts at The Hague Congresses and, more 
recently in our attempts to conclude treaties for the estab- 
lishment of Arbitration Courts, we have not pacific ideals 
as the real motive of our actions, but "usually employ the 
need of peace as a cloak under which to promote" our own 
political aims. He goes on : 

"We can hardly assume that a real love of peace prompts 
these efforts. This is shown by the fact that precisely those 
Powers which, asi the weaker, are exposed to aggression, and 
therefore were in the greatest need of international protection, 
have been completely passed over in the American proposals for 
Arbitration Courts. It must consequently be assumed that 
very matter-of-fact political motives led the Americans, with 
(156) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 157 

their commercial instinctsi, to take such steps, and induced 
perfidious Albion to accede to the proposals. We may suppose 
that England intended to protect her rear in event of a war 
with Germany, but that America wished to have a free hand 
in order to follow her policy of sovereignty in Central America 
without hindrance, and to carry out her plans regarding the 
Panama Canal in the exclusive interests of America. Both 
countries certainly entertained the hope of gaining advantage 
over the other signatory of the treaty, and of winning the lion's 
share for themselves. Theorists and fanatics imagine that they 
see in the efforts of President Taft a great step forward on the 
path to perpetual peace, and enthusiastically agree with him. 
Even the Minister for Foreign Affairs) in England, with well- 
affected idealism, termed the procedure of the United States an 
era in the history of mankind." . 

"The United States of America, e. g., in June, 1911, cham- 
pioned the ideas of universal peace in order to be able to devote 
their undisturbed attention to money-making and the enjoy- 
ment of wealth, and to save the three hundred million dollars 
which they spend on their army and navy." .... 

"In America, Elihu Eoot, formerly Secretary of State, de- 
clared in 1908 that the High Court of International Justice 
established by the second Hague Conference would be able to 
pronounce definite and binding decisions by virtue of the pres- 
sure brought to bear by public opinion. The present leaders 
of the American peace movement seem to share this idea. With 
a childlike self-consciousness, they appear to believe that public 
opinion must represent the view which the American plutocrats 
think most profitable to themselves." 

"While, on the one side, she [America] insists on the Monroe 
Doctrine, on the other she stretches out her own arms towards 
Asia and Africa, in order to find bases for her fleets. The 
United States aims at the economic and, where possible, the 
political command of the American continent, and at naval 
supremacy in the Pacific." 

So much for Bernhardi. 
Treitschke says: (68) 



158 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"To civilization at large, the Anglicising of the German- 
Americans means a heavy loss. . . . Among Germans there 
can no longer be any question that the civilization of mankind 
{Gesittung der Menscheit) suflfers every tinae a German is 
transformed into a Yankee." 

Delbriick says : ( 6 9 ) 

"It seems extremely questionable that, imder the prevailing 
loose political conditions and extraordinarily easy changes 
from one party to another, the United States should be in a po- 
sition to attain to a permanent military status at all. Their 
momentary proud position need deceive no one. The Americana 
have not yet stood any really severe test." 

No wonder that the Eidders and Miinsterbergs and Hil- 
prechts and Jastrows seek to belittle Bemhardi and 
Treitschke and their teachings as a preliminary to the con- 
ciliation of America. But I fear that the' transformation 
of the representative of "Kultur" into the despised Yankee 
takes place much less frequently than we had supposed. 

The reason it does not occur oftener is not far to seek, 
if one recognizes that our German-Americans are still un- 
der the influence of the "Fatherland." 

There can be no doubt that German and American polit- 
ical ideals are absolutely divergent. They have already 
come into conflict over South America, the Panama Canal 
and the Philippines. Calwer, a German socialist, says that 
preliminary to a socialistic economic organization of the 
world, "Capitalism must first bring the world under sub- 
jection," and adds: 

"It follows that capital — including German capital as well — 
must first go forth and subdue the world with the means and 
weapons which are at ita disposal," i. e., with fire and sword. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 159 

The same sort of thing crops out wherever their bureau- 
crats write. Herr Schlettwein, a Government Colonist and 
an expert on colonial matters, when asked to instruct the 
Reichstag on the principles of colonization, said : 

"In colonial politics we stand at the parting of the ways — 
on the one side healthy egoism ... on the other exag- 
gerated hiimanitarianism. The Herreros must ie compelled to 
work, and to worh without compensation, and in return for their 
food only. Forced labor for years is only a just pwnishment, 
and at the same time it is the best method of training them." 

How long would an American governmental employe 
remain in public life after expressing that sentiment to 
Congress ? 

The German ideal is far remote from American ideals. 

Mr. E. S. Martin says: (70) 

"It is good in Krupps ajid chemistry, in manufacture, in 
trade, in civic government, in the regulation of life for the pro- 
motion of average comfort. It is had in art. It is not notable 
in the higher forms of literature. And as to the great point of 
making nobler types of men — has it done it? The Germans 
are notably efficient, but are they creative? are they inventive? 
and are they nobler than other men? They have told us that 
democratic France was decadent ; that democratic England was 
a pretense and an empty shell; that Russia was barbarous. 
They said nothing about Belgium. There ought to be a Nobel 
prize for nobility. If there were, would it go to Germany? 
One sees in Germany immense efficiency, courage, aggressiveness, 
capacity to suffer, but where, so far, has she been noble? In 
Belgium? At Louvain? At Rheims? 

"Her specialty is fighting, but man for man she can't handle 
the Belgians or the new French, and her superiority to the 
Russians is dubious, while as for the English, they are but a 
handful so far in this war, but it has been a handful for 
Germany. 

"No; get them out of their shops and laboratories and the 



160 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

current Germans don't seem to be of an egregious nobility. The 
Belgians can give them odds in it, and they seem to have noth- 
ing on the lately decadent French. They must be learning a 
wonderful lot about the qualities of other people, and perhaps 
they are revising their self-esteem." 

They learn slowly. Months of war and the all but uni- 
versal condemnation of the civilized world have not shaken 
their confidence in their governmental methods, nor their 
admiration for themselves. In December Dr. Franz Junge 
wrote: (71) 

"But it isi a reflection upon the intelligence of trained ob- 
servers, native as well as foreign, to speak seriously of the 
effectiveness of popular government in practice. Nor is it con- 
sistent with the rule of reason, which governs the destinies of 
the United States, to introduce moral considerations of abstract 
justice into the settling of international disputes, with which 
the waging of war has never had anything to do. . . . 

"Now, if the absence of adequate rule in America offers so 
feeble a guarantee against the complete reversal of the funda- 
mental principles of government — from individualism to col- 
lectivism, and from democracy to plutocracy — not to speak of 
corruption in its various forms; if the enlightened people of 
America, working as they do tmder the most favorable auspices 
of heredity and environment, with all their political liberties', 
have been unable to preserve their economic independence, how 
can it be surprising that the German people hesitate to commit 
their country to the same policy of laissez faire? . . . 

"Why, after all, should the German people abandon their 
political system, which has proved successful to the Common- 
wealth, and adopt American institutions, which are notorious 
for the contrast or discrepancy between recognized political 
principles and actual political life?" 

And (Ibid) Dr. Ervin Acel continues : 

"I have kept myself from a discussion of the ethical questions 
involved in the stand taken by America. Germany did right 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 161 

or did wrong J it does not matter whicli. But, however that 
may be, the very interests of the United States require a vic- 
torious Germany and a humbled Japan and England. There- 
fore the American policy is a mistake, in view of the future, 
and a hlwider in policy is more vm,pardonable tluin crime. 

"As to Europe, every century has its caryatid which carries 
the weight of its culture. There was a time when the world's 
culture found its highest expression among the Greeks, among 
the Romans, among the French. Now we see this high-water 
mark of learning among the Germans. Her philosophers, engi- 
neers, scholars, merchants, all 'marche en la tSte de la civilisa- 
tion': they lead the army of civilization." 

Such colossal conceit would be unworthy even of ridicule 
were it not that both articles unintentionally, and there- 
fere the more significantly, betray a conception of inter- 
national morals which, if carried into effect in personal 
activities, would disqualify both writers for ordinary deal- 
ings with, their fellow citizens, at least in this country. 

The OutlooTc deals with the matter editorially as follows : 

"A passage from each of these two articles will suflSce to 
indicate to our readers how marked is the diflference between 
their point of view and the point of view of The Out- 
look. . . . The Outlook believes that it does matter a great 
deal whether a country does right or does wrong, and that it is 
in accord with the rule of reason to introduce moral considera- 
tions into the settling of international disputes." 

An article in a recent number of a magazine of high 
standing (73), should be called to the attention of Amer- 
icans. There are many living who could prove or disprove 
its statements, for which, especially as it is signed by a 
nomr-de-'plume, I can assume no responsibility. They are, 
however, so in accord with much of the recent German and 

Grerman-American behavior that they seem more credible 
11 



162 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

to-day than ever before. The article begins with the asser- 
tion that: 

"Germany has consistently followed a twofold policy toward 
the United States. Always reckoning with the possibility of a 
collision with England, she has endeavoured to be on good terms 
with the United States, counting upon their support in case of a 
great war. At the same time, German statesmen have seen in 
the Great Republic an economic and political danger and, while 
ostensibly maintaining excellent relations with the United 
States, they have stealthily endeavoured to weaken them by 
various ways, and especially by creating enmity between them 
and England. In leading German circles it has been an article 
of faith that the United States and England are natural 
enemies; that both countries bitterly remember the War of 
Independence and the quarrels which succeeded it. It has been 
an article of faith in Germany that Canada was coveted by all 
Americans; that the existence of that great English Dominion 
in North America was an ever-present cause of friction 
between the two Anglo-Saxon States; that the Americana 
would take Canada as soon as England was involved in a really 
serious war." 

It continues by citing Prince Bismarck's views as to the 
Monroe Doctrine, views which there is much reason to 
believe are those of official Germany to-day. They appeared 
in the Hamhurger Nachrichten on February 9, 1896 : 

"Some German newspapers continue discussing the so-called 
'Monroe Doctrine,' in consequence of the events which have 
taken place in South America. We are of opinion that that 
doctrine, and the way in which it is now advanced by the 
American Republic, is an incredible impertinence [erne unglau- 
hliehe VnverscMmtheit) towards the rest of the world. The 
Monroe Doctrine is merely an act of violence, based upon great 
strength, towards all American States and towards those Euro- 
pean States which possess interests in America." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 163 

The author reviews the Samoan incident, and says of 
the Manila Bay controversy: 

"During the Spanish- American War Germany endeavoured to 
acquire the Philippines. While other countries had sent only 
a few ships to the Philippine Islands, Germany had, without 
any obvious reason, despatched there her Pacific Squadron — a 
force equal to that commanded by Admiral Dewey. The Ger- 
man Admiral Diedrichs endeavoured to foil Admiral Dewey's 
operations, and the relations between the German and Amer- 
ican fleets became so strained that a battle between the two 
was avoided only by the intervention of the English Commander, 
who backed up his American colleague." (p. 180) 

He continues; 

"In 1907, Mr. Emil Witte, a former Press attache at the 
German Embassy in Washington, published at Leipzig a book 
on his experiences at the Washington Embassy. For some 
reason or other, that book, which contains disclosures most 
damaging to the German Government, has remained practically 
unknown. It is so scarce a book that it seems possible that 
the German Government bought up and destroyed all the copies 
it could lay hands on. 

The following extracts from Mr. Witte's disclosures throw 
a powerful light upon Germany's diplomatic methods, and upon 
her American policy. Mr. Witte was, in spring 1898, one of 
the editors of the Deutsche Zeitunff of Vienna. At that time 
the Spanish- American War broke out, and practically the whole 
of the German and Austrian Press took the part of Spain and 
violently attacked the United States in accordance with official 
directions." (See pp. 216-17-18) 

He follows with a number of extracts from Mr. Witte's 
book, "Experiences at a German Embassy: Ten Years of 
German-American Diplomacy," by Emil Witte, late Coun- 
cillor of Legation, Leipzig, 1907: 



164 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"The public learns from these pages for the first time the 
truth, and the whole truth, about German- American relations, 
the true state of which has been disguised and misrepresented 
on both sides of the ocean by a powerful and corrupt 
Press. . . ." 

" "Tliese Americans are, after all, incredibly simple. They 
swallow any bait greedily as long as it is sufficiently sugared 
and placed before them with a friendly smile.' I heard this 
phrase frequently from an intimate friend of Herr von Holleben, 
the German Ambassador at Washington, at the time when I 
had the honour to be attached to the German Embassy at Wash- 
ington in order to attend to Press matters. That phrase is 
characteristic of the view which prevailed among German dip- 
lomats towards the statesmen of the New World. These views 
have led to very gross errors. After a number of serious inci- 
dents, such as the Dewey-Diedrichs episode in the Bay of 
Manila, the unfortunate Samoa affair, the Coghlan affair, and 
the Venezuela imbroglio, the diplomats at Berlin suddenly 
remembered the old historic friendship which united Prussia 
and the United States since the time of Frederick the Great, 
and they assured the Americans that the great Republic pos- 
sessed no more faithful and sincere friend than the German 
Emperor. In order to give a practical demonstration of that 
historical friendship to the world in general and to the United 
States in particular, the American journey of Prince Henry 
was announced. . . ." 

"The Prince arrived, and he convinced himself and was able 
to report to his Imperial brother that he was in a country 
where one-third of the population was of German birth or of 
German descent, and was firmly resolved to stand faithfully 
at Germany's side under all circumstances. He convinced him- 
self of the truth of the statement, which Dr. von Holleben had 
made to a journalist at a time when German-American relations 
were in a critical state, that a war between Germany and the 
United States would assiune the character of a dvil 
tctor." . . . 

"Dr. A. von Mumm admitted to me at Washington that 
Germany was responsible for the unhappy Dewey-Diedrichs 
incident at Manila." . . 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 165 

"The anti-German attitude of the American Press which was 
noticeable at the time when I entered upon my duties (January, 
1899) was not unjustified. I was selected as Press attache 
to the Grerman Emabssy in Am^erica, to make up for the sins 
which the German Press had committed in its blind desire to 
please the men at the Wilhelmstrasse." . 

"When I entered upon my duties, I received the general 
instruction to do everything in my power to silence the journals 
hostile to Germany, and to convert them from determined 
enemies of Germany into friends and admirers of the Emperor. 
Besides, it was my duty to create the belief in American public 
opinion that the true enemy of the United States was not 
Germany, but England. . . . Thus I began my work." 

Further extracts are of great interest at this moment to 
every American who is striving intelligent!}'' to reach a fair 
conclusion as to the genuine German attitude toward our 
country. 

"The German-American Ambassador played a very delicate 
and dangerous part in the German- American movement. Mr. 
John J. Lentz, of Columbus, Ohio, a member of Congress, told 
me : 'Please tell the Ambassador to keep the German- American 
movement progressing vnth energy.' The Ambassador replied, 
when I gave him the message, that 'it was not unexpected.' I 
had met Mr. Lentz previously in the house of Herr von Stern- 
burg, and I met him frequently at the Embassy. As he was 
a member of the Committee for Military Affairs, and was there- 
fore acquainted with the most secret information, his inter- 
course with us was not approved of by American people." . . . 

"The vast majority of the German newspapers appearing 
in the United States could not conveniently exist if they did 
not save the wages of journalists and compositors by relying 
upon the factories which produce stereotyped matter. The 
producers of the stereotyped matter which is sent out to the 
German-American papers can make a living only by copying 
matter which has appeared in the German and Austrian 
journals and periodicals. They reprint part of their contents, 
cast plates, and sell these at a very low price to the German- 
American Press. The 'New Yorker Stoats Zeittmg asserts that 



166 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

it is the only German newspaper in America which pays its 
contributors for belletristical contributions, but its payments 
are more than modest. The very difficult struggle for exist- 
ence forces the German-American newspapers to play a very 
htmiiliating part." . 

"Without doubting for a moment the often-asserted loyalty 
to the United States expressed by the members of the German 
Soldiers' Societies in the United States, and without dwelling 
on the reasons why they have been officially distinguished by the 
German Government by sending them flags, decorations, 
gracious letters, etc., it must be frankly stated that the rela- 
tions between official Germany and the emigrant subjects of the 
Emperor, whether they have become citizens of the Eepublio 
or not, may lead to serious complications between Germam/ and 
the JJmted States, <md to unforeseen difficulties which at any 
mroment may involve both Powers." . 

"In handing over the first colours bestowed on behalf of the 
Emperor William II, to the Military Society of Chicago, the 
German Ambassador, Dr. von Holleben, said: 'Greetings from 
the German Emperor! That is the cry with which I come 
before you. His Majesty, my most gracious master, has ordered 
me to hand to you to-day the colour which has! been desired 
by you so strongly and for so long. The colour is a token of 
His Majesty's graciousness and of the approval with which 
the German Emperor remembers in love and friendship those 
who have served in the German army and navy, and those 
who have fought and bled for the Fatherland. This colour is 
to be the symbol of German faithfulness, German manliness, 
and German military honour. His Majesty asks you to accept 
the colour as a token of that unity which should prevail among 
all German soldiers, to act also abroad in accordance with the 
sentiments of German loyalty and German sense of duty, and to 
take for your maxim the word of that great German, Bismarck : 
'We Germans fear God, but nothing else in the world!' Now let 
the colour flutter in the wind. In this moment of enthusiasm, 
let us all sound the cry that is now on the lips of every old 
German soldier: 'His Majesty, German Emperor, William II, 
Hurrah ! Hurrah ! Hurrah ! ' 

"The wooing of the formerly despised German renegades in 
the United States by the German Empire, and its official repre- 
sentatives in America, since the Spanish- American War, must 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 167 

seem all the stranger to the spectators, and especially to Anglo- 
Americans, as that policy is directly opposed to the policy which 
the German Government pursues in Germany towards men of 
non-German language. What would happen if the King of 
Denmark, or the President of the French Republic, should send 
to the former's citizens of Denmark in Sehleswig-Holstein, and 
of France in Alsace-Lorraine through their official representa- 
tives, colours with inciting inscriptions, or if Danes or French- 
men dwelling in G'ermany, and remembering regretfully the 
old regime, should send across the German frontier telegrams 
assuring their former rulers of their undying faithfulness and 
loyalty? What would happen if the Poles living in Berlin 
should march in procession through the streets carrying 
national banners and the portraits of their national heroes, 
singing Polish national songs? In America dwell also Danes, 
Frenchmen, and Poles, who are good citizens of the Republic, 
who thirst for vengeance against the German Empire, and who 
do not fail at every opportunity to point out how strangely 
Germany's policy in America contrasts with Germany's policy 
in Germany. 

"One cannot be surprised if the Government at Washington 
is becoming somewhat nervous and believes that possibly there 
is a German league which, in the event of a war between Ger- 
many and the United States, would aim at creating an inde- 
pendent federation of the largely German States of the Middle 
West of America, involving the United States in a Civil War. 
Herr von Holleben has pointed out that possibility by telling 
a lady interviewer, Mrs. Grace A. Downing, laying stress upon 
his words, that a war between the United States and Germany 
would bear the character of a Civil War." 

I repeat that, so far as actual facts are concerned, I can 
neither corroborate nor disprove the statements of Herr 
Witte. 

It is interesting, however, in explanation of the present 
efficiency of the German- American "News Bureau" here, 
to note the years of experience they must have had, accord- 
ing to Herr Witte, in supplying "the vast majority of Ger- 



168 A' TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

man newspapers appearing in the United States with 
'stereotyped matter/ '' (See pp. 193-94.) 

For fuller evidence as to the relations between Germany 
and America see Chapters IX and X. 

Curiously enough, the fundamental idea of our American 
republic, the idea for which the War of the Eevolution was 
fought, the idea for the preservation of which to-day 
Americans would unhesitatingly lay down their lives, is 
known to political philosophers and historians as "the 
Teutonic idea.'' 

It is the irreconcilable conflict between that idea and 
the mediseval ideas of a people willing to be governed by 
a Hohenzollern that prevents the more frequent meta- 
morphosis of a German into a "Yankee." 

Professor McElroy has shown (73) that the "Teutonic 
idea" — ^the idea of representative government — dating back 
to the earliest days of European history, gradually over- 
whelmed on the Continent by the Eoman idea (of govern- 
ment from above), except in the highlands of Switzerland 
and the lowlands of Holland, survived in the British Isles. 
It was kept alive at Eunnymede, and by Simon de Mont- 
fort's parliament and against it, he says, "The despotic 
Tudors, the treacherous Stuarts and the dull Hanoverians 
struggled in vain." 

It throve in the American Colonies, and the American 
Eevolution started it upon a new and glorious career. 
Almost at once the representative idea was restored in 
England, and in France emerged, "after centuries of com- 
plete obliteration, in a revolutionary movement that shook 
Europe from end to end." 

Professor McElroy continues: 

"It has since spread rapidly. Wherever the British iiag has 
appeared the 'Teutonic idea' has been planted and its roots care- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 169 

fully nourished. It is a plant of slow growth; but it is worth 
the trouble of careful cultivation. No man can deny the fact 
that, with all the faults of administration, and they are many 
and grave, often written in letters of blood, the flag of England 
and that of her own flesh and blood, the United States, have 
been followed always by the idea and practice of representative 
government. We may criticise the Boer War; but we know 
that as soon as the Boers were subdued they were told to 
govern themselves. Men may question the propriety of Amer- 
ican intervention in Cuba; but no one can deny that we volun- 
tarily stood aside, after gaining full possession of the island, 
and invited her people to select representatives and manage 
their own affairs. In the elaboration of this idea one need 
not argue; one need only invite attention to the facts which 
are patent to all men. Whatever we may think of England, 
therefore, we know that the great Germanic idea of government 
'of the people, by the people, and for the people' follows her flag. 
''But what of Germany under the hegemony of Prussia? 
Prussia has been throughout her history, as her greatest pub- 
licist, Professor Hans Delbriick, has phrased it, a Kriegsstaat. 
Her history is a military history. In reading it we miss the 
story of the glorious conflicts for the people's right to a share 
in the government. There are no Eunnymede barons, no Simon 
de Montforts, no Oliver Cromwells, no Abraham Lincolns, in 
the history of Prussia. Slowly, but with a grim and terrible 
certainty, the iron hand of the Prussian War Lord has brought 
the German nation to exactly the position to which King 
George III attempted to bring England and the American 
C!olonies. In Germany the Teutonic idea is dead. A mixed race, 
more Slavonic than Teutonic, the Prussiau, has deprived the 
German people of their birthright. There, as Professor Cramb 
strikingly phrases it, 'Corsica . . . has conquered Galilee.' 
The ideals of Prussia remain to-day just what they were 
in the days of the Great Elector — ideals of absolute monarchy — 
and the German Empire has accepted them. 'The German 
people,' wrote Charles Sarolea in 1912, 'are governed more com- 
pletely from Berlin and Potsdam than the French were gov- 
erned from Paris and Versailles. In theory, every part of the 
Empire may have a proportional share in the administration 
of the country; in reality, Prussia has the ultimate political 
and financial control.' And it is to maintain and extend this 



170 A' TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

half-Slavonio military despoiism calling ita war chief the 
'anointed of the Lord' that the Germans are giving their lives." 

"The furor Teutonicus of which we have had warning from 
Professor Richard has all its cylinders in aiction. 'The Ger- 
mans,' said Dr. Richard, in the Outlook, 'are determined to win 
at any cost, and after their victory to leave their enemies in 
such shape that they will never be able to disturb the peace 
again.' That expresses the underlying purpose of this war — 
the annihilation of all obstacles to Germany's supremacy in 
Europe." (74) 

For still further citations illustrating the real feeling of 
(srermany to-day, and her genuine attitude toward America 
in times past I would ask the reader to turn to pp. 216-19 
to learn their views in 1898 when we were at war ourselves, 
and to p. 242 to acquaint himself with their sentiments 
toward us now that we are neutral. A summary of some 
of their current journalistic expressions will also be found 
on p. 421, 



CHAPTER IX. 

What is the Attitude of German-Americans Toward This War 
and Toward the Principles Involved? 

This has been and is one of the great surprises of the war 
to most Americans. It is unnecessary to say that we value 
our German-American citizens, and thought that in times 
of stress in the future, as in the past, they would demon- 
strate that they were as democratic and as truly American 
as any of us. It was quite common to hear the expression 
from Americans that this was a "Prussian war," a '^Kaiser's 
war,'^ "a War Lord's fight," and that the "German people" 
had our sympathies, though we hoped Germany would lose. 
In Mr. Fraley's brochure, already quoted from, he says 
eloquently : 

"Oh, Great People of South and Middle Germany; brave, 
kindly, lovers of the peaceful arts, lovers of liberty; you, who 
as you march, are singing of homes in Schwabenland and Bayer- 
land, and where the grape blooms on the Rhine; how long will 
you sacrifice not only your blood and treasure, but your sacred 
honor, to uphold this spirit of inexorable militarism, foisted 
upon you under the pretense that through it your dear Father- 
land may be at rest, but whose real purpose is that a Prussian 
shall write himself Imperator et Rex?" 

If we thought this of portions of the German nation 
itself, it may be understood how much more confident we 
were as to the sentiments of the Germans who had become 
tpart of our own family. But we were soon to be 
undeceived. 

At the present moment the American people might with 
(171) 



173 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

some show of accuracy be divided into Americans and a 
subdivision of what the newspapers call "Hyphenated- 
Americans. 

This subdivision seems to consist chiefly, if not entirely, 
of a certain number of Teutonic accessions to our citizen- 
ship — i. e., of '^German-Americans." What numerical 
relation it has to the whole body of useful and valued 
American citizens of German birth or ancestry it is just 
now impossible to determine. The classification I suggest 
would rest upon three chief characteristics: 1. A pro- 
nounced tendency to unfriendly or contemptuous criticism 
of the United States. 2. Undiscriminating sympathy with 
and support of the actions of Germany before and during 
the present war. 3. An effort to arouse anti-British prej- 
udice among Americans. 

The so-called German-Americans who do not belong in 
the group thus defined may be in the large majority. I 
hope they are. But thus far they have scarcely been heard 
from, while the others are almost daily appealing to Amer- 
icans for intellectual and moral aid and countenance. That 
their appeals are often tactless, frequently untruthful, and 
sometimes insulting, is an interesting phenomenon which is 
deserving of study. 

In a biological investigation certain factors would be at 
once considered if the cause of a particular racial or tribal 
peculiarity were being sought for. Chief among these 
factors would be heredity and environment, the latter in- 
cluding the customary diet with the sources of food supply. 
This would be true whether the peculiarity were physical 
or psychical — i. e., whether it was, for example, a matter 
of stature and complexion or a matter of belief and reli- 
gious observance. Similarly, the food that may have helped 
to produce it would be of interest to the investigator, 
whether it were for the body or for the mind — e. g., 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAB 173 

whether clay-eating causing the swollen belly of the Digger, 
or Chauvinistic literature causing — to use the vernacular — 
the swollen head of the "world power or perish" German. 

Viewed from this standpoint the phenomenon in ques- 
tion seems to admit of easy explanation. The influence of 
heredity is, of course, obvious and unmistakable. Thus far 
the overwhelming majority of the apologists — little or big 
— ^for Germany in this country are of German birth or 
descent. It is rare to find an American name prefixed or 
appended to an article or communication calling for the 
sympathy of Americans for Germany in this crisis, or 
asking them to "suspend judgment," or appealing for 
"fairness and moderation," or extolling the bravery, the 
self-sacrifice and the high moral purposes of the Germans ; 
or even narrating the extreme consideration shown them in 
Germany after the outbreak of the war. 

Coupled with their articles is not uncommonly abuse of 
American methods, attempts to show that we have ourselves 
been guilty of crimes no less abhorrent than those with 
which Germany is charged, assertions that our indignation 
is hypocrisy and that the overwhelming anti-German senti- 
ment of the country is due to lying newspapers influencing 
a hysterical populace. 

One ^'German-American" journalistic "conciliator" who 
seems to be especially charged with the duty of combating 
and modifying the prevailing deep and spontaneous sym- 
pathy for the Allies actually attributes the public expres- 
sions of this sympathy to our hypocrisy and untruthfulness. 

This would be inexplicable if it were not for certain facts 
that throw upon it an illuminating sidelight. 

We have already seen the attitude of many German 
writers toward this country. It is obvious that they have 
been supplying not only to Germans, but also to German- 
Americans, the mental pabulum which has nourished in 



174 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

the latter the combined sentiment of worship of militarism 
and dislike for the ideals of the country of their adoption. 
This seems extravagant, and it is certainly surprising that 
such a statement could have even a slight basis of truth. 
But listen to Miinsterberg: (75) "In the German view the 
State is not for the individuals, but the individuals for the 
State." 

And again: 

"Those men who have achieved the marvelous progress of 
German civilization have done it in the conviction that the 
military spirit is a splendid training for cultural efficiency. 
The university professors have always been the most enthusiastic 
defenders of the system. . 

"Germany is not understood by those who fancy that defeat 
would tear an abyss between the people and the Emperor. There 
is not room in Germany for a president. The idea of a presi- 
dent is that he draws his power from the will of the millions of 
individuals. The idea of the emperor is that he is the symbol 
of the State as a whole, independent from the will of the in- 
dividuals, and therefore independent of any elections. In the 
symbol of the crown, far above the struggles of partisan indi- 
viduals, lies the idea of the German nation." 

Professor Kuno Ftancke said in a recent speech : 

"To the German the State is a spiritual, collective personality 
leading a life of its own beyond the lives of individuals, and 
its aim is not the protection of the happiness of individuals, 
but the making of a nobler type of man and the achievement of 
high excellence in all the departments of life." Thisi is the 
Kaiser's ideal, too, and his glorification of his office "makes 
him the incarnation of the active and disciplined Germany." 

Upon this statement E. S. Martin comments as follows : 
(76) 

"We are all trying hard just now to understand the Germans, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 175 

and these words of Dr. Francke are adapted to help us. Just 
now this German ideal has to be taken in association with about 
five million highly competent soldiers, all practicing to spread 
it, and a large supply of exceptionally efficient Krupp guns 
exploding to the same end. The association is a little trying 
to the ideal. Is that a mere misfortune, or do the army and 
the ideal belong together? Is this German ideal necessarily 
tied up to militarism because it is necessarily hostile to the 
ideal of individual freedom that belongs to such nations as 
France, England, Belgium, and the United States? Nobody 
outside of Germany would object, it would seem, to Dr. 
Francke's German ideal unless there is something in it that 
threatens the security of other nations." 

Here are some more quotations from "German-Amer- 
icans": (77) 

"The overwhelming majority of the G-ermans give their 
heartiest support to their far-seeing and wise monarch." 

"Modern Germany, with all her great achievements, is insep- 
arable from the Germany of military discipline, and would 
never have come into existence without the support of a strong, 
steadfast and determined government. The 'two G'ermanys' 
must stand or fall together, for the German people and their 
Kaiser are one!" 

"The German people are as inseparable from their Kaiser aa 
we in America are from our Constitution." 

"The whole German people are practically unanimous in the 
opinion that the monarchical form of government, with great 
authority and strongly centralized, is the best for them. Even 
the great Social Democratic party is organized upon this prin- 
ciple, and does not in the least resemble a Democratic party 
in the American sense of the word." 

The KolndscJie Zeitung (78) publishes a letter from a 
German — or German-American — ^resident in this country, 
as to the events immediately following the outbreak of the 
war: 



176 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"These were glorious days! ... A holy wrath breaks 
over us, the furor teutomcus. All Germany flames i>p like a 
powder-mine. . . . Who is not for us is against us. And 
they were all, all against us, America the most furious. Search 
history as you will, you will not find a page that records the 
like of what appears in these days in the American press. They 
write with Indian arrowheads and for ink use viper's venom. 
Has ever one member of the family of nations ventured to em- 
ploy against another such a mode of speech, especially when 
that other was locked in a most sanguinary strife? 

"And America is a neutral State ! . . . Americana, with 
left-handed meaning, speak of the Kaiser as 'the War Lord.' 
And for the honest Yankee there is no more ghastly title than 
this. For it sounds better to play the peace waltz! On all 
the editorial organs they play now only one melody: Germany 
is the world's champion peace-buster {Allerweltsstorenfried), 
and when peace is broken the freedom of the people is beaten 
into fragments. ... A land, a people, a nation, is the 
prey of the American vulturesi of the press. For these conveyors 
of culture there is no such thing as honor of country, people, 
or nation." 

"The Eolnische Zeitimg also prints an article by a Dr. Charles 
Hexamer, of Philadelphia, who tells his readers that he is 
not proud of America. He accuses the United States of praying 
on Sundays for peace and supplying England and its Allies 
with war materials on other days of the week. This, he 
exclaims, is hypocrisy and would be more consistent were Amer- 
ica to relinquish her Star Spangled Banner and proud motto, 
'E Pluribus Unum,' and supply herself with a flag inscribed: 
'The dollar, no matter how you get it, so long as you get it.' " 
(79) 

Further quotations illustrating this subject will be found 
in Chapter X. 

Price Collier throws some light on the matter as regards 
the German Germans when he says: (80) 

'"In order to build up his patriotism the German has been 
taught systematically to dislike the Austrians, then the Frencli, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 177 

now the English, and let not the American suppose that he 
likes the American any better, for he does not." 

Pere Didon also helps when he writes: (81) 

"J'ai €ssaye maintes fois de decouvrir chez I'allemand une 
sympathie quelconque pour d'autres nations; je n'y ai rSussi." 

But the most illuminating comment is made in another 
portion of Collier's book, where he sums up his views as to 
the entire Germanic system: 

"There is no such thing in Germany as democratic or repre- 
sentative government. 

"The orderliness of the Germans is all forced upon them 
from without, and is not due to their own knowledge of how to 
take care of themselves. 

"German State socialism is, in a nutshell, the decision on the 
part of the rulers that the individual is not competent to spend 
his own money, choose his own calling, use his own time as he 
will or provide for his own future or the various emergencies 
of life. By minute State control they are rapidly bringing the 
whole population to an enfeebled social and political condition, 
where they can do nothing for themselves. . . . There are 
3,000,000 officials, great and small, in Germany, and 14,000,- 
000 electorsi, or, roughly, one policeman to every five adults. 

"I have said that the population is well fed, well clothed 
and well looked after. Of course they are. No slave owner 
so maltreats his slaves that they cannot work for him. But 
is man fed by bread alone ? 

. "The electors, now so flattered by the smooth phrases 
of their tyrants disguised as liberators, will one day be aghast 
to find themselves in a veritable house of correction paid for 
from their o^^^l savings. 

"The very barrenness of the soil, the ring of enemies, the 
soft moral and social texture of the population, have, so their 
little knot of rulers think, made necessary these harsh, artificial 
forcing methods. The outstanding proof of the artificiality of 
this civilization is its powerlessness to propagate. Germans 
transplanted from their hothouse civilization to other countries 
12 



178 A' TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

cease to be Germansi; and nowhere in the world outside Ger- 
many is German civilization imitated, liked or adopted. 

"Autocracy, bureaucracy and militarism are triplets of straw, 
not destined to live. They are precocious children, teaching 
the pallid religion of dependence upon the State and enforcing 
the anarchical morality of man's despair of himself. 

"Germany has organized herself into an organization, and 
is the mos-t overgoverned country in the world. Life is to live, 
not to think, after all. This is where the metaphysician invari- 
ably fails when he mistakes thinking for living, when he mis- 
takes organization, which can never be more than a mold for 
life, for life itself. 

"Germany has shown us that the short cut to the govern- 
ment of a people by suppression and strangulation results in 
a dreary development of mediocrity. She has proved again 
that the only safety for either an individual or a nation is to be 
loved and respected; and in these days no one respects slavery 
or loves threats." 

Another American writer, after making this quotation, 
adds: (83) 

"Such is the true meaning of the system which has produced 
the modern Germany of machine-like efficiency, of a govern- 
mental philosophy foimded upon force, of universal submission 
to undemocratic ideals. It is a picture to sadden all admirers 
of the race which has wrought such benefits to mankind. 

"Yet this is the system which patriotic Germans in America 
insist is necessary. The fruits of German energy and genius, 
they say, are due not to racial capacity, but to the crushing 
out of individualism and the surrender of national liberty to the 
purpose of creating a glorified State. 

"In plain terms, they declare the astonishing theory that the 
German people are incapable of progress under democratic 
institutions, but have become great in the mass only because 
they have subordinated the nation's will to an intelligent offi- 
cialdom and ordered their lives to the commands of a mili- 
taristic discipline." 

"The most startling among Bernhardi's doctrines are ( 1 ) the 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 179 

denial that tliere are any duties owed by the State to humanity, 
except that of imposing its own superior civilization upon as 
large a part of humanity as possible, and (2) the denial of the 
duty of observing treaties. Treaties are only so much paper. 

"To modern German writers the State is a much more tre- 
mendous entity than it is to Englishmen or Americans. It 
is a supreme power with a sort of mystic sanctity, a power 
conceived of, as it were, self-created ; a force altogether distinct 
from, and superior to, the persona who compose it. 

"Let us see how these doctrines afifect the smaller and 
weaker States which have hitherto lived in comparative security 
beside the Great Powers. 

"They will be absolutely at the mercy of the stronger. Even 
if protected by treaties guaranteeing their neutrality and inde- 
pendence, they will not be safe, for treaty obligations are worth- 
less 'when they do not correspond to facts,' i. e., when the 
strong Power finds that they stand in its way. Its interests 
are paramount. 

"If a State has valuable minerals, as Sweden has iron, and 
Belgium coal, and Rumania oil ; or if it has abundance of water, 
power, like Norway, Sweden, and Switzerland; or if it holds 
the mouth of a navigable river, the upper course of which 
belongs to another nation, the great State may conquer and 
annex the small State as soon as it finds that it needs the 
minerals, or the water-power, or the river mouth. 

"It has the Power, and Power gives Right. The interests, 
the sentiments', the patriotism and love of independence of the 
small people go for nothing. 

"Civilization has turned back upon itself. Culture is to 
expand itself by barbaric force. Governments derive their 
authority not from the consent of the governed, but from the 
weapons of the conqueror." (83) 

Among the uneiiviable peculiarities our German-Amer- 
ican citizens have developed is one already alluded to, a 
determined effort to arouse anti-British feeling by refer- 
ence to all the occasions when there has been war or dispute 
between the two countries from the time of the Eevolution 
down to the Venezuelan incident. 



180 A TEXT-BOOK OP THE WAR 

But this is as clums}'-, as ineffective and, I think, as 
distasteful to most Americans as their equally uncouth 
attempts at flattery. 

They forget that America has never been the home of 
"grudges"; that every important incident they cite, even 
the most recent, belongs to the period of generations that 
have passed away. They forget that the greatest war of 
the last century, between two sections of our own country, 
has been, so far as continued rancor and bitterness are con- 
cerned, as completely forgotten as if it had occurred in the 
time of the Crusades. They forget that the ideals of the 
English-speaking people the world over are at once the 
most democratic and the nearest to successful realization 
that the world has ever seen, and that our brothers in the 
French Republic have their faces steadfastly set toward the 
same goal. 

They forget that our present differences are in essence 
trivial and superficial, while our likenesses are flesh of our 
flesh and bone of our bone. 

They ignore the fact that the fairest and most penetrating 
analysis of our country, our methods and our people ever 
written was from the pen of a Briton, Viscount Bryce ; and 
that the most sympathetic and impartial story of our War 
of Independence was told by an English historian. Sir 
George Trevelyan. They are stupid enough to forget the 
incident in Manila Bay in 1898, when the German 
Admiral Von Diedrichs, after a series of petty and pro- 
vocative infractions of the blockade established by Admiral 
Dewey, approached Captain Chichester, in command of 
the British fleet, to learn what he would do if further dis- 
regard of Dewey's orders were shown. But the American 
people have not forgotten Captain Chichester's reply to the 
effect that he "would do whatever Dewey wanted him 
to do." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 181 

Kor have they forgotten that at that very time Germany 
was endeavoring to bring about an "understanding" among 
European Powers that would result in interference on 
behalf of Spain. 

Our German-American quarrel malcers do not know 
doubtless, but many of us know, that in the "Strangers' 
Eoom," of the chief Liberal Club of London, a room where 
all visitors are shown, there hangs in the place of honor 
over the mantel a framed facsimile of our Declaration of 
Independence, while above it is a medallion with the super- 
imposed silhouettes in low relief, of Washington, Lincoln 
and Grant. In the same room the Magna Charta occupies 
a less conspicuous position. 

Fortunately, they are about as likely permanently to 
disturb or seriously to affect the relations between England 
and this country as their "Eatherland" is to realize its 
insane dream of "World Power." (See pp. 23, 38 et seq.) 

They are circulating the speeches of some unimportant 
irreconcilables like Ramsay Macdonald in opposition to the 
war. Why don't they quote the communications of the 
German Humanity League, of Berlin, to the British 
Humanity League, in which the Kaiser is characterized 
as the "uncurbed tyrant, surrounded by parasites, and 
now directing the most desperate, devilish and selfish 
campaign ever waged against himianity," and as "the despot 
whose insatiable egotism is drenching Europe with the 
blood of its workers and wage earners?" (84) 

Perhaps Miinsterberg's book, "The War and America," 
best illustrates the fatuity of the German-American apolo- 
gists as well as their awkward and stupid mixture of 
unpalatable flattery and unfriendly criticism. 

The book has been admirably dissected by a recent re- 
viewer. (85) Professor Miinsterberg has received so 
much undeserved attention from our American journalists 



182 A> TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

that it is worth while to quote portions of this review. 

"His method of argument seems directed at a singularly 
untrained public. . . . His major premises he never takes 
the pains to substantiate. Instead, he reiterates them as axio- 
matia 'Culturally, Russia is Asia,' Russia desires to blot out 
Western European civilization, hence Germany is fighting for 
civilization against barbarism, in an inevitable conflict. These 
fundamental notions are drummed in with Prvxssian thor- 
oughness. But these are just the postulates that a thoughtful 
reader wants to haye proved. . . . Aside from bandying 
big impressive antitheses — Teuton and Slav, Europe, Asia, etc. 
— Professor Miinsterberg varies his tactics by condescending 
flattery of America; and by occasional excursions in pure senti- 
ment. The whole melcmge is highly seasoned, and posisibly 
grateful to the literary palate of the very simple reader for 
whom it is concocted. 

"The omniscient tone of the plea is characteristic. . . 
Such a generalization as that Europe means thought while 
Asia means feeling, and accordingly one must cut the other's 
throat, is admirably calculated to solve the vexed problem of 
West and East — in any corner grocery store. And for whom 
does Professor Miinsterberg limn the picture of an idyllic, 
scholarly, industrial, unaggressive, and wholly pacific Germany 
reluctantly kept under arms by bellicose neighbors? Plainly, 
for a reader who has not heard of the partition of Poland, the 
seizing of Silesia, the grasping of Schleswig-Holstein, the annex- 
ation of Hanover, the retention of Alsace and Lorraine, and, 
only yesterday, the premature incorporation of Belgium into 
the German Empire. 

"Then what kind of a reader is asked to swallow whole the 
theory of a ruthlessly aggressive Russia menacing all Western 
Europe? Evidently, a reader who does not loiow that, first, 
Russia set conquered Germany on her feet, then Austria 
threatened by the Hungarian revolution — a reader who does 
not know that in a hundred and fifty years, when Russia was 
strong and Central Europe a congeries of weak states, Russia 
showed no exceptional aggressiveness against European Powers. 

. . . "We must note the kind of philosophical thought that 
underlies the surface rhetoric. It is a philosophy not overtly 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 183 

expressed. It would hardly bear ventilation in America. You 
may sense it in the sharp distinction between 'routine agree- 
ments like the neutrality treaties,' and a 'pledge of interna- 
tional honor' like the Triple Alliance. Why is there no pledge 
of honor in a neutrality agreement? Plainly because it is 
made with and in behalf of a weaji Power. Honor first begins 
among peers. Thus is honor made in the Germany of Zabern. 

"Again consider the system of international morals implied 
in the following: 

" 'It was the ethical duty of the Russians to strain every 
effort for the expansion of their influence, and it wasi the 
ethical duty of the Germans and Austrians to strain every 
effort to prevent it. In the same way, it was the moral right 
of France to make use of any hour of German embarrassment 
for recapturing its military glory by a victory of revenge. And 
it was the moral right of England to exert its energies for 
keeping control of the seas and for destroying the commercial 
rivalry of the Germans. No one is to be blamed.' 

"International morality, that is, consists in the insensate 
inevitable clash of national egotisms, which, being national, are 
holy. . . . 

"We have left dangling the very interesting question: For 
what kind of a reader is this skillful blend of dogmatism, innu- 
endo, sophistry, and gush intended? Fortunately, Professor 
Miinsterberg has the candor to make the matter clear. It is 
addressed to 'the American mind' which has an 'unusual degree 
of imitativeness and suggestibility.' It is addressed to the 
individual American who, when excited, tends to become 'a 
mere automatic mechanism in which the thoughts and feelings 
and impulses of his neighbor control his mind.' . . . 'There 
is a lack of individual resistance to prescribed opinions which 
produces in excited states a colorless wholesale judgment which 
may be entirely different from the natural stand of the sober 
single individual.' Elsewhere we learn that in all European 
matters the American is moved chiefly by a provincial prejudice 
against the paraphernalia and nomenclature of monarchy. He 
takes mere names for real things. 

"Professor Miinsterberg has produced a book that is precisely 
adapted to impress the sort of 'American mind,' he thus defines, 
but no other sort." 



184 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Even in his latest text-book of Psychology he evinces the 
same insufferable belief in essential racial superiority, 
sa)ang: (p. 334) 

"The Southern peoples are children of the moment; the 
Teutonic live in the things which lie beyond the world, in the 
infinite and the ineffable." 

Mr. E. S. Martin (the editor of "Life") has paid his 
respects to Miinsterberg as follows: (86) 

"Your book must convince any un-German reader that we 
shall never see the case as you see it. The idea which you 
offer of simple, honest Germany taking a few indispensable 
military precautions against the ravening wolves of Europe, 
and especially against the impending hug of the terrible bear, 
is comic to us, Herr Doctor. We can't help it. With all due 
respect, Ave remember Frederick William and his tall grenadiers, 
Frederick the Great and Maria Theresa, Bismarck's Prussia 
and Austria in '66, and then what you call 'the war of 1870 
recklessly stirred by the intolerance of Imeprial France,' and 
since 1888 the Kaiser and his Krupps, and we smile, Herr 
Doctor; we just have to. 

"Blood and iron is a great medicine, but Germany, as we 
see it, has overdosed herself with it. She has not made a friend 
in Europe since Bismarck died. They say he was overruled 
when Alsace and Lorraine were detached from France. They 
tell us the Kaiser was tricked into this war by the Prussian 
warhogs. Alas, Professor Miinsterberg, it is not the Americans 
who are the enemies of Germany. You will find in due time that 
they do not hate the good Germans. The enemies of Germany 
have been men of her own household, the men who have not 
only dreamed, but published to the world what you scornfully 
describe as 'the fantastic dreams of the so-called Pan-Germans.' 
Why, since 1870, has Germany confidently expected another 
great war? Why has she ceaselessly trained men, built fort- 
resses, cast guns, hoarded money and organized to the last 
detail a campaign against the rest of Europe? The reason, as 
we see it, is that the small class that guides the destinies of 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 185 

her industrious millions has had 'God with Us' for its motto 
and 'Rule or Ruin' for its policy. Germany is a great country 
gone wrong. She is getting what her rulers have earned for 
her. They have made her an impossible nation; a menace to 
mankind. She has put her trust in force, alienated her natural 
allies, dishonored her treaties. Now her appeal to force has 
gone to judgment. If she conquers Europe ruin will find her 
in victory as it found Napoleon. If Europe conquers her she 
will get off easier; but either way she has terrible sorrows 
ahead of her and is a fit object of pity for all kind people." 

One more extract from a thoughtful reviewer (John 
Cowper Powys), (87), of the Miinsterberg book must 
suffice. 

"With this end in view Professor Miinsterberg sweeps aside 
all the reports about German brutality and German vandalism 
and concentrates his attention upon two main propositions: 
First, that Germany's preparations for the war were purely 
defensive; second, that Germany's defeat in the war would 
mean a devastating blow for 'culture,' and a disastrous set- 
back to the best interests of humanity. With regard to those 
acts of German vandalism which he sweeps out of his path, 
Professor Miinsterberg has only one word to say: 'Is there 
any truth in all this? Yes; one truth, which is imdeniable, 
which is sad, which is awful, namely, that war is war.' To 
this interesting acknowledgement that war is a game with 
no rules, Professor Miinsterberg adds the following charming 
example of airy and graceful humor: 'When the big head- 
lines tell the reader again that the German soldiers slaughtered 
babies yesterday in the town which they captured, he will 
conjecture for himself that in reality they probably slaughtered 
some chickens for which they paid in full.' 

In spite of his use of the term 'war is war,' as an answer to 
all critics of German war-methods, our Professor cannot resist 
the temptation to make certain 'side-issue' appeals to proverbial 
American opinion. 'The Americans,' says he, 'did not like 
Japan's mixing in on the side of England. This capturing of 
Germany's little colony in China by a sly trick, when Germany's 
hands were bound, had to awake sympathy in every American. 



186 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

But this was outdone by the latest move of the campaign which 
hag brought Hindus from India and Turcos from Africa into 
line against the German people. To force these colored races, 
which surely have not the slightest cause to fight the German 
nation, into battle against the Teutons, is an act which must 
have brought a feeling of shame for the Allies to every true 
American.' 

"How naive indeed must be the Professor's sense of Amer- 
ican intelligence! Without the least disparagement to the 
attractive negro population in America, no one would for a 
moment think of comparing them to the cliildren of the imme- 
morial traditions of India. To introduce such a comparison 
at all with this invidious expression, 'colored races,' is only 
to throw the shadow of special pleading across the whole of 
hia arguments." 

All the most recent activities among the German-Amer- 
icans confirm the view that at least their spokesmen are, at 
heart, Germans, with German ideals and aspirations ahso- 
lutely incompatible with those of every far-seeing Amer- 
ican. One of our leading papers (88), under the heading 
"A German-American Menace," discusses the situation as 
follows : 

"Citizens of this country, whatever the land of their birth, 
have a perfect right to organize for any benevolent purpose 
that they approve. They can form societies, if they please, in 
order radically to alter our form of government or to induce 
it to change its foreign policy. If they are actuated by 
patriotic American motives, no one will object, however, he 
may disagree with the aim. But when this organizing is plainly 
in the interest of a foreign Government, and would inevitably 
result in dividing all Americans into two camps over an issue 
foreign to this country, those who undertake it are playing 
with extremely dangerous fire. It will tend to inject hatred 
and bitterness into our treatment of questions relating to our 
foreign affairs, at the worst possible time for such a display 
of partisanship. If ever there was an hour when patriotic 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 187 

citizens should refrain from acts likely to embroil this Grovern- 
ment at home or abroad, it is the present. 

"Our Gennan-Amei-icans who are citizens, and not merely 
sojourners among us, were supposed M^hen they took out their 
naturalization papers to have abandoned their allegiance to 
Germany, and to have sworn fealty to our institutions. Now 
many of them are acting as if they were never Americans at 
all, but merely Germans who live here for convenience. They 
ai-e looking at this whole question, not from the American point 
of view, but the German. When they demand that all ship- 
ments of arms to Europe be stopped, it is because they favor 
Germany, and are working in her interest. When they say 
they desire to elect Congressmen who shall 'compel the Admin- 
istration to enforce strict neutrality,' they mean that, since 
the laws, by reason of British control of the sea happen to 
favor the Allies, they wish those laws changed. If they hap- 
pened to favor Germajiy we should hear not a word from the 
German-Americans. They are judging thus upon what will 
help Germany; how it affects the United States they care not 
at all. They are, for instance, outspoken not only against 
England, but against Japan ; for Germany's sake they are play- 
ing upon the string of racial prejudice and are apparently quite 
willing to intensify the misunderstandings between the United 
States and the Mikado's people, without thought of the peril. 

"For the first time they have raised the question of the 
loyalty of foreign-born citizens, not their loyalty in time of war, 
but that deeper, firmer, and nobler allegiance to our institutions 
which we have a right to expect of true Americans. For it ia 
impossible to uphold German autocracy and American repre- 
sentative Government at the same time; they are too utterly 
dissimilar to make it possible. At bottom there are the same 
fundamental differences that existed when the men of 1848 
fled to this country for political asylum. But those who are 
trying to raise up a German national party here in the reflected 
heat of the great struggle abroad overlook all this, as they 
do the probability of their opening serious cleavage between 
themselves and the other American citizens which will last 
for years to come. With the outcome of the war for Germany 
they have, strictly speaking, no more concern than the hun- 
dreds of thousands of Americans who are indebted to her for 
one cause or another. What they ought to be praying for is 



188 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

an outcome which will so remodel German institutions as to 
make them more nearly like our own. What they ought to be 
striving for is to so bear themselves that at the end of the 
war they will have won golden opinions on this side of the 
water for their forbearance, for their tolerance, and their Amer- 
icanism. 

"Instead, the course they are threatening to pursue leads 
straight towards bitterness, sectionalism, and disorder in our 
political life. It is as if they sought to make themselves feared 
and disliked. As ex-President Taylor, of Vassar College, has 
put it: "This is not patriotism; it is pure alienism." 

In spite of everything I cling to the hope that the sup- 
port at present nndoubtedly given to the German cause by 
our German-American citizens is a temporary manifesta- 
tion of the strength of the ties of blood, and that they as a 
class are not fitly represented by their present spokesmen. 
I cannot believe that, however they may have been influ- 
enced by heredity, by the poisonous teachings of the Bern- 
hardis and Treitschkes and by the flamboyant but spurious 
patriotism of the Mlinsterbergs and Bidders and Hil- 
prechts, they will permanently espouse a cause which is 
based upon the idea that "there is no room in Germany for 
a president" for the reason that "the idea of a president is 
that he draws his power from the will of millions of indi- 
viduals." It must be impossible that the kindly, sociable 
and lovable friends I have among the Germans here and 
abroad, can subscribe to the ethics of the Kaiser as ex- 
pressed to the German soldiers despatched to China in 
1900 : 

"When you meet the foe you will defeat him. No quarter 
will be given, no prisoners will be taken. Let all who fall 
into your hands be at your mercy. Just as the Huns, a thou- 
sand years ago, under the leadership of Etzel (Attila), gained 
a reputation, in virtue of which they still live in historical 



A TEXT-BOOK OP THE WAR 189 

tradition, so may the name of Germany become known in such 
a manner in China that no Chinaman will ever again even 
dare to look askance at a German." (89) 

The reference to Attila was commonly suppressed, but 
the rest of the quotation was circulated on postcards 
throughout Germany. (90) 

Two days later the modern Attila preached a sermon on 
board the HolienzoUern. (91) 

I may, of course, be mistaken, but until the mistake is 
demonstrated I do not intend to include in my condemna- 
tion of the present "German-American" attitude any but 
those who have publicly put themselves on record. As for 
them, they should abandon the pretense of being even 
"hyphenated" Americans. 



CHAPTEE X. 

What is the Extent and What Are the Aims of the Organized 
German Propaganda in America? 

For the last four or five months the country has been 
showered with pro-German pamphlets, leaflets, speeches, 
addresses, newspaper and magazine articles and political 
tracts. It has been argued with and lied to. It has been 
coaxed, fawned upon, wheedled, flattered, cajoled, impor- 
tuned, bullied, and threatened. For example: 

"A mixed audience of G'erman-Americajis and Irisli-Ameri- 
cans, who packed Terrace Garden to-night at a meeting called 
by the New York Irish Volunteer Committee, cheered to the 
echoes the name of the Kaiser, hissed the New York newspapers, 
but did not cheer when the Stars and Stripes and the Govern- 
ment at Washington were mentioned. 

"Wild applause followed when one of the speakers said that 
*a imion of the 20,000,000 German-Americans and 13,000,000 
Irish-Americans in the United States would make it easily 
possible, to change the attitude of the newspapers and the 
Federal Government toward Germany and the German cause.' 

"The principal speaker of the evening was Dr. Kuno Meyer, 
of the University of Berlin, who has been in this country 
■several weeks lecturing and speaking in behalf of Ger- 
many. . . 

"The programme opened and ended with music, but 'The 
Star-Spangled Banner' was not among the times played. Lar- 
kin was the first speaker. He immediately started to denounce 
England. He referred to John Redmond as a supporter of 'the 
blood-stained flag of England.' 

'"There are 20,000,000 German- Americans and 13,000,000 
Irish-Americans in the United States,' Larkin shouted, 'and if 
you act together you can make the United States and the news- 
(190) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 191 

papers do as you like. I am not a citizen of the United States, 
and if they want to deport me to-morrow they can do it." (92) 

In a report of the same meeting another paper (93) 

says : 

"When the 'Waeht am Rhein' was played by the orchestra, 
Joseph P. Sheridan, Jr., who was reporting the meeting for the 
New York City News Association, was attacked by the First 
Lieutenant of the Irish Volunteers, who jabbed him in the 
stomach several times with the sheathed end of his sabre be- 
cause Sheridan did not consider it his duty to stand up. . . . 

"In Sheridan's own account of the assault made upon him, 
as sent out by the New York City News Association, he said that 
he was busy writing when he was suddenly struck with the 
sword, the Irish Volunteer Lieutenant who struck him shout- 
ing: 

" 'Stand up, you scoundrel!' " 

Commenting on this shameful incident, still another 

New York paper (94), says editorially: 

"No friend of England or France, no sympathizer with Bel- 
gium will protest if Professor Kuno Meyer, of the University 
of Berlin, and 'Jim' Larkin, of the docks of Dublin, continue 
each night to give further spectacles of a fusion between Kultur 
and Anarchy, such as they supplied in Terrace Garden last 
night. 

"Any regret, protest, distress that such spectacles produce 
must come from Germans and their friends who realize how 
completely fatal to their own cause are such incidents, such 
insults to American colleges, newspapers, public opinion. 

Do these agents seriously believe that they can make Ameri- 
cans Pro-German by becoming Anti- American themselves?" 

The following day, in continuance, and speaking of Dr. 
Meyer, the same paper said: (95) 



193 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

"It is regrettable that he is not now among us as an exponent 
of learning, that he is now infesting this neutral country as a 
passionate alien, seeking to inflame partisans of Germany. It 
is particularly sad to see so distinguished, a victim of the epi- 
demic furor professorius. 

"It appears from the Berlin professor's remarks at the Ter- 
race Garden last Thursday night that his engagement to lecture 
at Harvard was cancelled because the president of that uni- 
versity, having read the address to be delivered, decided that 'it 
would violate the spirit of neutrality which this coimtry is 
trying to maintain,' which Professor Meyer is resolved that it 
shall not maintain. It is easy to believe that Professor Meyer 
cannot keep King George's head out of his remarks; but he 
conceives that freedom of speech has been trampled upon at 
Cambridge : 

" *I could not live or breathe in an atmosphere so close and 
dense asi that which seems to prevail at Harvard. Free utter- 
ance between man and man has always been the breath of my 
nostrils.' 

"No considerations of propriety or politeness or respect for 
a neutral country occur to him. He assumes that academic 
freedom is violated because he cannot inject his political venom 
into a literary speech. 

"How much freedom of speech would he enjoy at Berlin if 
he tried to incite an audience, say of Poles and Jews, to ally 
themselves against a Government friendly to the German Em- 
pire, against, say, 'the blood-stained flag of Austria' ? What 
would the Prussian police have had to say to such a demonstra- 
tion as that of Terrace Garden? 

"He must have breathed asthmatically at this Clan-na-Gael- 
German-American riot, where a reporter was prodded divers 
times with a sheathed sabre by a lieutenant of Irish Volunteers 
for not rising with due observance and reverence when the 
'Wacht am Hhein,' apparently the new American anthem, was 
struck up. 

"There's 'freedom' for you. In Berlin the sabre would not 
have been sheathed." 

It is a source of contentment that the vast majority of 
the press and a similar proportion of the Intelligent people 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 193 

— in whose hands the destinies of America will ultimately 
rest — have remained unshaken in their belief in the justice 
and right of the cause of the Allies, which belief they 
reached within a fortnight of the opening of the war. That 
they have thus steadfastly believed, in spite of the absence 
of any inspiring and steadying leadership from the present 
national Administration, and in the face of so widespread, 
vigorous, artful and unscrupulous a pro-German and anti- 
British campaign, is a legitimate cause of pride, and of 
confidence in the underlying common-sense of the Amer- 
ican people. 

JTevertheless, some of us have felt anxious as to the 
possible effect upon the millions who, somewhat removed 
from the main currents and counter-currents of world- 
thought, have been day by day, or week by week, bombarded 
with German sophisms and German sermons, German half- 
truths, and German falsehoods. 

There are in the United States great numbers of news- 
papers that may, without derogation, be called "provincial" 
or "country." As a rule, they are a source of strength and 
a means of education. Their editors are often the leaders of 
thought in their respective communities. Their teachings, 
while, of course, varying widely as to political questions, 
and representing opposite sides of political controversies, 
are, as a rule, devoted to the fundamental principles of true 
Democracy, as we understand it in America. Their owners 
or proprietors, who are often the editors themselves, are 
compelled to be satisfied with very moderate financial 
returns for their labors. They are, to an extent, like 
teachers and professors, obliged to find in certain collateral 
advantages — the dignity of their profession, the influence 
they can exert, the social position they acquire — a counter- 
balancing recompense for their meagre earnings. 

13 



194 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

To these papers have been sent, by the thousands, pages 
of matter — technically known as "patent insides" — 
already put in journalistic form, together with papier- 
mache moulds (from which type may be easily and inex- 
pensively cast) — ^the so-called "boiler-plate" — all abso- 
lutely without cost to the papers, but with the fixed proviso 
that the stuff thus sent shall be used "entire or not at all." 
A facsimile of one page of such proffered material, actually 
sent to a Philadelphia paper, is herewith given together 
with its translation. 

For the arguments which the Germans based on this and 
other documents found at the same time, and the replies 
thereto see p. 124. 

What the effect may be ultimately upon the hundreds of 
thousands of persons thus reached no one now can accu- 
rately determine. The resulting change of view, if there 
were any, would be slow in manifesting itself. But the 
possibility of such change cannot be denied or ignored, and 
it is a grave question whether the Allies, or their friends 
here, are wise in regarding this persistent and continuous 
effort as entirely negligible, 

I am not unmindful of tlie advice of Charles Francis 
Adams to his English Friends, and to England, (96) 

"As respects the war and the attitude of Great Britain, the 
situation is very clearly understood in America, and the cur- 
rent of public opinion is all one way, and in your favor. You 
can safely leave the course of events and the trend of opinion 
to the representative Germans in this country, including more 
especially the Ambassador at Washington, von Bernstorff, who 
strikes me as being utterly unfit for hia position. He has 
done the German cause immense harm, and brought himself into 
great discredit. This, by indiscreet and unnecessary talking. 
Tlie man apparently does not realize that foreign nations do 





'• * w ~ jk '■«- 



-CSIMILE OF A PAGE OF "BoILEK-PlATE" MATRIX SENT TO AMERICAN NEWSPAPERS 

BY THE "German Information Service." 
ver) 



German Circular Letter. 

With the matrix (or '"mats") goes in each case a circular 
letter. In this instance it was as foUoAvs: 

"To THE Editors — The mats inclosed are facsimiles of papers 
found amono- the documents of the Belgian General StafI' at Brus- 
sels, referring- to arrangement between the Englisli military 
attaches and the Belgian Minister of War regarding British 
intervention in Belgium. 

"Tliey are accompanied by proofs of translations of the dncu- 
ments and by the explanatory remai'ks of Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, 
Privy Councillor of the (lei'man Empire and former German Min- 
ister to the Colonies. 

"The mats and articles must be used in their entirety, or not 
at alb 

"German Information Service." 

Translation of Facsimile Sent Therewith. 

'"Confidential: 

"The British Military Attache asked to see General Jungbluth. 
The two gentlemen met on April 23rd. 

"Lieutenant-Colonel Bridges told the General that England had 
at her disposal an army which could be sent to the Continent, 
composed of six divisions of infantry and eight brigades of cavalry 
— together 100,000 troops. She had also everything which is 
necessary for her to defend her insular territory. Everything is 
ready. 

"At the time of the recent events, the British Government 
would have immediately effected a disembarkment in Belgiimi 
(chez nous), even if we had not asked for assistance. 

"The General objected that for that our consent was necessary. 

"The Military Attache answered that he knew this, but that 
— -since we were not able to prevent the Germans from passing- 
through our country — England would have landed her troops in 
Belgiimi under all circumstances {en tout ctat de cause). 

"As for the place of landing, the Military Attache did not make 
a precise statement; he said that the coast was rather long, but 
the General knows that Mr. Bridges, during Easter, has paid 
daily visits to Zeebrugge from Ostende. 

"The General added that we were, besides, perfectly able to 
prevent the Germans from passing through." 

For full consideration of the charges based on this and accom- 
panying documents, see pp. 263 to 276. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 195 

not like to be everlastingly instructed as to their obligations, 
their duties, and the direction in which their sympathies should 
go forth. They are apt to think that, not being wholly devoid 
of common sense, they are competent to form their own 
opinions. They therefore invariably resent the schoolmaster 
and the propagandist. . . . 

"Moreover, as I have already intimated, the representative 
Germans over here are doing the cause of their 'Fatherland,' as 
they are pleased to call it, infinite injury. The sophistries and 
perversions of fact to which they have recourse are creative of 
even more amusement than disgust, and that is saying much. 
Under these circumstances you Englishmen, so far as America 
is concerned, can safely leave well enough alone. The current 
is all running your way, and the best thing you can do is to let 
it alone. The 'Scrap of Paper' episode, the brutal violation 
of Belgian neutrality, the destruction of Louvain, the bom- 
bardment of the cathedral at Rheims 'did the job' here most 
effectually, so far as the Germans are concerned. They are 
regarded now generally as a nation of neo-vandals." 

But even if Mr. Adams is right, and I am disposed to 
agree with him, his advice does not, and should not, apply 
to Americans writing for Americans. 

That the existence of an organized G-erman propaganda 
here, as well as in other countries, is widely recognized 
might be further evidenced, if any more evidence were 
necessary, by hundreds of quotations from current periodi- 
cal literature. The subjoined extract from an editorial in 
an American paper (97) proceeds, it will be seen, on such 
an assumption, and is selected for use here, because it gives 
an interesting explanation of the apparent failure of the 
pro-Germans to influence American opinion. It is headed : 
'^'Thinking' German and Other." 

"Maximilian Harden, in his Berlin newspaper, the Zuhunft, 
has had the courage to tell his eoujitrymen the real reason why 
the opinion of neutral nations bears so strongly against Ger- 
many, It is not, he says, that 'they are not told the truth.' In 



196 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

admitting this, Harden abandons as hopeless the whole German 
propaganda abroad, especially in the United States. It was 
based on the assumption that Americans had been fed upon lies, 
and that as soon as Germany should be able to get her case 
before them, they would at once change their mind. This was 
the theory of campaign of the German professors:, of the indi- 
viduals and the associations in Germany that began to flood 
the American mail with letters and publications, and of the 
various Germans who, officially or otherwise, have undertaken 
the defense of the German cause in this coimtry. That the 
whole effort has come to nothing is obvious. American opinion 
remains what it was. Nor was it built upon falsehood. All 
this mighty attempt to set us right has not produced a single 
fact, a single document, a single argument which was not known 
in the United States from the beginning. The trouble was, aa 
Maximilian Harden now states, not that we did not have the 
truth, but that we were 'unable to think as Germans do.' 

"This is both frank and philosophic. It goes near to the root 
of the difficulty. Something of the same thought was expressed 
by President Eliot at the New England dinner when he said 
that the ideals of Germany were different from those of the 
United States. We Americans cannot bring ourselves to think, 
in all this matter of war, in the terms which are native to the 
German mind. What happens to an Amerioaji when he tries 
to do it, is rather pathetically shown in a little pamphlet which 
has just reached us from Munich. It is from the pen of George 
Stuart Fullerton, well known as a professor of philosophy in 
Columbia University. He writes as 'An American to Ameri- 
cans,' and entitles his pamphlet, 'Why the German Nation Has 
Gone to War.' 

"Now, will it be believed that in the entire production not a 
solitary explanation is offered of Germany's reasons for going 
to war. All that Professor Fullerton has done is to give a 
sympathetic interpretation of German militarism. He knows 
and loves the Germans, and seeks to make it clear how it was 
that a peaceable, scientific, music-loving people should have 
felt it necessary to arm to the teeth, to become a Volk in 
Waffen. All this is done intelligently and interestingly, but 
the war itself is described merely as 'inevitable.' Professor 
Fullerton says in so many words : 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 197 

" 'I make no reference to the neutrality of Belgium, nor do 
I think it worth while to touch upon the question who first 
formally declared war on this side or on that. In the light of 
what the world now knows, these have become wholly trivial 
matters.' 

"But what is all this except a demonstration of the fact that 
when an American sets himself to thinking about the war as the 
Germans do, he instantly makes negligible what to the Ameri- 
can mind has all along been and to-day continues central and 
vital ?" 

The question thus summarized as " 'Thinking/ Ger- 
man and Other/' i. e., so far as we are concerned, the 
radical difference between the outlook on life of the average 
German and that of the average American, is not to be 
lightly dismissed. Indeed there are Americans who con- 
sider it to be the underlying factor of the war, most worthy 
of study and investigation. I subjoin the best summary of 
this portion of the German controversial output that I 
have seen (98). It also expresses, I believe, the impres- 
sion made upon this country by current German opinion 
as set forth in their own newspapers, and intended, there- 
fore, not for American, but for home consumption, 

"Among the great fundamental forces operating in the world 
war there is one which completely overshadows all others in 
importance and influence — the thought, the guiding purpose, of 
the German nation. No problem of the mighty conflict, whether 
touching its beginning, its conduct or its conclusion, can be 
studied without first taking into account this factor. 

"Wliat is that thought? What is the German viewpoint, the 
spirit which unifies and inspires the nation in its tremendous 
undertaking? Is there an authentic voice of the German people, 
whose utterance will reveal its own authority and carry its 
own conviction? 

"The empire has not lacked spokesmen; the flood of current 
literature respecting Teuton politics is of astonishing volume. 



198 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Names which a few months ago were knoAvn here only to schol- 
ars or technical experts have become household words. 

"He is a poor disputant who cannot quote from Heinrich von 
Treitschke, who dominated the great Prussian school of his- 
torians; from Metzsche, the bewildering philosopher of nega- 
tion, whose influence has saturated German teaching; from 
Von Bernhardi, the apostle of militarism; to say nothing of 
Von Buelow, diplomatist; Von Gwinner, finajicier; Harnack 
and Dryander, theologiansi; Lamprecht and Von Schmoller, 
political economists; Eucken and Haeckel, scientists, and a 
score of other noted leaders. 

"But it is a curious fact that the most distinguished of these 
writers are quite ignored by advocates of the German cause; 
indeed, they are politely but firmly repudiated. It is said that 
Nietzsche has no considerable following; that General von 
Bernhardi is a military jingo whose extravagances were never 
taken seriously, and the greatest of German historians is gently 
dismissed by an eminent German- American in Philadelphia as 
*a man named Treitschke.' So, for the purpose of this discus- 
sion, at least, we shall not turn to these familiar sources of 
German interpretation. 

"By far the most effective representative of the cause in 
America has been Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, whose skill in advo- 
cacy is due not only to wide knowledge, but to the suave dignity 
of his controversial manner. That his mission is authoritative 
is not to be doubted, for his appearance was a signal for the 
retirement of those industrious but rather inept champions, 
Professor Mtinsterberg and Ambassador von Bemstorff. But 
Doctor Dernburg's writings are for non-German consumption 
only. They present an able defense of the national aims, but 
they do not pretend to voice the inner sentiments which move 
the people and their rulers. He is an attorney, not an inter- 
preter. 

"To get at German thought to-day, therefore, Americans must 
turn to Germany itself, to the publicists who address their coun- 
trymen and not aliens, and the newspapers which make and por- 
tray public opinion upon the issues of the wax. In citing char- 
acteristic quotations, it will be our purpose to offer only enough 
editorial comment to serve as mortar between the bricks of 
German statement and argument. 

"Making a random selection, we find Herr Basserman, leader 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 199 

of the National Liberals, outlining in a speech to the Reichstag 
a popular view of the policy toward Belgium, France, and the 
world in general: 

" 'Let us retain all the territory we already occupy, and also 
what we shall yet conquer and think necessary to keep. 
"Through bloody war to glorious victory" is our motto.' 

"In the Deutsche Tageszeitung an article by a leading Berlin 
clergyman discusses war as a Christian duty in these terms : 

" 'Again and again we read that warlike spirit, warlike en- 
thusiasm and warfare in general are inconsistent with the spirit 
and teachings of Christianity. This view is superficial. Accord- 
ing to the Christian viewpoint, history is guided by Him who 
shapes the destinies of nations. For those who believe this even 
war is the work of God. 

" 'If this war is permitted by God, then warfare is a duty. 
. . . Such a duty and such fulfillment are not only consist- 
ent with Christianity, but are demanded by Christianity.' 

"Hermann Sudermann, the noted dramatist, assures his 
countrymen that 'the "alleged" violation of Belgium's neu- 
trality has been proved to be our legitimate right,' and there- 
fore is able to urge solemnly: 

" 'German militarism can never be misused for desires to 
attack and to conquer, and is only thinkable as an instrument 
of defense.' 

"In Das Frei Wort, a Frankfort review. Count von Hoens- 
broech argues that Belgium must not be annexed. Justice and 
the imperial designs would be served, he says, upon these easy 
terms : 

" 'AH Belgian fortresses, except Antwerp, to be razed ; Ant- 
werp to have a German garrison; the Belgian monarchy to be 
replaced by German regents; the Belgian parliament to be re- 
stricted to economic matters; payment by Belgium of a "for- 
midable" war indemnity and a yearly tribute; abolition of the 
Belgian army; cession of the Congo colony; Belgium's diplo- 
matic affairs to be handled by German consuls and ministers.' 

"A few weeks ago Dr. Adolf Lasson, an imperial privy coun- 
cilor, wrote to a prominent Hollander a letter in which he said : 

" 'Foreigner means enemy. No one can remain neutral to the 
German State and people. A man who is not a German knows 
nothing of Germany. We are morally and intellectually superior 
beyond all comparison as to our organizations and institutions. 



200 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

. . . We Germans have no friends anywhere, because we are 
efficient and morally superior to all.' 

"Major General von Disfurth, in the Hamburg Naohtrichten, 
thus answers complaints against German war methods: 

" 'Frankly, Ave are and must be barbarians, if by this we un- 
derstand those who wage war relentlessly and to the uttermost 
degree. We owe no explanations to anyone. Every act of what- 
ever nature committed by our troops for the purpose of dis- 
couraging, defeating and destroying our enemies is a brave act 
and a good deed. Our troops must achieve victory. What else 
matters ?' 

"Doctor Lenard, a member of the faculty at Heidelberg, is 
quoted in the Hamburger Fremdenblatt in these words: 

" 'Down with all consideration for England's so-called cul- 
ture ! The central nest and supreme academy for all hypocrisy 
in the world, London, must be destroyed. No respect for the 
tombs of Shakespeare, Newton and Faraday!' 

"Dr. Friedrich Naumann, editor of Hilfe (Berlin), thus 
frankly disposes of the neutrality issue: 

" 'Even assuming that there had been in Belgium an honor- 
able sentiment of neutrality, the question remains whether a 
small individual State can have a right to stand aside from a 
historical process of reconstruction. . . . However friendly 
and sympathetic one's attitude may be toward the wishes of 
neutrals, one cannot, in principle, admit their right to stand 
aside from the general processes of centralization in the leader- 
ship of humanity. In economics we constantly see small con- 
cerns trying to remain outside the trusts. Often they succeed, 
often they do not. The same thing happens also in the sphere 
of world politics.' 

"Maximilian Harden is called the Bernard Shaw of Germany. 
But while his literary agility suggests that of the Irish drama- 
tist, his genius is of infinitely greater brilliance, and his popular 
influence was proved when he smashed a corrupt ring that had 
its headquarters in the very palace of the Kaiser. Let him 
answer those who plead that war was forced on Germany : 

" 'Cease the pitiful attempts to excuse Germany's action. 
. . . Not as weak-willed blunderers have we imdertaken the 
fearful risk of this war. We willed it, because we had to will it 
and could will it. May the Teuton devil throttle those whiners 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 301 

whose pleas for excuses make us ludicrous in these hours of 
lofty experience! 

" 'We do not stand, and shall not place ourselves, before the 
court of Europe. Our power shall create new law in Europe. 
Germany strikes! If she conquers new realms for her genius, 
the priesthood of all the gods will sing songs of praise to the 
good war. 

" 'Do not lapse into dream si about the "United States of 
Europe." ... To the Belgians we are the arch-imp and the 
tenant of the pool of hell. We would remain so, even if every 
atone in Louvain and in Malines were replaced by its equivalent 
in gold.' 

"The Deutsche Tageszeitiung, in a long editorial, demands that 
German shall replace English as the world language, so as to 
end the 'fearful brutalizing influencesr" that appear 'in every 
land where the English language is spoken.' 

"In the vocabulary of the Berliner Tagehlatt, the Japanese 
are 'yellow Britons' and 'the monkey relatives of Sir Edward 
Grey.' The Kreuzzeitwng tells its readers that British soldiers 
go to war 'without any thought except of shillings with which 
to purchase whisky.' Here is a glimpse of the popular mind 
respecting the war: 

" 'We would see every monument, every picture, utterly de- 
stroyed rather than that the glorious work given to the German 
race should be hindered by so much as one hour's avoidable de- 
lay. The world can be revitalized, society ennobled and refined, 
only through the German spirit. The world must, for its own 
salvation, be Germanized.' 

"From the FramJcfwrter Zeitung : 

" 'Belgium, uselessly tortured and befooled by meaningless 
treaties and promises, is done with. Its ministers are still talk- 
ing of victory, and even of a greater Belgium, but these are 
mere words of intoxication.' 

"It is from such passiages in the common literature of the day, 
rather than from writings of historians and philosophers, that 
one may derive an idea of popular German thought. There is 
a concentrated fury in its expression which is very striking; it 
is as if the words half strangled those who seek to utter them. 

"With characteristic efficiency the Germans have classified 
and named this spirit. They call it the 'furor Germanicus,' 
and exult that it is so widespread and powerful. This, far 



203 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

more than the ambitions designs of statesmen, is the ruling 
force in the war; it is this, rather than howitzers and subma- 
rines, that has witlistood the might of Germany's enemies and 
may change the course of civilization." 

The peculiarity of present-day German mental processes 
is also held iip to scorn in tlie following editorial: (99) 

"Among other documents lavishly distributed to the Ameri- 
can public by the energetic German Press Bureau is a quarterly 
'War Chronicle,' containing arguments and exliibits to prove the 
justice of the German cause, letters from soldiers at the front 
and pictures of British warships and other objects destroyed 
on sea or land. Not the least interesting feature of the latest 
issue is a map of Louvain intended to show the exact damage 
done to the city. The 'unshaded and undamaged portion' has 
an impressive look until examination reveals the fact that it 
does not include the center of the city, where naturally the 
Avorst destruction was wrought. It is as if Philadelphia from 
the City Hall to Independence Square had been wrecked; the 
area would seem small on a map of the whole city, but the 
injury would be none the less appalling. 

"The inscription under this map of Louvain — ''The lined por- 
tion only was damaged in the fight forced upon us' — is the 
chief matter of psychological interest, because it illustrates so 
aptly the exirious working of the German mind. After all the 
absolute evidence to the contrary, Bolgimn in the role of agent 
provocateur remains an ineradicable obsession. And on the 
principle so lucidly laid down in 'The Hunting of the Snark,' 
that 'what I tell you three times is true,' Germany goes on 
presenting her case to the world as if this evidence did not 
exist. 'The fight forced upon us!' Does the idea still persist 
at Berlin that Americans are fools enough to believe that?" 

It would seem quite incredible to Americans that any 
attempt to secure newspaper support on a large scale by 
bribery ^vould be made, or if made, could be successful. 

But Anton Oskar Klaussmann, in Der Tilrmer (Stutt- 
gart) attributes the general dislike for Germany to system- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 203 

atic bribing of the foreign press. He includes us in his 
theory, which is apparently that all papers — except those of 
Germany — have been bribed, or are bribable. He says: 
(100) 

" 'Thia misuse of the foreign press against us is part of the 
policy of the Iron Ring — England, France, and Russia, They 
have systematically depreciated us in the eyes of the world. 
They have "influenced" the foreign press. The almighty rouble, 
the world-conquering pound sterling, and the French franc have 
created accomplices, and for decades everything unpleasant that 
has happened anywhere in the world has been laid at our door 
by the press. This German-baiting has been conducted at the 
expense of reason and logic. They have charged us with things 
so senseless and foolish that one would have thought that even 
a half-witted person would be able to see the fallacies.' 

"In spite of all the absurdities of the campaign against Ger- 
many's virtues, the writer acknowledges that it has been a suc- 
cess, and proceeds to take the Government to task for not 
having initiated a counter-campaign of press bribery: 

" 'To be sure it would have cost millions to influence the for- 
eign papers, for we should have had to bid higher than our ene- 
mies. But these millions would not have been wasted; they 
would have proved an excellent investment when that dark plot 
against us was hatched, and we found out, with despair, that 
we had not a friend left in the world. We should not have had 
to bear those hours of anxiety when we saw our so-called 
friends in America, in Sweden, in Denmark, in Spain, in Rou- 
mania, and in Italy overwhelming us with accusations and cry- 
ing out to heaven that we had broken the peace, that our ra- 
pacity alone had caused the war.' 

"Now that the war has started, he thinks it is a waste of 
time to attempt to influence the hostile papers, but he notes 
with some satisfaction that the powers in Berlin are no longer 
blind to the advantages accruing from a friendly press and 
have taken steps to insure support in certain quarters : 

" 'Wliat a hostile attitude was assumed by certain Italian 
papers during the early days of the war! In Berlin the names 
of these papers that suddenly dropped their hatred of Germany 
and wrote in our favor are well known, and it is quite under- 



204 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

stood here that an ass with a load of gold has climbed over the 
wall of hatred for Germany.' " 

This is most interesting and instructive. It seems to 
him impossible that the world generally could have disre- 
garded G-erman claims to ■world-power, disapproved of Ger- 
man ideals, and disliked German methods and measures, 
unless it had been influenced to do so by a venal press. Of 
course his view is confirmatory of all that has been said 
of German megalomania and of German insolence and 
stupidity also. Anything, to them, is believable rather 
than that, on her merits, Germany should be widely and 
spontaneously disliked. 

For a further and more detailed illustration of the 
German-American methods, let me instance the case of the 
three Congressmen — with the apparently pertinent names 
of Bartholdt, Vollmer and Lobeck — ^who, the evidence 
shows, first tried to secure aid for Germany by the trans- 
parent device of prohibiting the sale of munitions of war 
to any belligerent; and who next undertook to fool the 
House of Eepresentatives as to the German citizenship law. 

Mr. Maurice Leon, of New York, has ably and vigorously 
dealt with this matter. He characterizes the legislation 
proposed by these Congressmen — forbidding all shipments 
to belligerents — as such an unequivocal espousal of Ger- 
many's interests as to call for immediate exposure, inas- 
much as publicity in such important matters affects the 
vital interests and even the permanent safety of the Amer- 
ican people. He gives his views of the activities of Con- 
gressmen of German descent as follows: (101) 

"Representatives Bartholdt, Lobeck and Vollmer, when they 
speak of forcing an end to the war by cutting off all supplies 
from belligerents, know well that no supplies in any case can 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 205 

reach Germany. Therefore, by 'belligerents' they mean 'Allies.' 

"Thisi is a characteristic German maneuver. I have no doubt 
but that these three Congressmen are carrying out the ex- 
pressed wishes of Count von BernstorfF, the German Ambassa- 
dor to this country, and Dr. Bernhard Demburg, the German 
publicist. 

"In view of the activities of Representatives Bartholdt, Lo- 
beck and Vollmer, it is important to consider whether the alle- 
giance of these gentlemen is primarily to the United States or 
to Germany. Their silence is transparent. They are acting as 
agents of the German Government in Congress. What they do 
dovetails with the activities of the German Ambassador. 

"A true explanation of the whole matter is foxmd in the 
principle laid down in the German imperial and State citizen- 
ship law, Article XXV, Paragraph 2. 

"This law sanctions the following practice: A German desir- 
ing to exercise the franchise of this country goes to the Ger- 
man Consul and from him obtains the written consent of the 
German authorities to retain his German citizenship notwith- 
standing his naturalization. 

"Having done that, he goes before a court in this country and 
takes an oath of allegiance which, according to our laws, requires 
him expressly to forswear allegiance to the German Empire. 
But that oath is not taken by him in good faith. He is not 
engaged in reality in becoming an American citizen, but in ac- 
quiring the right to use the American franchise although re- 
maining a German subject. 

"In this way the German Government connives at wholesale 
deception of the American Government and does so with the 
sanction of a law duly adopted by the Reichstag and bearing the 
signature of the German Emperor. 

"The attitude of mind which this situation has engendered 
is admirably illustrated by two recent articles of Dr. Dernburg. 
In the current issue of the North Amerioan Review he shows 
Germany in the attitude of injured innocence protesting that 
she has nothing to gain and wishes to gain nothing by the war, 
while in the Independent for December 7th Dr. Dernburg dis- 
cusses the terms upon which Germany would make peace, men- 
tioning that Germany merely wants the Baltic provinces, Ant- 
werp (which Dr. Dernburg, although formerly a Colonial Sec- 
retary, locates on the Rhine), customs control of Belgium, 



206 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Morocco, a sphere of influence in Asia Minor from the Persian 
Gulf to the Dardanelles and, as presents to Germany's friends, 
Egypt for Turkey and Finland for Sweden. 

"If it is the same Dr. Dernburg who writes both of these 
articles, he must have a dual personality comparable to the dual 
nationality of the German-Americans represented by Herr 
Bartholdt, Herr Irf)beck and Herr VoUmer," 

This publication was met by vociferous denial from the 
Congressmen concerned, the character of which is suffi- 
ciently explained by Mr. Leon's further reply: (102) 

"All the vituperation of Messrs. Bartholdt, VoUmer and Lo- 
beek will avail them nothing. Such epithets as 'liar' and 
'scoundrel,' which they find it convenient to utter in the shelter 
of the House of Representatives, have become a sort of Iron 
Cross which Pan-Germans bestow upon their opponents, and 
which are gratefully accepted as such. It is amazing to find 
that these Pan-Germans in Congress have been driven to such 
desperate devices as actually to try to deceive the House of 
Representatives concerning the tenor and effect of the German 
citizenship law. The text of that law, which was adopted by 
the Reichstag and Bundesrath and signed on July 22, 1913, by 
the German Emperor at Balholm on board the yacht Hohenzol- 
lern, is found in the supplement of the American Journal of 
International Law of July, 1914. Paragraph 2 in Article XXV 
of that law reads as follows: 

" 'Citizenship is not lost by one who, before acquiring foreign 
citizenship, has secured on application the written consent of 
the competent authorities of his home State to retain his citi- 
zenship. Before this consent is given the Grerman Consul is to 
be heard.' 

"That same law has provisions whereby one who, like Mr. 
Vollmer, was born in Iowa of a German father, may secretly 
contract (German allegiance without establishing a German 
residence. These provisions are contained in Article XIII, sanc- 
tioning the re-Germanization of 'a former German who has not 
taken up his residence in Germany,' with the proviso : 'The same 
applies to one who is descended from a former German or has 
been adopted as a child of such.' 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 307 

"There is reason to believe that the law merely sanctioned an 
existing practice. Now these Congressmen even deny the exist- 
ence of such a law, 

"According to the newspapers Mr. Bartholdt made yesterday 
the following statement concerning the effect of that law: 

" 'The facts are simply these : Germany, like every other 
country, has a law which makes it possible for those who are 
away from the Fatherland to retain their citizenship by report- 
ing within ten years to a German Consul, but when so reporting 
they must make oath that they have not acquired or taken steps 
to acquire citizenship in any other country.' 

"Let unhyphenated Americans compare Mr. Bartholdt's words 
with the words of the law and judge for themselves whether Mr. 
Bartholdt was or was not endeavoring to deceive his colleagues 
in the House of Representatives concerning a matter of vital 
consequence to the American Government. 

"Mr. Bartholdt makes a denial that he has been conferring 
with the German Ambassador, a charge that has not been made, 
but he cannot and does not deny the fact that his activities as a 
Congressman dovetail with those of the German Ambassador. 

"The newspapers have published during the last week items 
to the effect first, that the German Ambassador has charged 
American manufacturers with delivering dumdum bullets to the 
British Government by the million; second, that the American 
manufacturers named by the German Ambassador have abso- 
lutely denied that there is any truth in his assertion and have 
invited him to retract it or furnish proof; third, that the Ger- 
man Ambassador replied that he had the proof, but has not fur- 
nished it. While this was going on Representatives Bartholdt, 
Vollmer and Lobeck were actually engaged in their endeavor to 
line up the German-Americans behind the attempt to force 
through Congress legislation, the effect of which would be prac- 
tically to enlist the services of the United States as the ally of 
Germany, Austria and Turkey. It is a fact of public notoriety 
that in that endeavor they are enjoying the active support of 
Mr. Viereck, editor of an organ which may be regarded as the 
mouthpiece of an invisible government established by Germany 
in these United States to rule over the German- American popu- 
lation, the head of which is Mr. Bernhard Dernburg, former 
German Cabinet Minister, now acting as a sort of local viceroy 



208 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

over numerous organizations in this country embraced in the 
Deutsche Americanische Verbund." 

The following editorial (103) on the question of Ger- 
man-American Citizenship," is representative of the feel- 
ing of all real Americans. After noting that under certain 
circumstances a German may obtain citizenship in a 
foreign country without forefeiting his citizenship in Ger- 
many, and re-quoting the law of July, 1913, it continues : 

"There is no question of Germany's entire competence and 
right to make this arrangement for her sons domiciled in for- 
eign lands. The conservation of her political interests is a 
matter for her own wisdom and prevision. But the effect of 
such a law on the citizenship of this country is a subject that 
must engage our earnest study, and if necessary cause the re- 
vision of our naturalization system to prevent the erection 
within our citizenship of a class of fraudulently hyphenated 
Americans unlike any heretofore existing. 

"Under our liberal practice an invitation is given to all men 
of good disposition to acquire citizenship. The alien, on filing 
his declaration, must take oath that it is bona fide his intention 
to become a citizen of the United States and to renounce for- 
ever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign State or ruler, 
and particularly to that one of which he may be a citizen or 
subject. Similarly, on the application for admission the alien 
must make oath that: 

" 'He will support the Cons>titution of the United States, and 
that he absolutely and entirely renounces and abjures all alle- 
giance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate. State or 
sovereignty; and particularly, by name, to the prince, poten- 
tate. State or sovereignty of which he was before a citizen or 
subject.' 

"It will be seen that this oath is as searching and inclusive 
as it well could be. The renunciation is forever, absolute and 
entire. No provision is made for a temporary or limited re- 
nunciation; the possibility of a dual citizenship, or subject- 
citizenship, is not contemplated by the law. Such a division 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 209 

of loyalty, sucli a commingling of allegiances, as the retention 
of foreign citizenship in company with American citizenship, as 
might be accomplished by a German under the terms of the law 
quoted by Mr. Leon, would be repugnant to American institu- 
tions, subversive of American interests and against our public 
policy. 

"That an honorable man could subscribe to the oaths re- 
quired while reserving his original citizenship through formal 
arrangement with his native government is incredible." 

I have, of course, had to select one incident ont of many 
to illustrate in detail the German and German-American 
activity in America at this time. I chose this one because 
the three German- Americans who figure in it are law-mak- 
ers and legislators for the American people, and because, 
for that reason, their sayings and doings acquire an adven- 
titious interest quite apart from any other claim they 
might possess to occupy the attention of the public. 

The Courrier des Etats Unis, of March 17, 1915, pub- 
lishes the subjoined item: 

"The Frankfort Oazette publishes the following letter ad- 
dressed to a German lady by Mr. Richard Bartholdt, a member 
of the United States Congress: 

"Committee on Foreign Affairs, Chamber of Congress, United 
States, Washington, January 31, 1915. 

" 'Dear Madam : My best thanks for your letter. Unfor- 
tunately, I have not the time to inform you at length upon the 
situation. The German-Americcms are all faithful to the old 
country. For the last five months I have been occupied night 
and day in spreading the truth. Yesterday took place here a 
conference of representatives of all the German associations of 
America. It was the first time that all the Germanic elements 
in the Republic thus united in one assembly. I was elected 
president of this central association. 

" 'We shall know how to make ourselves heard. 

" 'With you I wish a definite victory for Germany over per- 
fidious England, and beg you to accept, etc., etc. 



14 



'Richard Barthouot.' ' 



210 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

If this is not authentic it should obviously be promptly 
disavowed. If it is authentic, comment upon such a letter, 
written on official paper, by a member of the House Com- 
mittee on Foreign Affairs, seems superfluous. I would 
simply ask for the incident the thoughtful attention of all 
Americans. 

The Mr. Viereck, editor of the ''Fatherland" which, by 
the way, is the journal that objected to America's sending 
food and clothing to the starving and homeless Belgians — 
was also good enough to suggest that we could "make a 
Christmas present to the world'' by declining to sell to the 
Allies any munitions of war. Mr. Viereck is dealt with as 
follows (104) by a well-known American, Mr. Horace 
White. 

"The interview in which Mr. Viereck, the editor of the Gfer- 
man paper, the Fatherland, shows how the war in Europe 
might be brought to an end in sixty days or less, contains more 
enlightenment than appears on the surface. He says that the 
American people can work this miracle by stopping the sale of 
arms and ammunition to the Allies. Germany, having made 
war, and preparations for war, the chief concern of human ex- 
istence, is presumably well supplied with guns and ammunition 
and manufactories thereof. She has the great Krupp works 
with 90,000' men working night and day and she has taken the 
Belgian arms factory at Lilge and turned it to her own service 
against Belgium, with probably 10,000 men more. Now, if she 
can prevent France from getting arms from this side of the 
water, she can conquer her enemies in sixty days or less. That 
is what Mr. Viereck means by bringing the war to an end. He 
means ending it successfully to the country which began it. 
The American people are to enable the Germans to march into 
Paris in sixty days, or less ! 

"This achievement, Mr. Viereck thinks, would be the best 
Christmas present that the United States could make to the 
world. Put an end to the war within sixty days! But what 
then? Simply begin again da capo. Germany would levy con- 
tributions in cash and territory to suit herself, and, having thua 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 211 

planted the seeds for future wars, would begin to prepare for 
them, and would still call them defensive wars. It is needless 
to say that the people of the American hemisphere are not con- 
templating any such Christmas gift, either as givers or re- 
ceivers. They do not want this war to end merely as an 
armistice, to break out again as soon as the chief belligerent 
can get his second wind. The reasons which compel reflecting 
men and nations to think that an indecisive conclusion would 
be a calamity to the world are well presented in the last At 
lantio MoiUhly Magassine, in an article by Lowes Dickinson, 
which shows that these ever-recurring holocausts can be con- 
trolled only by an international police force capable of throt- 
tling any unruly member, and that the real workers of the world 
must take into their own hands the issues of war and peace, 
and no longer leave those mighty questionsi to be decided by 
diplomats and brigadier-generals alone. 

The enlightenment which Mr. Viereck casts upon the situa- 
tion is that Germany is beginning to feel insecure in the situa- 
tion in which she has placed herself. She needs some outside 
help in addition to that of the tmspeakable Turk. She cannot 
see any new reinforcement, but if she can cut off the purchase of 
arms and ammunition by the Allies on this side of the water 
she can prolong the war or perhaps win victory in the end, so 
that the Christmas present would be all her own. And it would 
be called by the plausible name of neutrality. . . • Any 
new legislation which introduces a change of practice in favor 
of one belligerent and against another is a breach of neutrality. 
That is what Mr, Viereck proposes. His Christmas present is a 
change of law favorable to the Germans and adverse to the 
Allies. Much more might be said on this subject, but let us 
conclude by asking who is going to find bread for the 100,000 or 
more American wage-workers who are now earning their own 
living in our arms factories, if we pass a law to prohibit the 
exportation of their products?" 

Americans should also ask : "Are the prohibitory laws we 
are urged to pass desirable or proper not only in this crisis 
but as the basis for a permanent policy?'^ 

The Outloole (105), after having answered the first part 



212 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

of this question in the negative on ethical and other 
grounds, proceeds to deal as follows with the effect of such 
laws as a precedent for future action on the part of other 
countries : 

"Is the prohibition of exporting ®uch supplies an act that we 
should regard as friendly and neutral if, the case being reversed, 
we were at war and wished to purchase supplies from a neutral 
power ? At such a time as this the Uinted States must make its 
decision, guided not by present sentiment and feeling alone, but 
by its convictions as to what it regards as the policy of perma- 
nent validity imder all circumstances. Suppose the United 
States were at war with Great Britain and had swept the 
British navy from the seas (a supposition plainly contrary to 
any conceivable fact), and we were confining our operations to 
defense along the Canadian border; should we regard it as a 
friendly act on the part of (Germany and France and Russia 
and the other European Powers if they jointly and severally 
refused to sell us clothing for our soldiers on the ground that 
they wished to be entirely neutral and to even matters up be- 
cause England had lost her fleet ? We do not think that Ameri- 
cans would consider that as a sign of neutrality and friendliness. 
If it would not be a sign of neutrality and friendliness on the 
part of Russia and France and Germany under those conditions, 
it would certainly not be a sign of neutrality on our part to do 
likewise under present conditions. 

"We do not think, therefore, that the prohibition of the ex- 
port of munitions of war can be justified on the ground of 
ethics, on the ground of neutrality, or on the ground of a con- 
sistent permanent policy." 

In illustration of German-American methods, I may add 
another editorial from an American newspaper. (106) 

It voices the sentiments of thousands of Americans, 
whose sympathies are with the Allies, but who disagree 
with me either as to the propriety, or as to the effective 
possibilities of our interference. 

They may be depended upon at least to insist on genuine 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 213, 

neutrality and to resent bitterly any attempt to set a trap 
for us, which, would leave us embroiled with Great Britain 
— the chief hope and the main object, so far as we are con- 
cerned, of the Pan-Germanists here and abroad. 

"That Germany is deliberately trying to foster trouble be- 
tween the United States and Great Britain should occasion no 
surprise. Tactically it is the logical thing for Germany to do, 
the thing that the precedents of ages recommend, the thing 
that England expected Germany to attempt. For months Ger- 
many has been looking for some pretext that could be so exag- 
gerated as to arouse resentment in this country against the 
Allies. And, quite naturally, failing to find such a pretext, she 
will do her utmost to create one. A Board of Strategy that 
neither balked nor gagged at letting loose all the Moslem fa- 
natics and dervishes upon the Christian world would hardly 
hesitate to break the one hundred years of peace that have ex- 
isted among the English-speaking nations. 

"Forewarned should mean forearmed. The Administration 
cannot be xmaware of the motives and hopes that lie behind and 
control the stage at the present international situation. Presi- 
dent Wilson's neutrality must be as impartial and real in effect 
as it was prompt and emphatic in enunciation. The United 
States has too much at stake, is too essential to the work of 
world reconstruction after the war is over, and is far too wise 
and just to be drawn into a false position by the designs of any 
of the European combatants. America is genuinely committed 
to neutrality and must not violate it on any terms." 

The Fatherland, a pro-German weekly, published in 
English in this country, goes, as I have already noted, far 
beyond the prohibition of war materials. It said: 

"Every nation in war has the right to crush the spirit of its 
enemy and starve it into submission if it can. We (the Ameri- 
cans) are denying this right to Germany, for we are sending 
food by the shipload to the enemies of Germany in order that 
they may go on fighting and killing." 



214 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

The meaning of this is that Americans are violating the 
principles of neutrality, are actually aiding the enemies of 
Germany, by sending food to keep life in the homeless, 
famished people of Belgium — not the army, but the help- 
less non-combatants. From the point of view of the Fath- 
erland — a sympathetic title ! — we do wrong to interfere, 
even by means of charity for helpless victims of war, with 
the German purpose to starve the women and children of 
an enemy. 

This does not seem to require further comment except to 
note that this cheerful suggestion comes from the same 
German- American, who was so anxious, in the interests of 
humanity, to stop the sale of arms and amimunition to 
"belligerents." 

There is a serious side to the pro-German agitation that 
has been well brought out recently, apropos of an exhorta- 
tion addressed to German-Americans by Herr Eidder, 
through his paper the New York Stoats Zeitung: (107) 

"It is well for those Americans of German extraction to 
ponder on the many grave problems which confront them owing 
to the war," writes Mr. Ridder, who is convinced that "the drift 
of public opinion, driven by a press unfriendly toward Germany, 
requires a closer bond of sympathy between the friends of Ger- 
many." The day draws near, he declares, when "the Allies, 
hard pressed, forced by their necessities, will demand of the 
United States even a more active co-operation than they are 
receiving at the present time," and "against that day we must 
be organized to fight." He continues: 

"Each single and individual German residing in the United 
States or the descendant of a German must play his or her part 
in preaching the gospel of German justice and German fair 
play. Let an endless chain of discussion help to swing the bal- 
ance back in favor of th3 cause we know to be just. There 
must be no shirkers, no drones in this campaign. The responsi- 
bility lies evenly on every one of you. We cannot resort to con- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 315 

seription, but must rely upon universal service of a voluntary 
character, . . . 

"There are over two thousand German societies of one kind 
or another in Greater New York. Practically every German- 
speaking American, as well as thousands residing in New York, 
are members of one or more of these societies. Similarly in 
each great town the Germans and their descendants have proved 
loyal to the traditions upon which their lives are based. These 
societies form strong rallying-points for a campaign of educa- 
tion. . . . 

"There have been no traitors to the German cause either 
among the 66,000;000 Germans in Germany or the many millions 
of Germans and their descendants in the United States. . . . 

"I am not preaching sedition. I am preaching the highest 
form of loyalty that I know. We are a mixed people in the 
United States. We have come from the ends of the earth. 
We have all given our mite to the building up of this great 
country. We all deserve equally of it and it of us. There is no 
reason, therefore, why its destinies should be swayed more by 
the people who think as England thinks than by those who 
think as Germany does." 

Replying to Mr. Ridder through the columns of the New York 
Sun, Mr. Maurice Leon vrites: 

"Organize for what? What is expected of German- Americans 
by Mr. Ridder and his associates? Here is the essence of the 
clarion call — 'There have been no traitors to the German cause 
either among the 66,000,000 of Germans in Germany or among 
the many millions of Germans and their descendants in the 
United States.' 

"There in a nutshell is the Pan-German policy in the German 
citizenship law of July 22, 1913. Under that policy the 66,- 
000,000 Germans in Germany and the many millions of Germans 
and their descendants in the United States are expected to stand 
as one man for the German cause, and Mr. Ridder now pro- 
claims that anyone in this country coming under the all-inclu- 
sive description of the German Citizenship Law who does not 
stand by the German cause as steadfastly as the invaders of 
Belgium, northeast France, and Poland must be stigmatized as 
a traitor. 

"Taking in this connection the Pan-German campaign con- 
ducted by German members of Congress under the convenient 



216 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

cloak of a peace propaganda, gains a significance which has 
been clear so far to comparatively few of our citizens. It even 
leads one to suspect that the Los Angeles Times might be well 
informed in its disclosure of the preparations for a raid against 
Canada by a German force mobilized in California, 

"Mr. Ridder'S( call to 'organize' is intended to be understood 
as meaning 'mobilize.' This mobilization is not to be largely 
military in character, at least for the present, but rather 
political. Dr. Dernburg, as boss of an enormous German po- 
litical machine, is to be enabled to dictate to the American 
Government so that it will recognize the annexation of Belgium 
by the Kaiser. Once that is achieved, our Minister and Con- 
suls in Belgium will be treated as meddlers concerning them- 
selves improperly with matters affecting German subjects if 
they continue their activities in behalf of a prostrate people to 
whom the United States still stands as the symbol of human 
justice and pity." 

I hope every American who is enough interested in this 
book to read it at all, will take time to think over the 
possibilities — not of danger, but of serious annoyance — dis- 
closed by the above quotations. 

The endeavor to arouse anti-British feeling has in venom 
and unscrupulousness been predominant, and obviously 
seems to the pro-German conspirators in this country their 
most promising line of effort. They continue to refer to 
every dispute or misunderstanding between this country 
and Great Britian, but particularly emphasize the attitude 
of the British governing classes at the time of our civil 
war. I shall digress here long enough to call attention to 
the fact that they might henceforth, in their efforts to get 
a "fair and moderate view of the situation," use the follow- 
ing quotations, taken from the files of one Philadelphia 
paper (108) in 1898 during our recent war with Spain. 

"The Tagehlatt : 'For a long time such an important enuncia- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 217 

tion of the head of a State has not met with such general dis- 
approval. President McKinley's humanitarian phrases render 
the disagreeable impression even more lasting. The concluding 
passages are the least satisfactory of all.'" (April 18th.) 

"The Vossische Zeitung: 'American policy in Cuba has been 
characterized by violence and hypocrisy, and has not a single 
ennobling feature.'" (April 22nd.) 

"The Kolnisohe Zeitmig: 'To expel Satan by Beelzebub can 
hardly be described as a result of genuine philanthropy.' " 
(April 23rd.) 

"The organ of Prince Bismarck, The Hamburger 'Nachrichten, 
insists that Germany must follow the policy which will be 
the most useful to her o^vn interests. 'It is wholly indifferent 
to Germans,' says the newspaper, 'whether Cuba remains a 
Spanish colony or becomes an independent American republic. 
But German- American interests must be watched and attention 
must be paid to the feelings of Germans in the United 
States.'" (April 25th.) 

"The Nachrichten, however, characterizes the action of the 
United States as 'an insolent piece of presumption against the 
rest of the world; an absolutely unjustifiable outrage quite 
analogous to the interference by Greece in Crete,' but adds, 
'Germany's theoretic opposition to Monroeism can only be 
practically enforced when German interests are directly con- 
cerned, which is not now the case. Therefore, The Nachtrichten 
councils the strictest neutrality, saying: 'It must be left to 
Spain, individually, to resent American insolence.'" (April 
25th.) 

"The Schleswche Zeitung: 'While, individually Germany may 
view with indignation the jingoistic rapacious, pharisaical game 
now playing at Washington, the same indignation must be felt 
in regard to the Spanish reign of terror in Cuba. The German 
Government has merely to guard the welfare and the interests 
of the German people. These bid us to let events, take their own 
course.'" (April 25th.) 

"The Vorwdrts. 'The enemies are too unequal to admit of 
any supposition but that the war will end in the utter exhaus- 
tion of Spain. To Spain's loss, however, there will be no cor- 
responding gain to the United States. Thus the war, no matter 
how it ends, means a great disaster, and even the dollar crazy 
Americans will hardly be able to call it 'good business'!" 



218 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"Cologne Volks Zeitung: 'We do not favor intervention in 
this war; but we are of the opinion that the European Powera 
ought to exert strong diplomatic pressure at the first oppor- 
tunity in order to shorten the war. The Yankees are already 
swollen with pride. If they win another decisive victory hardly 
any European country will be able to consort with them diplo- 
matically. In view of the unfriendly sentiments entertained in 
the United States toward Germany, and the many economic 
differences existing between the two countries, it is very pos- 
sible that Germany may be the next victim of American impu- 
dence.'" (May 9th.) 

"Prince Bismark condems the war outright: 

"The whole course of the Washington Administration has 
been insincere." 

"My views are well understood. I have always held that 
war is only defensible after all other remedies have failed." 

"The result of the war cannot be wholesome either to Amer- 
ica or Europe. The United States will be forced to adopt an 
intermeddling policy, leading to unavoidable frictions. She 
thus abandoned her traditional peace policy, and, in order to 
maintain her position, she must become a military and naval 
power, an expensive luxury which her geographic position 
rendered unnecessary." (May 19th.) 

"America's change of front means retrogression, in the high 
sense of civilization. Thisi is the main regrettable fact about 
this war." (May 19th.) 

"Tagliohe Rundsclum: 'The British lion would rather roar 
than fight. It sounds well and costs nothing. But England 
finds herself confronted with the question of her very existence. 
Consequently the nation of shopkeepers suddenly raises the cry 
of "A kingdom for an alliance!" and behold an ally appears in 
the shape of Brother Jonathan. America with its mish-mash 
of waste pieces of nationality, millions of emigrant murderers, 
English tongue, and black, red and yellow skins suddenly 
becomes an Anglo-Saxon race.'" (May 23rd.) 

"The MilUar-Wochenzeittmg, the leading army organ: 'Any 
attempt by the United States to effect the landing of large 
bodies of troops in Cuba before the raw and undisciplined 
hordes have had at least six months training will inevitably 
result in disastrous and wholesale slaughter. It is even very 
doubtful whether these so-called citizen soldiery will stand 
their ground against the veterans of Spain next fall. We only 



A TEXT-BOOK OP THE WAR 219 

need recall the first battle of Bull Run to become aware of the 
absence of staying qualities in these militia, badly led and 
worse drilled.' " (May 30th.) 

A well-known and highly respected citizen of New 
York, Dr. George Haven Putnam, has sent to the New 
York Times a copy of his reply to a request to join the 
so-called German University League — another of the num- 
erous aliases of the pro-German propaganda in this coun- 
try. After pointing out his full appreciation of much that 
Germany has done, Mr. Putnam gives his reason for his 
detestation of her present attitude. Americans believe, he 
says, "that the preparation for this war had been made by 
Germany j'^ears back, and that the Servian incident merely 
served as a convenient occasion for the outbreak. 

"We believe that the main purpose of the war is the destruc- 
tion of the British Empire and the taking over of her Colonial 
possessions, to which Germany has long expected to become the 
heir. France stands between Germany and England and, to use 
the German words, 'France must be crushed this time so thor- 
oughly that she shall never again stand in the way of Germany.' 
The unauthorized invasion and the devastation of Belgium 
iseem to have been considered by the German ruler as but trivial 
incidents which should carry no weight in connection with this 
larger policy. 

"I am myself an old soldier, and I have looked with increasing 
indignation at the manner in which Germany is conducting 
this war and at the barbarous precedents that in this 20th 
century are being made under German official orders. The 
destruction, by order, of Belgian cities, the taking of hostages; 
and the making of these hostages responsible for the actions of 
individuals whom they were not in a position to control; the 
shooting of many of these hostages; the appropriation for the 
use of the armies of the food which had been stored in Antwerp 
and elsewhere, so that the people in Belgium, now officially 
classed as 'subjects of Germany,' are dependent upon American 
charity to save them from starvation ; the imposition upon these 



320 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

starving and ruined communities of crushing indemnities — all 
these things impress Americans as contrary to the standards 
of modern eivillization. The ruin brought upon Louvain can, 
it seems to us, be paralleled in modern history only by the 
destruction of Heidelberg by the troops of Louis XIV, but this 
instance of French, barbarism is nearly 250 years back and ought 
assuredly not to have been imitated in this 20th century. 

"We find ground, also, for indignation at the use of vessels 
of war and of Zeppelins for the killing of w^omen and children 
and other unarmed citizens in undefended places. Such killing, 
which has nothing whatsoever to do with the direction of the 
work of campaigns, can only be classed as murder. With these 
views I can, therefore, not at this time at least, accept the 
companionship of German-Americans who are prepared to ap- 
prove, defend, or excuse these actions." 

And from Philadelphia went another reply to the same 
request : 

"Dr. Hugo Kirbach, recording secretary. The German Uni- 
versity League, New York. 

"Sir — The circular letter from your league directed to my 
father, the late Dr. Horace Howard Furness, has come to my 
hands and has been opened by me, one of his executors. Were 
he still alive I am confident that his heart would be Avrung by 
the sad spectacle of the degradation of Germany and the Ger- 
man people that he knew and loved when he was a student in 
1854-56, and that honored him with a degree from Halle in 
1878. That Avas the German life, and there were then the 
German ideals that inspired admiration. 

Now I am sure his every fiber would cry out against the 
grievous wrongs that this Prussianized people have perpe- 
trated before the eyes of the civilized world. How can they 
expect fair play, giving none? Where obtain trustworthy ma- 
terial bearing on German affairs that will not tend to plunge 
Germany deeper and deeper in the mire and make humane men 
and women avert their eyes in horror? No sophistry can 
excuse the breaking of solemn pledges between nations ; no argu- 
ment can justify the devastation of Belgium. False patriotism 
alone makes the American-Germans condone the sacrifice of the 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 331 

flower of their fathers' country, and the agony of tears of the 
mothers and wives on the altar of commerce. Germany and 
Austria-Hungary are the invaders and have been from the 
start. 

"Feeble though my influence may be I shall never move my 
pen nor raise my voice to justify or uphold German aims or 
ideals as exhibited in the present ghastly catastrophe; I con- 
demn them from my heart of hearts. Yours, 

"William Henbt Fubness, 3d." 

One single illustration of the extent of the pro-German 
— and anti- American — propaganda must suffice; but it is 
of extreme significance. 

The Japan Times (109) says editorially: 

"Thisi is no time for a kid-glove policy or for mere veiled hints 
at some indefinite 'influence' of which we must beware. We 
have had enough of kid-gloved 'publicity'; enough of innuendo 
and of suggestion. 

"Some years ago a very great statesman, the Marquis 
Komura, then Minister for Foreign Affairs for Japan, in a 
carefully prepared, formal speech, denotmced 'The forces of 
Evil.' . . . 

"On the occasion of this memorable speech and reference to 
'The Forces of Evil,' the Secretary of War for the United 
States was the guest of the Minister for Foreign Affairs. The 
speech was short, but it was very sincere. The reference to 
'The Forces of Evil' was carefully and deliberately made. It 
was no offhand, after-dinner, courteous expression of regard 
from host to guest. It was not a balloon sent up to make a 
little whispering for an hour in the smoking-room. Marquis 
Komura intended that his reference to 'The Forces of Evil' 
should be heard throughout the world and it was so heard. 
Within a few hours of the delivery of the speech — consisting of 
less than one hundred and fifty words- — it was read by millions 
of people in America and in Europe. 'The Forces of Evil' which 
were seeking and are seeking to soav discord between America 
and Japan were known to Marquis Komura as they are knovi'n 
to his successors and to the Government of Japan. It is with 



222 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

these forces of evil that the friends of Japan have been at 
death grips for the last six years. It was to these German 
'Forces of Evil' that the Marquis Komura issued his notable 
warning when he spoke across the table as courteous host to 
welcome guest and as good friend to good friend. It was an 
earnest warning to America of which, alas! but few took 
sufficient cognizance. But it toas noted in Berlin. . . . 

"The error of indifference and of 'laissez faire' has had ex- 
tremely grave results. Germany and its agents, in Japan and 
in America were startled, and kept silence for a time. The 
warning was heard and there was a marked inactivity among 
the mercenaries hired to sow discord and make a casus belli if 
possible between Japan and America. But the one warning was 
insufficient and soon 'The Forces of Evil' took heart of grace 
again. . . . 

"For years the German 'Forces of Evil' in Japan, in China, 
in America and in Europe have intrigued and lied with the one 
end in view. 'Discord, discord and war,' has been the slogan of 
the German 'Forces of Evil.' Their agents have been our own 
neighbors and our friends — our own familiars and our guests. 
They have spied and lied and slandered in the press, in the 
home and in the club. They have bought men's souls and honor. 
They have paid well the prostitutes who wore the garb of de- 
cency and were received into our homes as of our own. In 
Japan and in China for the last six years this subornation of 
treachery has continued at a heavy cost to the treasury in 
Berlin, it is true, but alas ! at still heavier cost to Japan and to 
America. 

"Even to-day while Japan is treating the Germans resident 
here and non-combatant with a remarkable leniency, the Ger- 
man agents of 'The Forces of Evil' are at work. 'Discord, dis- 
cord and war' is still their slogan. 

"In America the agents of these same 'Forces of Evil' are 
desperately working to the same end. 

"True 'Forces of Evil' are the Germans that have been all- 
pervading for the last ten years in America and for the last 
five in Japan. There are signs of an awakening in America and 
there is some hope that simultaneously both Japan and her good 
neighbor across the Pacific will awake to a realization of the 
extent of the havoc being wrought to good repute and neighbor- 
liness by the German 'Forces of Evil.' 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 323 

An extract from a letter to me written by a prominent 
and influential American residing in Yokohama is evidence 
that the feeling and suspicion expressed in this editorial 
are not confined to newspaper offices : 

"On the outbreak of the war with Russia, a friend of mine, 
coming down from Miyanoshita, saw at all the railway stations 
between there and Yokohama the people of the towns and sur- 
rounding villages gathered together to watch their troop trains 
going to the front. In the little hoods of all the little babies 
he saw crossed miniature Japanese and United States 
flags ! . . . " The association of our flag with theirs was 
the spontaneous outburst from the hearts of the multitude. In 
the hour of utmost peril to their national existence it was their 
all-time friends they thought of! To whom is it due that in 
the space of less than nine years after this demonstration each 
country has been made to look on the other as an enemy to be 
looked out for? To whom can be traced all the reprehensible, 
senseless agitation in California against the Japanese — the 
♦Yellow Peril'? 

"See the name of the reptile in the enclosed clipping! Not 
to speak of the fiendish work of the same kind done elsewhere 
to us, what more do we want for a casus helli? How long, O 
Lord, will we stand for this sort of thing? 

"(Yokohama, Japan.)" 
The clipping which he enclosed was the following : 

[Asahi Service.] 
"New York, Jan. 15. — Secretary Scharenlerff, oi the Federated 
Labor Party in California, brought before the State Legislature 
on January 15th a draft bill depriving Japanese from the right 
to lease land. As the Government party of the committee of 
the Legislature are opposed to the introduction of anti-Japanese 
bills, his bill will probably be killed in committee." 

The Outlook (110) severely criticises an attempt of 
Admiral von Tirpitz, who in an interview spoke of Japan's 



224 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

intention to make China a vassal and then militarize it, 
adding, "Then it will be time for America to look out." 
He also declared that Germany will "never abandon the 
white race." The Outlook continues : 

"The use of the words 'white man' in connectiop. with Asia 
is the crux of the whole diflSculty. It stands for an ingrained 
sense of racial superiority and is the expression of a racial inso- 
lence which must be extirpated root and branch ; it is a gratui- 
tous and insulting reflection on the character, history, and 
ability of the great races in the East. Any attempts to stir up 
American feeling against Japan is distinctly a violation, if not 
of the rules of war, at least of the rules of honor. To poison the 
wells of national feeling is just as discreditable as to poison 
the wells from which men drink." 

It says elsewhere: (111) 

"The country does not yet understand that it is in danger 
of too readily accepting as truth propaganda in the interest of 
Germany and inimical to Japan; that its ignorance of Japanese 
sentiment and opinion is being used by rumor-mongers un- 
friendly to both Japan and America. Since Japan's participa- 
tion in the war Americans have been warned many times from 
German sources to beware of Japan. Recently, indeed, a writer 
defending the Austro-German cause in the pages of The Outlook 
went so far as to point out the peril to which this country was 
exposed from an invasion from Canada led by Great Britain 
and supported by Japanese and Indian troops! This is an in- 
stance of the extent to which the Teutonic hostility to Japan 
may be carried. Many similar tales are being told in this 
coimtry." 

At this writing the pro-German and anti-British propa- 
ganda is going on as vigorously, as unscrupulously, but 
I think, as unsuccessfully as ever. They are, I believe, 
making more enemies than converts. They are arousing 
antagonism instead of sympathy, and distrust and suspi- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 235 

cion iu place of confidence. I cannot see that they have 
made the least impression on the country outside of their 
fellow German-Americans, although, as I have said, 
(p. 194), it is difficult to estimate what effect, if any, their 
campaign through the country newspapers will have. 

In my judgment the vast majority of non-German 
Americans agree with the editorial opinion well expressed 
under the caption: "Advice to German- Americans" : (112) 

"Representative Bartholdt and his associates are doing Ger- 
many no good, and they are doing themselves much harm, by 
their pernicious pro-German propaganda. 

"When they threaten to carry Germany's case to the polls 
and make the German cause an issue in American politics, they 
are playing with dynamite. The American people will not 
tolerate such a campaign of alienism, and the chief sufferers 
will be the so-called German-Americans who plot it. 

"Germany is the only country engaged in this war which has 
officially undertaken to manipulate American opinion. It is 
the only belligerent which maintains a lobby in the United 
States to incite public sentiment against other belligerents with 
which we are friendly. The only foreigTi element in this country 
which is assailing the President of the United States and seek- 
ing to bulldoze the Government of the United States is the 
German element, and that sort of thing can be easily overdone. 

"When the representatives of German- American societies pub- 
licly pledge themselves in effect to oppose all candidates for 
office who will not sacrifice American interests to German in- 
terests, they are straining American patience to the breaking 
point. 

"Long after this war is over Mr. Bartholdt and his associates 
will have to live in this country. Few of them will volimtarily 
return to Germany to help pay the cost of the conflict. Their 
real interests are all in the United States, and the sooner they 
reconcile themselves to being Americans the better. 

"This country once had an alien law on its statute books. It 
might be very reluctant to enact a similar statute, but every 

15 



226 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

day such German-Americans as Richard Bartholdt are breaking 
down this reluctance." 

The whole subject of the German-American propaganda 
has been reviewed, summarized and commented upon 
by the Philadelphia paper, whose editorials I have so often 
quoted. It contains in logical and readable form a synop- 
sis of the history and present condition of the movement, 
and it expresses clearly and forcibly current representative 
American opinions. (113) 

"When President Wilson issued his famous admonition to his 
coimtrymen to be 'neutral even in thought/ it was generally 
recognized as futile, if not foolish and unpatriotic. It served 
no good purpose to advocate a course that could be followed 
only by persons mentally unsexed or paralyzed. Every intelli- 
gent American has, and should have, opinions on the war. 

"Those who regard it as a conflict in behalf of the sanctity 
of treaty obligations, the security of small nations and the de- 
fense of democratic principles against autocracy and militarism 
should have decided views and should be able to support them 
with evidence. 

"No less is it legitimate for Americans to hold opinions 
directly opposed to these. Those who are German or Austrian 
or Turkish, in blood or sympathy, have a perfect right to de- 
clare that these countries were imjustly attacked; that they 
are fighting for the highest ideals, and that militarism and 
autocratic institutions are necessary to the development of an 
eflScient civilization. 

"American newspapers have done right in discussing these 
questions with the utmost freedom and in opening their col- 
umns to the advocates of both sides. The supporters of Ger- 
many have violated no obligation of citizenship in upholding 
her cause and condemning her enemies. Pro-German meetings, 
with cheers for the Kaiser and the singing of German songs, 
have revealed a curious devotion to im-American theories of 
government, but otherwise have not been objectionable. 

"But all these rights have been conceded upon the assumption 
that the issue is between one group of belligerents and another. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 227 

It was taken for granted that no American citizen, however 
strong his sympathies for his fatherland, would falter in loyalty 
to this comitry or would put the interests of a foreign nation 
above those of America. 

"In the early days of the war, while the German advance 
on Paris was under way, there were few signs of divided alle- 
giance. But when the German retreat began there was a 
change, and it soon became clear that these citizens were ready 
to take sides, not only as between the belligerents, but as be- 
tween one belligerent and the United States. 

"The first evidence of this spirit was bitter denunciation of 
American newspapers for 'lying reports'; the news of the Ger- 
man retreat was assailed as a malicious invention, and the 
papers were accused of selling their columns for British gold. 
Then came savage criticism of American public opinion as ig- 
norant and prejudiced. 

"Later President Wilson and Secretary Bryan fell under dis- 
pleasure as exponents of a neutrality that favored the Allies. 
This was particularly absurd, since the administration was so 
rigidly neutral that it failed even to register a diplomatic pro- 
test when international agreements to which it was a party 
were shamelessly violated. 

"From this attitude developed a demand that the United 
States take the grossly umieutral action of forbidding the 
export of munitions of war, the only nations to be affected 
being those fighting Germany. Gradually the propaganda be- 
came marked by abuse and intimidation of public officials, and 
finally has taken shape in the formation of an organization 
which purposes to make the German cause an issue in the in- 
ternal politics of this country. 

"The National German-American League, formed at a secret 
meeting in Washington on January 30th, declares its aim is to 
're-establish a genuine American neutrality and to uphold it 
free from commercial, financial or political subservience to for- 
eign powers.' The statement would have more force if it were 
not for the fact that the promoters are all passionate advocates 
of Germany, while every act urged would involve an American 
move against Germany's enemies. 

"When Congressman Bartholdt, Doctor Hexamer and the 
other 'neutrals' demand 'a free and open sea for the United 
States and unrestricted traffic in non-contraband goods,' they 



228 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

mean that this government should attempt to nullify the Allies' 
control of the sea and should insist upon delivering cargoes to 
Germany. 

"When they 'favor, as a strictly American policy, the imme- 
diate enactment of legislation prohibiting the export of arms 
and munitions of war,' they mean it as a strictly German policy, 
since it would directly favor Germany and directly injure her 
opponents, and would amount to active intervention in the war. 

"When they urge 'establishment of an American merchant 
marine' they have in mind the purchase by the United States 
Government of $40,000,000 worth of German ships which took 
refuge in American ports to escape the consequences of the war ; 
and they advise this course regardless of the fact, as stated by 
Senator Root, that the government 'would buy a quarrel with 
every ship.' But the real purpose of the organization is made 
clear in the final paragraph of the statement of principles : 

" 'We pledge ourselves, individually and collectively, to sup- 
port only such candidates for public office, irrespective of party, 
who will place American interests above those of any other 
country and who will aid in eliminating all undue foreign in- 
fluences from official life.' 

"This declaration against 'foreign influences,' from men whose 
activity in government circles on behalf of a foreign power has 
been an ofi'ense and a scandal, is rather ludicrous. But that 
does not save the movement from being unpatriotic, mischievous 
and dangerous. 

"The theory has been that this country was a 'melting pot' 
for the incoming members of all races; that in the crucible of 
its free institutions old patriotic instincts and prejudices Avould 
be fused into an Americanism that would ring true at every 
test. For the first time that belief has been tinged with doubt. 
For the first time we face the possibility that instead of a 
united nation, made up of loyal men of many bloods, this may 
become a people made up of groups of foreigners, whose first 
allegiance is not to the land which gave them shelter, but that 
which gave them or their fathers birth. 

"Already the poisonous propaganda has been carried to ex- 
traordinary lengths. Its promoters are not satisfied with giving 
sentimental and moral support to one of the belligerents, as is 
their right, but they are endeavoring to foment American hatred 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 239 

toward the others and to force this government into menacing 
controversies abroad. 

"They not only denounce the Allies, but they decry America, 
assail its government and traduce its people. A well-known 
German-American of Philadelphia wrote recently to the Kdl- 
nische Zeitung that he was 'not proud' of this country, and that 
its flag should be stamped with the dollar mark as a symbol of 
national hypocrisy. The Cologne Gazette has printed a two- 
column a'rticle from its correspondent on this side, declaring 
that German- Americans are 'in danger of their lives' because of 
the 'bigotry and fanaticism' of Americans. 

"The 'neutrality' meetings, as we have seen in Philadelphia, 
are neither neutral, nor American, nor German- American, but 
wholly German. The limit of sarcasm now is the phrase, 'as 
neutral as Pennypacker.' They even denounce the sending of 
food -to the starving Belgians as an act unfriendly to their be- 
loved fatherland and a violation of neutrality. 

"Their activity in Washington is wholly in behalf of Ger- 
many; and we have seen the astonishing spectacle of members 
of the American Congress calling at the embassy of a foreign 
power to discuss legislation designed for the exclusive benefit 
of that power. Every action they propose would compromise 
American neutrality and endanger American peace and pros- 
perity. All too plainly they have adopted the view urged upon 
all good Germans by Professor Adolph Lasson, of the University 
of Berlin: 

" 'A foreigner is an enemy until he proves that he is not. 
One cannot rest neutral in relationship to German and the 
German people. Either one must consider Germany as the most 
perfect political creation that history has known, or one must 
approve her destruction.' 

"The national design is foreshadowed by action taken a few 
days ago by the German-American Society of Passaic, N. J., 
which 'aims to support all endeavors in the interest of German- 
ism,' and issues this appeal: 

" 'Come, all of you, German societies, German men and Ger- 
man women, so that, united offensively and defensively, with 
weapons of the spirit, we may help our beloved Germany on- 
ward. . . . We ask your speedy decision, in order to per- 
mit of an effective participation and lead in the spring cam- 
paign of 1915.' 



230 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"Such open repudiation of the first principles of American 
citizenship is startling enough, in view of the oath which every 
naturalized German must take, that: 

" 'He absolutely and entirely renounces and abjures all alle- 
giance and fidelity to every foreign prince, potentate, state or 
sovereignty, and particularly to Wilhelm II, German Emperor, 
of whom he was before a subject.' 

"But the spirit becomes imderstandable when it is recalled 
that the German Government encourages Germans to remain 
Germans wherever they go. It allows any one of German blood 
to become a citizen of Germany, even though he has never seen 
Germany and has no intention of taking up his residence there; 
and, since January 1, 1914, German emigrants have had the 
privilege of dual citizenship. The law effective from that date 
provides : 

" 'German citizenship is not lost by one who, before acquiring 
foreign citizenship, has secured, on application, the written con- 
sent of the competent authorities of his home State to retain his 
citizenship.' 

"The leaders of German thought have seduously taught that 
Germans leaving the fatherland should remain faithful to the 
empire and serve its interests before all others. During the 
Spanish-American war Die Grenzboten, the most influential 
political weekly in Germany, declared editorially: 

" 'The number of Germans in the United States amounts to 
millions, but many of them have lost their native language or 
their native names. Nevertheless, German blood flows in their 
veins; and it is only required to gather them together under 
their former nationality in order to bring them back into the 
lap of their mother Germania. 

" 'We have to consider that more than 3,000,000 Germans 
live as foreigners in the United States who are not personally 
interested in that country. A skillful German national policy 
should be able to manipulate that German multitude against 
the shameless American war speculators.' 

"Von Treitsehke, the noted historian, warned his country- 
men: 

"To civilization at large the Anglicizing of the German- 
Americans means a heavy loss. ... Among Germans there 
can no longer be any question that the civilization of mankind 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 231 

suffers every time a German is transformed into a Yankee. 

"And the incomparably frank Von Bernhardi writes: 

" 'The isolated groups of Germans abroad greatly benefit our 
trade, since by preference they obtain their goods from Ger- 
many. But they may also be useful to us politically, as we dis- 
cover in America.' 

"How far they are ready to go in being politically useful to 
Germany, Americans are now discovering. Of all the nations 
at war, Germany is the only one that maintains an organized 
literary and press bureau in this country; and of all our 
naturalized aliens, German-Americans alone have undertaken 
to make the war a political issue, to shape the policies of the 
government in the interest of a foreign power and to intimidate 
American officials in the performance of their duty. 

"Happily, there are some of them whose conception of their 
duty as Americans is higher than this. There is no more val- 
iant advocate of Germany against the Allies than Dr. Ktmo 
Francke, of the faculty of Harvard, where he is head of the 
Germanic museum. But while his sympathies and convictions 
are with the empire, his honor is pledged to the United States ; 
and his fine sense of patriotism should be inspiring to all of us. 
Declining to join in the pro-German political movement, he 
writes : 

" 'My sympathies are wholly and fervently on the German 
side. But they cannot make me forget what seem to me my 
duties as an American citizen. I believe it would be against 
my duties as an American citizen if I were to take part in a 
propaganda the purpose of which will be thought to be to force 
our government into a hostile attitude toward England. . . . 
As a man of German blood, I might welcome the help which 
would accrue to Germany by such a conflict. But as an Ameri- 
can citizen I cannot possibly support such a policy.' . . . 

" 'Let us refrain from political organizations which would set 
Germans in this country apart as a class by themselves. It 
would foster hatred instead of sympathy; and only by gaining 
the sympathy of the majority of the American people can we 
German-Americans help the cause of our mother country.' 

"The movement is deplorable in every aspect. The German- 
Americans who are attempting to separate themselves from 
their countrymen should realize that, while their sympathies 



233 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

may properly lie Avith a foreign nation against its foreign ene- 
mies, their interest and their loyalty lie with America, and 
that a German defeat would be for them far less a calamity 
than their segregation from the rest of the American people." 

An analysis of this German-American movement, which 
is worthy of the most careful attention from every Ameri- 
can citizen and which appeared (114) directly upon the 
announcement of its plans and purposes, is further evi- 
dence as to the way in which genuine Americans should 
and do regard it: 

"There has been organized in Washington a league for the 
're-establishment of real American neutrality, and to uphold it 
free from commercial, financial, and political subservience to 
foreign Powers.' The initial meeting of the new organization 
was presided over by a Congressman from Missouri, and three 
of his colleagues gave approval to the purpose of the meeting by 
their presence. What the league stands for is shown by the 
following resolution which it adopted as its platform: 

" 'Resolved, That we, citizens of the United States, agree to 
effect a National organization the objects and purposes of which 
may be stated as follows: 

" '1. In order to insure the possession of an independent news 
service we favor an American cable controlled by the Govern- 
ment of the United States. 

" '2. We demand a free and open sea for the commerce of the 
United States and unrestricted traflSc in non-contraband goods 
as defined by law. 

" '3. We favor as a strictly American policy the immediate 
enactment of legislation prohibiting the export of arms, ammu- 
nition, and munitions of war. 

" '4. We favor the establishment of an American merchant 
marine; and 

" '5. We pledge ourselves individually and collectively to 
support only such candidates for public office, irrespective of 
party, who will place American interests above those of any 
other country, and who will aid in eliminating all undue for- 
eign influence from official life.' 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 333 

"Since this league seeks to justify its existence by claiming 
to be an American institution for the promotion of neutrality, 
it will be fair to judge it according to the standard of its pro- 
fessed ideals. Is it American ? Is it neutral ? 

"An American citizen might very properly, so far as interna- 
tional relations are concerned, plead for Government ownership 
of the cables just as he might plead for Government ownership 
of the railways. The wisdom of such a plea as an argument for 
neutrality in war time is entirely another matter, and since the 
introduction of wireless telegraphy seems particularly irrele- 
vant. 

"The second article quoted above contains two misstatements 
of law and fact. American commerce in American bottoms is as 
free to-day as commerce can be in time of world war. American 
commerce in foreign bottoms, due to the preponderance of the 
English navy, is very much freer than it would be were the 
sea forces of the Powers at war evenly balanced in strength. 
Furthermore, by no international law has the question of con- 
traband been given the exact seal of legal definition. Precedent, 
custom, and the needs of nations at war furnish the only exist- 
ing rules for contraband. To meet an emergency as it arose the 
United States, in a military order, once included in the pro- 
scribed list escaped slaves. To meet another emergency, Ger- 
many or England has an equal right, or rather a better right, 
to prevent the importation of copper or picric acid or gasoline 
by an enemy country. Naturally, this right is dependent upon 
the possession of power to enforce it. 

"The third proposition put forward by the League would in- 
deed deserve to be ranked as a 'strictly American project/ for it 
is absolutely without precedent in international law or custom. 
Article VII of Convention 4, adopted at The Hague in 1907, 
specifically affirms the right of citizens in neutral nations to 
sell arms and ammunition to any belligerent. If so well-estab- 
lished a principle of international law is to be altered at all, it 
must be done in time of peace. To alter it now would in itself 
be a highly unneutral act in so far as it deprived any belligerent 
of a military advantage secured by sacrifice of treasure and 
life. ... 

"If this programme is, as it ought to be, judged by its inevi- 
table effect, two things stand out very clearly: 



234 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"1. A definitely unneutral project is brought forward under 
the specious guise of promoting neutrality. 

"2. Under a pretense of removing one foreign influence from 
American life it is proposed to throw the Government frankly 
under the influence of another, and this proposal is hacked by a 
threat to employ racial politics in the domestic affairs of the 
American nation. 

"This programme has apparently received the support of 
many respectable and intelligent German-Americans. The 
measure of its failure will be the measure by which American 
citizens of German birth succeed in understanding and realizing 
their duties toward the spirit of the American nation." 

Further evidence as to the Germaii-Americaii attitude 
is to be found in some of my own recent experiences. As 
soon as the first edition of this little book appeared I began 
to receive, by mail, abusive communications ; most of them 
were anonymous ; the large majority gave internal evidence 
of Teutonic authorship. The names, real or fictitious, ap- 
pended to a small number of them, were in all but a few 
instances, German in type. 

The personal abuse and the personal threats are of too 
little importance to inflict upon my readers, except where 
they have more general significance; moreover, they were 
often too vulgar to be printable. 

The interesting feature was in the frequent recurrence 
of sentences like these : 

"If your plan should succeed, and America intervenes, you 
will find that you will have more on your hands than you an- 
ticipate. There may even he mobilization!" 

". . . the intelligent portion of our people, including 
the millions of German-Americans and Irish-Americans, will 
know how to stop the desire of our Anglo-phile jingoes to drag 
this country into war." 

"You re-hash what your venomous and lying press has printed 
and re-printed since the beginning of the war. . . . The 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 235 

American press has given voice to English statements from the 
beginning; has reported German atrocities which were really 
Belgian atrocities." 

"You are fomenting discord and rebellion. You are helping 
to bring on civil war." 

"We -will show you before long what a liar you are and will 
give you something to remember us by." 

"Don't forget, when the tinve comes, that there are millions 
of us in this country, and that one man fighting within the in- 
trenchments is worth ten in the open field." 

These will serve as samples. They are exceedingly un- 
important, but illustrate a certain phase of Grerman-Amer- 
ican activities. 

Of course, some of them were amusing. 

One excited German-American, after calling me "infa- 
mous," "treasonable,'^ '''abominable," and "shameless," says 
that I "am violating in open-faced manner" (as if I were 
a, Waterbury watch) "the neutrality of the United States." 
He continues : "Professor White will yet hear more of his 
handicraft." He adds: (115) 

"I heard from good authority that Professor White is the 
closest friend of Sir Treuves, the physician of King George, and 
visits him rather frequently. Now, may I ask Professor White 
what it was worth to him to be persuaded by his friends, George 
and Sir Treuves, to stir up the Americans by false and lying 
statements? May I ask what was the price?" 
This precious document was signed K. Hentschel. I do 
not intend to tell him the price. That is a secret between 
Sir Treuves and me. 

It must not be forgotten that the German- Americans, 
who hold meetings and pass resolutions of sympathy with 
"the Fatherland," also continue to try to palliate and ex- 
plain away the outrage upon Belgium. They profess at 
one and the same time loyalty to the Kaiser and Germany, 



336 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

and to the country of their adoption; to the apotheosis of 
militarism and officialism and to real Democracy; to the 
German Eagle and the Stars and Stripes. Congressmen 
(with German names) try to introduce legislation to pre- 
vent this country shipping supplies of any sort "to any 
belligerent" — this while the Allies control the seas. But 
when the obvious effect of their preposterous attempt to 
help Germany is exposed, and they are held up to ridicule, 
they rend the air with protestations of devotion to "one 
country and one flag." They all remind me of the woman 
described in the old song of the lumberjacks : 

"There was a woman in our town — 

In our town she did dwell. 
She loved her husband tenderly 

And another man twicet as well." 

Two of the leading citizens of Philadelphia have ex- 
pressed their views as to one phase of the German-Amer- 
ican propaganda, the organization of so-called "neutrality 
leagues" throughout the country. 

In response to an invitation to be a vice-president of a 
meeting of the "American JSTeutrality League," the Epis- 
copal Bishop of Pennsylvania wrote: (116) 

"From information which has come to me lately, both in 
Washington and here, I have learned that most of the agitation 
at present being made to prevent the shipping of war materials 
from this country to belligerent nations, is being made, not 
really in the interest of neutrality, but in hostility to the allied 
nations, and with the hope of helping Germany and Austria in 
their campaign. Is the proposed meeting here fairly chargeable 
with the same purpose? and if not, is there any available evi- 
dence to the contrary with which you can provide me? 

"As an American citizen, pledged to uphold American ideals, 
I am altogether against Germany and Austria in this war, on 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 237 

the ground that they are threatening, and would destroy, as 
far as they have opportunity, those political and personal liber- 
ties and rights which we Americans have made the foundations 
of our Government. 

"Feeling as I do, you will readily understand that I cannot 
have part in any meeting or movement which has for its real 
object, whether or not explicitly avowed, the support of a cause 
to which I personally am resolutely opposed. 
"Very sincerely yours, 

"P. M. Rhinelanbee, 
"Bishop of Pennsylvania." 

The ex-Attorney General of Pennsylvania declined the 
same invitation as follows : Noting that the meeting was 
for the purpose, among other things, of advocating the pas- 
sage of laws to prevent the shipping of munitions of war to 
any belligerent nation, he continues: (117) 

"Inasmuch as no munitions of war can be shipped to Ger- 
many, would it not be more appropriate if the purpose of the 
meeting was stated to be the passage of laws to prevent the 
shipment to either England or France of munitions of war? 
It is true that such laws might be construed as unfriendly acts 
to both England and France, but what difference would that 
make if thereby aid and comfort could be given to the Germans, 
who are making such a magnificent fight for the perpetuation 
of the principles of representative democratic government? 

"Personally I have no patience with talk about a neutrality 
that will give aid or comfort to a Germany which is repre- 
eented by the Hohenzollern family, who have more than once 
broken their plighted word to give the German people a form 
of representative government which would have enabled them 
to be heard and be a ruling force in the nation. Do you for 
one moment suppose that this most imrighteous war would 
ever have been begun if the German masses had been consulted ? 
If you do, you are blind to the Social Democratic forces in 
Germany, which are a growing menace to Hohenzollern absolu- 
tism. In my opinion the continually increasing strength of the 



238 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Social Democratic party in Germany was one of the causes of 
this Mar. 

"Irrespective of this view, however, is there any reason why 
a body of American citizens should unite in a public meeting 
imder the guise of neutrals to urge the passage of laws that 
can only injure England and France and aid Germany, the 
destroyer of Louvain and the Cathedral of Rheims? 
"Very truly yours, 

(Signed) "M. Hampton Todd." 

On the evening of the "neutrality" meeting, which these 
gentlemen declined to attend, "Die Wacht am Ehein" and 
"Deutschland iiber AUes," were sung by the assembled 
crowd ! 

Sometimes a concrete example of one's individual experi- 
ence serves better to bring home the realization of a general 
situation than do many impersonal arguments. For this 
reason I reprint here part of a communication I sent to a 
Philadelphia paper, (118), which it published under the 
caption: "American Irritation at German Apologists." 

"One of the causes of the existing and wide-spread irritation 
on the part of Americans toward some of the Grerman- American 
apologists is illustrated in letters from Professor Morris Jas- 
trow, Jr., and Mr. George Haven Putnam to the New York 
Evening Post (December 19, 1914) in reference to the transla- 
tion, or mistranslation of 'Deutschland iiber Alles,' the now 
famous German war song. 

"Mr. Putnam in a 'Foreword' to an, American edition of 
Treitschke's Essays' alluded to 'Deutschland iiber Alles' as 
implying the supremacy of Germans over all other peoples. 

"Doctor Jastrow says that every German schoolboy knows 
that the proper translation is 'above everything else, Germany,* 
and adds that 'the subsequent lines of the song clearly show 
that the phrase expresses the same sentiment as 'My Country, 
'Tis of Thee.' He further discloses his own sentiments by 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 239 

remarking that 'at present, to be sure, it would be more appro- 
priate for the Germans to sing 'Alles iiber Deutschland.' 

"Mr. Putnam in reply says that 'the interpretation given it in 
the past years has been, as Professor Jastrow and other good 
Germans point out, an expression simply of patriotic devotion 
to the Fatherland.' Here, in the words I have italicized, he, 
consciously or unconsciously, put his finger on the cause of irri- 
tation to which I have alluded. If that characterization were 
accepted by the 'Grerman-Americans,' who write to our papers 
and appeal to our people, many of us, however radically we 
disagreed, might find excuse or palliation, even for views that 
seem subversive of all American ideals. Much could be for- 
giA^en to 'good Germans.' But that, during this period of stress 
and tension, persons obviously German in sympathy and belief 
should profess to be impartially representing America seems 
intolerable. Their right to express their views must be con- 
ceded, but the effort which, almost without exception, they make 
to be regarded as calm, judicial, philosophic, fairminded Amer- 
icans should be resented. 

"Professor Jastrow, for example, {Public Ledger, September 
27, 1914), issues an article under the caption, 'An American 
Appeals for Fairness and Moderation Toward Germany.' Per- 
haps he had nothing to do with the head-line, but as throughout 
he uses 'we' as synonymous with Americans, the title is to 
that extent justified. It is not tmfair to say that this 'appeal' 
was, in effect, a plea for Germany, containing a stab at England, 
a slur on America and an attempt to palliate the Belgian out- 
rage. 

"Later (The 'Naxtion, November 12, 1914) we find Professor 
Jastrow writing a sarcastic letter, in which — still using the 
'we' for Americans — he tries to hold this country up to ridi- 
cule for the attention recently paid to the writings of Bern- 
hardi and Treitschke, for the prevalent view of the actions and 
character of the Kaiser and for the widespread belief as to 
the possibility of German aggression, if Germany should win 
in this war. 

"It is strange how he falls into the same error as do the 
paid agents of the German-American propaganda who 'trip 
up,' as Professor Jastrow would say, and continually sneer 
at and offend the very persons whose good will they are sup- 
posed to be soliciting. 



340 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"If AVe return to the subject of 'Deutschland iiber Alles' 
another source of irritation may be examined, viz., the way in 
which facts — often even trivial facts — are distorted for Ameri- 
cans upon the apparent assumption that we are either too care- 
less or too unintelligent to recognize inaccuracies. 
(See pp. 256, 282.) 

"He and his eo-conspirators against American sympathy 
with the Allies — at first spontaneous and instinctive, now rea- 
soned and immutable — neglect to pay us even the perfunctory 
compliment of assuming that we have ordinary elementary 
information. But then Bernhardi says: 'The whole realm of 
human knowledge is concentrated in the German brain.' 

"The Truth about 'Deutschland iiber Alles' ( see p. ) , which 
was written in the 40's, seems to me to have been well defined 
by Mr. Putnam (The Evening Post, December 19, 1914,) : 
'Under the war spirit, which has developed steadily since 1871 
up to the outbreak in August, 1914, the terra 'Deutschland 
iiber Alles' has (and very naturally) come to express the 
present war spirit of the Fatherland; a spirit which, as openly 
avowed, is connected with the necessity of breaking up the 
British Empire. 

"Doctor Dernburg's description of it as 'a song of modesty' 
has elements of humor that some of his more serious misstate- 
ments lack. 

"Professor Jastrow, in his correspondence with the Post, 
classes Mr. Putnam with those 'who write on Germany with 
the predetermined resolve to hold that country up as the 
plague-spot on the earth,' and says that they — whoever they 
may be — do not go to 'the sources' for their information, and 
therefore 'trip up.' 

"In Professor Jastrow's communication to the Puhlic Ledger 
(September 27, 1914,) he accused Colonel Roosevelt and a 
portion of the American people of 'advocating warfare as essen- 
tial to the full strength of the nation.' In the same paper, on 
December 20, he retracts this, and acknowledges that it was 
a 'misstatement.' 

"In TJie Nation of November 12, he said, in a defense of the 
German professors who have been accused, and truthfully 
accused — of helping to spread the teachings that brought on 
the war, that Professor Eduard Meyer, the historian, 'can have 
very little time or energy to devote to public agitation.' In 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 341 

The Nation of December 10, Professor Lang, of Toronto, showed 
that a meeting of the International Students' Union of Berlin, 
held in Febx-uary, 1913, developed into what an American 
clergyman, who was present, declared to be 'the most disgrace- 
ful scene he had witnessed in the course of many years' resi- 
dence in Berlin/ and that this was largely due to Professor 
Meyer, who made a bitter attack on England, exalted the 
Machtpolitik, boasted that for Germany 'the time had not yet 
arrived' (he, of course, referred to Der Tag), and altogether 
made a great tunnoil for one who was without 'time or energy 
to devote to public agitation.' It would look as though Pro- 
fessor Jastrow had on occasions neglected to go to 'the 
sources.' 

"Professor Jastrow, in his most recent article, published 
to-day {Public Ledger, December 20), says that the difference 
between his 'friends' and himself is that the majority of them 
'show a kind of secret glee' in condemning Grermany, while he 
is 'exceedingly sorry for her.' I am not sure what sort of 
furtive pleasure is represented by 'secret glee,' nor can I 
imagine any one afraid to show openly to Professor Jastrow, 
or to any of the other 'good Germans,' any merriment one could 
extract from the tragic situation. But if the sorrowers for 
poor Germany would keep some of their sympathy for Belgium 
instead of .seeking — as does Doctor Jastrow — for 'extenuating 
factors' to excuse her devastation there would be less distaste 
in the American mind for their perverted arguments. When 
simple counsels of common sense and self-preservation — justified 
a thouifand-fold by subsequent events — are denounced as 'secret 
agreements' between England, France and Belgium; when 
injustice is condoned and brutality is ignored, how can we 
Americans obey Doctor Jastrow's behest and 'extend the hand 
of sympathy and good-will to all the unfortunate and warring 
nations ? 

"In his September article (the Public Ledger, September 2) 
Professor Jastrow devoted some space to sarcastic insinuations 
as to England's 'altruism' (which had not been claimed by her) 
and said that by the historian of the future 'the neutrality of 
Belgium will be regarded as a very minor factor, perhaps 
entirely negligible.' 

"In December (the Public Ledger, December 20) we find him 
16 



243 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

regarding 'the English type of culture aa representing on the 
whole the most harmonious combination of traits of mind and 
character,' though even yet he cannot help seeking for 'extenu- 
ating factors' — mythical though they may be — ^to justify the 
rape of Belgium. 

"Perhaps in another three months he will be able once more 
to discharge the proper function of a scholar — 'the function 
of detached criticism, of cool consideration, of insisting that 
facts, and all the relevant facts, be known and faced. 

"Professor Jastrow overflows with admiration for Germany's 
'high ideals' and dilates upon our debt to 'German culture, 
German learning, German thought.' He repeatedly speaks of 
what his friends say to him on the subject of the war. What 
his real friends should say to him is what Professor Lovejoy 
of Johns Hopkins, has said : 'To not a few Americans the spec- 
tacle presented of late by the leaders of German science and 
philosophy seems scarcely less than what a sincere lover of 
Germany has called it — 'the greatest moral tragedy of the 



That I am not alone in being irritated is shown by 
numerous articles in our most influential journals. 

The attention of Americans is called, for example (119) 
to the bitter comment of the Kolnische Zeitvng, the semi- 
official organ of the German Grovemment, upon the full 
statement issued by our Department of State, reciting all 
the official international activities of our government since 
the beginning of the war. It was clearly convincing as to 
the absolute neutrality that had been observed in regard to 
all the matters dealt with. But the German paper de- 
scribed it as the work of "the mouthpiece of the brutal 
British standpoint," added that "American neutrality is 
only a thin veil, behind which is concealed eagerness to do 
England a good turn," and concluded: "If America re- 
spects only brute force, then we shall give full play to 
brute force." 

The threat is insulting, but not surprising. Giving a 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 243 

"full play to brute force" would require no change in Ger- 
man methods or German doctrines. 

Our American paper which not^s the above incident 
(120), continues: 

"Our German friends, both in this country and abroad, ought 
to consider the question whether, in addition to being irritated 
themselves, justly or otherwise, they do not irritate others. 
They cannot drive Americans out of neutrality, but they may 
make it hard to be both neutral and non-irritated. This result 
may be brought about in various ways. One of them would 
be an effort to band together German-Americans as a group 
entirely apart from their fellow-citizens, swayed more by race 
than by patriotism. Professor Ostwald, of Leipzig, early in the 
war expressed the view that it was the mission of Germany 
to 'organize Europe.' For this he was rebuked by the univer- 
sity authorities, who repudiated his suggestion. At any rate, 
the United States does not wish to be 'organized' in any such 
way, as some German- Americans have proposed ; and foolish talk 
about it is distinctly irritating. So is such a fantastic exag- 
geration as that fallen into by Dr. Dernburg in his speech at 
Minneapolis last week. He, in general, has been the most 
discreet, as he has been the ablest, of the men in charge of 
the German propaganda in this country, but on this occasion 
his hand lost its cunning. He gravely argued that the Allies 
were really making war upon the United States. And then he 
went on to explain that, if we did not do something to help 
Germany win, Germany would learn how to get on without 
American exports. In place of wheat, she will eat ryej for 
lumber, she will substitute steel; instead of copper, she will 
make use of 'alloys of cheaper metals,' and, finally, dropping 
cotton, she will go back to the use of flax! Americans cannot 
help laughing at this, but there is necessarily a certain tinge 
of irritation in the laughter. 

"Italy is another neutral country in which the German cam- 
paign of apology, defence, and resentment has not had the 
happiest effects. An Italian colleague rather roughly handles, 
in the Corriere delta Bera, the embattled German professors. 
It is Professor Piero Giacosa, of the University of Turin. He 
passes in review the various deliverances of Professors Eucken, 



244 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Harnack, and Wundt, and gives particular attention to the 
famous 'round robin' of the eighty-nine 61ite of the German 
universities. This has been writ in Italian — far from 'choice,' 
Professor Giacosa asserts. Upon it he makes very much the 
comment uttered by President Hibben, of Princeton, that it ia 
surprising to find eminent philosophers signing a statement so 
full of logical contradictions and unverified assertions. Science, 
declares the Italian professor, should be the same thing in war 
as in peace. He adds that 'truth cannot be mobilized.' If there 
is any justification of vs^ar, it must be truth and right; but 
'this truth and right ought to be human — not purely German.' 
"A German professor has sought to explain the ferocious 
exhortations of the Kaiser, addressed to the German troops 
setting out for China, as due to a 'momentaneous nervosity.' 
The German propagandists should pause to refiect whether their 
exertions are not producing among all neutrals a nervosity 
something more than momentaneous." 

As this book goes to press there appears (131) a sum- 
mary of American opinion, that covers the entire country 
and which I therefore quote, in part, as a final contribution 
not only to this study of the extent and the aims of the 
German propaganda, but also as evidence of the way in 
which it is impressing the average American : 

"Although the nation-wide organization launched in Washing- 
ton on January 30th by fifty-eight representative German- 
Americans declares its chief aim to be the re-establishment of 
'genuine American neutrality,' its critics do not hesitate to de- 
nounce it as an attempt to coerce the United States Govern- 
ment into taking an actively pro-German stand. 'The wicked- 
ness of the scheme lies in its purpose to create friction between 
England and the United States,' declares the Boston Transcript. 
The men behind the movement, says the Springfield RepuhUoan, 
reveal themselves as 'more German than American,' and the 
New York Times is convinced that 'never since the founda- 
tion of the Republic has any body of men assembled here 
who were more completely subservient to a foreign Power 
and to foreign influence, and none ever proclaimed the un- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 345 

American spirit more openly.' 'The sole object of the promoters 
of this movement is to drive the United States from its present 
position of neutrality,' aflBrms the New York Herald. The 
position they ask us to abandon, says the New York Sim, is 
'historically, legally, and morally correct,' while the course they 
urge upon us amounts virtually to 'the enlistment of the Ameri- 
can people under the flag of Germany.' These men, declares 
the New York World, 'are doing Germany no good, and them- 
selves much harm, by their pernicious pro-German propaganda.' 
The movement, in the opinion of the Philadelphia Public Led- 
ger, represents 'a pro-German plot,' and the Brooklyn Eagle 
suggests that the activities of its promoters bear a close re- 
semblance to treason. . . . 

"A German-American protest against the program of the 
Washington conference is voiced by the New York Yolkszeitung 
(Labor), which denounces the movement as 'a dangerous agita- 
tion' which 'seeks to embroil the United States in a war with 
England.' 'Under the hypocritical pretense of preserving 
America's neutrality, this organization would actually imperil 
it,' declares this workers' organ, which calls upon 'every Ger- 
man-American workingman in this country' to oppose the move- 
ment 'with all his strength.' 

"On the other hand, the majority of the German-American 
papers that have reached us are in accord with the New York 
Staats-Zeitung, the St. Louis Westliche Post, and the Chicago 
Staofts-Zeitung in their hearty indorsement of the movement 
launched by the Washington conference. In his signed editorial 
in the New York Staats-Zeitimg, Mr. Herman Ridder declares 
that the conference 'was dominated by Americans and was 
designed to promote a policy which may be tritely described 
as "America for Americans" ' — a fact, he says, which will be 
made clear by 'an intelligent and unbiased perusal of the reso- 
lutions adopted.' . . . 

"Among the men who fathered these resolutions we find 
Dr. C. J. Hexamer, president of the German- American National 
Alliance of Philadelphia, an organization already claiming a 
n^embership of 2,000,000; Congressmen Ba.rtholdt, Vollmer, 
Barchfeld, Lobeck, and Porter; Professors William R. Shep- 
herd, of Columbia; Edmund von Mach, of Harvard; A. B. 
Faust, of Cornell; John Devoy, editor of the New York GaeUo 



346 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

American; and many editors of German- American papers and 
heads of German-American societies. 

"Herman Ridder, in his New York Staats-Zeitung, declares 
that 'any newspaper in the United States which will not sub- 
scribe to these resolutions may be branded offhand as un- 
American.' The call, he says, 'was only for the freedom of the 
United States from the subtle machinations of Great Britain 
and the subserviency of our present Administration to Great 
Britain.' 

"Turning to another organ of German- American opinion, the 
New York Fatherlcmd, we find an outspoken editorial signed by 
George Sylvester Viereck, one of the delegates to the Washing- 
ton conference on organization. Mr. Viereck, like Mr. Ridder, 
is convinced that the platform adopted is one on which every 
American can stand. In fact, he goes further, and declares that 
'no man who refuses to stand upon it is an honest AmeTrfcan.' 
If the resolutions really reflected German- American opinion, he 
says, 'they would be ten times more emphatic!' We learn from 
Mr. Viereck that the patience of the German- Americans 'is at 
an end,' and that henceforth they 'will fight as a unit.' 'If 
you say that we are not Americans,' he declares, 'then you will 
have to change your conception of American.' He goes on with 
these frank statements: 

" 'We are tired of playing the part of Cinderella in American 
politics. We claim our seat at the banquet-table. If you say 
that we are not Americans, then you will have to change your 
conception of American. We refuse to be strangled by the dead 
hand of the past reaching from the graves of the Pilgrim 
Fathers into the living present. We shall rewrite the word 
American, to the extent of our power, in terms of our own 
ethnic complexion. . , . 

" 'We have suffered much without complaint. But our pa- 
tience is at an end. . . . 

" 'You have sown the storm, you shall reap the whirlwind. 
You have refused to listen to our reasoning. You were deaf to 
our pleas. We shall go into the arena of polities. We shall 
try to beat you at your own game. One hundred and seventy 
members of Congress are of Irish extraction. There is no rea- 
son why they should not be joined by one hundred and seventy 
of German extraction. There is no reason why we should not 
labor for the election of men of our own blood who are in accord 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 247 

with our principles, which are also the principles of true 
Americanism. 

" 'We are with America, right or wrong, at all times. But 
we prefer America right to America wrong. We now propose 
to set America right.' 

"President Wilson is quoted in Washington dispatches as 
saying that the efforts of organizations to influence this Gov- 
ernment's action in regard to the war are 'extremely embar- 
rassing,' and that it is the duty of all citizens of this country 
to 'think of America first.' He is also credited with the remark 
that 'the present international situation should not be capi- 
talized by standpat Representatives to play petty politics.' But 
if we may judge by the comment of the St. Louis Mississippi 
Blatter, political embarrassment for the present Adiministra- 
tion is part of the new league's program. Says the St. Louis 
paper : 

" 'This move will work a revolution, as the candidates at the 
next election will stand for neutrality and will not dance to the 
tune of the pipes of the State Department at Washington,' 

"A long-distance but interested observer of the situation, the 
Berliner Tageblatt, is confident that 'when the German- Ameri- 
cans and the Irish hold together they are a power in the 
United States which, in certain circumstances, can decide the 
Presidency.' And it is generally believed in Washington, ac- 
cording to the correspondent of the New York Sun, that the 
league will be 'a formidable factor in the approaching Presi- 
dential primaries and the 1916 campaign.' This aspect of its 
proposed activities comes in for special condemnation at the 
hands of our press. This movement to take international ques- 
tions into national politics 'is obviously intended to serve the 
interests of Germany only,' remarks the Philadelphia Public 
Ledger, and the Brooklyn Eagle describes it as 'unfurling a 
foreign flag at Washington.' The attempt to 'line-up' the 'so- 
called German vote' and use it as a club in American politics, 
says the New York Herald, is 'foolish, futile, and dangerous.' 
To the New York Sun the effort represents 'presumptuous stu- 
pidity and arrogant disloyalty.' The new organization can best 
'aid in eliminating all umdue foreign influence from American 
life,' remarks the Springfield Republican, 'by promptly dis- 
banding.' Its program in regard to candidates for public office. 



248 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

says the New York Olole, is an effort to coerce by political 
boycott. The same paper adds: 

" "The present attempt will be rebuked if it gathers enough 
headway to be a menace. The political boycott that the reso- 
lution proclaims will be futile. It will attract votes to the 
proscribed. Those who wish to increase pro-German sentiment 
in this country have committed a great bhmder by a threat 
which will be generally and properly interpreted as indicating 
a desire to put the interests and the ideals of another country 
first.' " 

It is difficult, in spite of all this evidence, to believe that 
there is any real danger from persons who, when their 
"Fatherland" is in deadly peril, pass resolutions in regard 
to it, and remain at a distance of three thousand miles to 
sing about it vociferously. 

Many of us are asking the questions propounded by Miss 
Eepplier: (122) 

"If the German-Americans are consumed with love for their 
Fatherland, and for their Fatherland alone, why, we wonder, 
did they not stay upon that sacred soil? This pleasure and 
privilege might have been theirs without the asking, and they 
resigned it as alacritously as though paternal rule and military 
service foimd no favor in their eyes. Why, when they came to 
the United States, did they not remain German citizens, and 
liable to be summoned to their country's aid, instead of hasten- 
ing to swear allegiance to a Constitution which they regard 
only as a convenience and a protection? Why, when the decla- 
ration of war foimd them in Munich, or Frankfort, or Berlin, 
did they scuttle home as fast as ships could carry them, clam- 
orously declaring themselves American citizens in Germany, 
and singing the 'Wacht am Hhein' with ever-increasing fervor 
as they neared the friendly shores of New York? Why, instead 
of forming political parties to support 'with weapons of the 
spirit [a fancy name for votes] all endeavors in the interests of 
Germanism.' — which is a denial of neutrality and citizenship — 
do they not go bravely back and strike one honest blow in open 
battle for their imperiled Fatherland? 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 249 

''The trenches of Flanders and the siiowfields of Poland await 
these loyal sons of Germany, and, while many dry eyes will wit- 
ness their departure, we owe and give mifaltering respect to 
men gallant enough to lay down their lives for their country." 



CHAPTEE XI. 

How Much Reliance is to be Placed Upon Statements 
Emanating from Germany at This Time? 

We have been deluged with complaints of the "unfair- 
ness" with which Germany's case has been presented to the 
world, the "lies" that have been told about her, the "dou- 
ble facedness" of many of our newspapers. Even the Ger- 
man Chancellor — ^the same chancellor who on July 28th 
was, according to Mr. Beck, guilty of a "pitiful and insin- 
cere quibble," and whose Secretary of State on July 29th 
he says told a "stupid falsehood" — on September 2d, by 
authority of the Emperor, took the trouble to convey to the 
American people his confidence that it would not ^^allow 
itself to be deceived through the war of falsehood which our 
enemies are conducting against us." 

We know what to think of the Chancellor's veracity. 
The small fry — ^the Miinsterbergs and Hilprechts — are 
shrill in their clamorous accusations of unfairness and 
mendacity, includng all their opponents and some of us. 
Dr. Hilprecht, Heaven save the mark, calls Sir Edward 
Grey an "arch deceiver," and accuses (123) 

"all our four principal enemies, against whom thus far battles 
have been fought — the Belgians, the English, the French and 
the Russians — government, soldiers and population alike, of 
having wilfully, cowardly and cruelly, broken the sacred pledges 
given by their representatives at The Hague conference before 
God and mankind." 

(250) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 251 

In support of one part of this statement, he says : 

"The British dum-dum cartridges taken from the first 
original package, opened in the presence of the war correspon- 
dents, show the inscription, 'Art Dept. Ive.' at the bottom of 
their brass casings." 

One would think that he'd be chary of adducing "inscrip- 
tions'^ as evidence of anything. 

Fortunately, we have a better test of Germany's reli- 
ability as to truth at this juncture than could be afforded 
by either Chancellors or archaeologists. 

Perhaps the most astonishing effort to influence Ameri- 
can opinion is the 73-page pamphlet entitled "Truth About 
Germany: Facts About the War." If it had been headed 
"Falsehoods About Germany: Lies About the War" the 
title would have been more accurately descriptive. Profes- 
sor Love joy, of Johns Hopkins, has fitly characterized it as 
'"a clumsy compilation of fictions, irrelevancies and vulgar 
appeals to what are apparently conceived to be American 
prejudices." He specifies some of the direct falsehoods : 

"1. The pamphlet (124) says that Austria-Hungary was able 
to prove that the Servian government had been responsible 
for the plan of the assassination at Sarajevo. 

"2. Austria-Hungary addressed to the Servian government 
a number of demands which aimed at nothing but the suppresr 
sion of the anti-Austrian propaganda. Servia was on the point 
of accepting the demand, when there arrived a dispatch from 
St. Petersburg, and Servia mobilized. Then Austria had to 
act. Thus arose the Austro-Servian war. 

"3. Great Britain asked that Germany should aillow French 
and Belgian troops to form on Belgian territory for a, march 
against our frontier . . . England and France were 
resolved not to respect the neutrality of Belgium 
(They) did not give up their plan of attacking Germany 
through Belgium. 



253 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"4. England aims at being mistress of the Old World in 
order to occupy either an equal, or a menacing, position towards 
the New World. For this purpose she has encouraged this war." 

Professor Lovejoy (125) adds: 

"Every American recipient of the pamphlet who subsequently 
took the trouble to examine the entire published evidence in the 
case must have speedily discovered the statements of specific 
historical fact in the passages cited to be either direct false- 
hoods or sug gestionis falsi. But it should be added that the 
publication in question is marked by a yet more singular sup- 
pressio veri; it contains no hint of what are perhaps the two 
most decisive of the 'facts about the war.' These, since they 
iseem to have been less emphasized in America than they deserve 
to be, should perhaps be indicated specifically. 

"It is a fact imdisclosed in the pamphlet that on July 30, 
and again in a modified form on July 31, the Russian govern- 
ment eommimicated to the German government an undertaking 
to 'stop all military preparations' (or 'to maintain a waiting 
attitude') if Austria would consent to 'stay the march of her 
troops on Servian territory and, recognizing that the Austro- 
Servian conflict has assumed the character of a question of 
general European interest, to admit that the Great Powers may 
examine the satisfaction which Servia can accord to the Austro- 
Hungarian government without injury to her rights as a sover- 
eign state and to her independence.' 

"It is a fact equally undisclosed in this repository of informa- 
tion about the causes of the war, that on the morning of July 
31, Sir Edward Grey declared to the German Ambassador in 
London that 'if Germany could get any reasonable proposal put 
forward which made it clear that Germany and Austria were 
striving to preserve European peace, and that Russia and 
France would be unreasonable if they rejected it,' he would 
'support it at St. Petersburg and Paris, and go the length of 
saying that if Russia and France would not accept it his 
Majesty's government would have nothing more to do with the 
consequences.* 

"The most illuminating 'truth about Germany' is that, on 
the same day, with these two pledges before it, the government 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 253 

at Berlin sent to Russia and to Fiance ultimata which were 
certain, and therefore were manifestly designed, to render war 
within twenty-four hours inevitable." 

The pamphlet "Truth About Germany" was prepared by 
a Board of Editors which included many of the best-known 
men in letters, science, finance and German public life. As 
Lovejoy says, the pamphlet seems to show that the very 
class that among cultivated persons of other countries has 
gained for Germany its greatest distinction, 

"has signally failed at the most critical moment in German 
history, to perform its proper function — the function of 
detached criticism, of cool consideration, of insisting that facts 
and all the relevant facts, be known and faced. It appears to 
be shouting with the rest for a wholly avoidable war of which, 
in nearly all non-Grerman eyes, the moral indefensibility seems 
exceeded only by its fatal imwisdom from a purely national 
point of view." 

The astounding spectacle presented by this Board of 
Editors is partly explained by their relation to the State. 
It pays them, it promotes them, it gives them — or with- 
holds from them — social and ofl&cial honors and dignities. 

Their countrymen, Nietzsche, has prophetically dealt 
with this situation : 

"The State has never any concern with truth, but only with 
the truth useful to it, or, rather, with anything that is useful 
to it, be it truth, half-truth, or error. A coalition between 
State and philosophy has only meaning when the latter can 
promise to be unconditionally useful to the State, to put its 
well-being higher than truth. It would certainly be a noble 
thing for the State to have truth as a paid servant; but it 
knows well enough that it is the essence of truth to be paid 
nothing and serve nothing." (See pp. 277-81.) 



254 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

But in view of the persistent and extraordinary efforts 
being made by the -Germans to influence public opinion in 
America, it seems worth while to consider further, and at 
some length, the question of the credibility of their official 
and semi-official statements. 

It should be said, at the outset, that it is almost ludicrous, 
when one comes to read carefully the arguments on behalf 
of Germany with which this country is being flooded, to 
note the constant contradictions. There is apparently no 
statement made by any one of them that is not traversed or 
denied by another of them. 

Two of these missionaries in this cultureless land — ■ 
Dernburg, the avowed emissary from Germany, and Miin- 
sterberg, the type of the pro-German professor, who has 
made his home here — ^have been peculiarly unfortunate, as 
their differences go to the very root and foundation of the 
war. To be sure, all their fellows pooh-pooh Bernhardi 
now; they all represent his books as having been without 
influence; they say that they were not read in America, and 
that almost no one reads them in Germany. They admit, 
with reluctance, that he did write books, but they adopt the 
old method of minimizing guilt, hallowed by the young 
female in the pages of "Midshipman Easy," by describing 
his editions as "very little ones." He has a fatal fascina- 
tion for some of them, however, and even while repudiating 
him, they often show themselves his disciples. 

Miinsterberg has been more successful than most in 
evading him, but Dernburg has been unable, while denying 
his influence and representative character, to avoid defend- 
ing his teachings. 

Powys says: (126) 

"The success of the German campaign of anti-Alliea propai- 
ganda has been less marked than its energy and patriotism 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 255 

deserve. The cause of this lack of success is to be found in 
the fact that the leading German propagandists in this country 
have chosen to adopt diametrically opposite points of view, 
points of view that answer one another. For instance, Dr. 
Dernburg's reply to Lord Bryce's war-statement, whether it 
refuted Bryce or not, manages completely to dispose of Profes^ 
sor Miinsterberg. 

"Miinsterberg, . . . discussing Treitsclike and Bern- 
hardi as 'hashish-dreamers' and 'courageous clowns,' adopts an 
idealistic, innocent-aggrieved tone; calling attention to Ger- 
many's 'pacific and industrious population,' with its one wish, 
to 'develop its agricultural, and industrial, its cultural and 
moral resources.' Dr. Dernburg, however, is less inclined to 
cater so smoothly to American public opinion. He appears to 
have a simpler, more direct mind than the professor, and to be 
more inclined to go honestly to the root of the matter. 

"For instance, in an article, published in The Sun, Dr. Dern- 
burg, although he firmly declares that he holds Lord Bryce 
wrong in connecting the German people with Bemhardi, yet 
makes it quite plain that he thinks there is a great deal to be 
said for Bernhardi's attitude. The greater part of his article 
is indeed nothing more or less than an explanation of Bern- 
hardi's position and a justification of it." 

Later Mr. Powys returns to the same subject : 

"Miinsterberg adopted the line, more timid and less honest, 
of making a special appeal to the American people by represent- 
ing Germany as content with her present position, her position 
of cultural and industrial development, and in no way anxious 
to alter it. Bernhardi has converted the German people, has 
converted Dr. Dernburg, to the absolute necessity of altering 
it, if Germany as a nation is to survive. Thus Bernhardi's 
grand dictum of 'world-domination or downfall' becomes intel- 
ligible; becomes in fact Germany's motto in this war, and the 
motive-power behind the heroism and resolution of the German 
people. . 

"How ridiculous is it, then, of Professor Miinsterberg to 
endeavor to slip gracefully into the mold of American public 
opinion, by finding the sole cause of the war in the expansion 



256 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

of Russia! Certainly one of the causes of the war is the expan- 
sion of Russia, but a more direct and powerful cause is the 
expansion of Germany; an expansion concerning which Dr. 
Dernburg is, as he says, an answerable authority, 'because I 
have stood in it.'" (127) 

These differences of the German apologists themselves 
are among the most instructive incidents of the wax, and 
have had undoubted effect upon the formation of American 
public opinion. It is not only that their statements are so 
frequently at variance with the facts, but their failure to 
agree with one another ranges from very serious to very 
trivial matters ; from instances like Dr. Dernburg's versions 
'of Germany's attitude toward the Monroe Doctrine, com- 
pared with Germany's official statement of her attitude, 
(p. 93) to others like the question of the proper translation 
and significance of "Deutschland iiber Alles." (p. 282) 

It is right that these differences, big and little, should, 
whenever possible, be brought to public notice, and should 
be emphasized. Making the fullest possible allowance for 
the fallibility of human testimony, they seem to me to show, 
not a desire to inform, or legitimately and logically to con- 
vince the American people, but rather, at any cost of ver- 
acity, or of close adherence to facts, to hoodwink and to 
mislead them. N'aturall}^, misstatements, exaggerations, 
suppressions of vital data, and downright falsehoods, can- 
not be made to agree without more careful consultation 
than there has been time -or opportunity for. In addition 
to disagreement among themselves, it is noteworthy, too> 
that the same writer is, on occasion, self -contradictory. 

Furthermore they, practically without exception, fail to 
understand the controversial value of an understatement. 
They vsrrite so vigorously to solicit the sympathy of Amer- 
icans that they overpass the boundaries, not only of credi- 
bility, but also those of sobriety. A laugh evoked by an 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 257 

argument, intended to^ be serious and concerned with in- 
tensely tragic events, is the most conclusive possible evi- 
dence of failure. They all claim too much. If they would 
claim less, we might believe more. If they did not white- 
wash so vigorously, we should not suspect so much dirt. 

Let me cite, with comment, two conspicuous examples. 

Herr Heinrich Friedrich Albert has contributed to the 
December issue of the Atlantic Monthly a paper on "Ger- 
man Methods of Conducting the War," which is more touch- 
ingly rose-colored than anything even Doctor Dernberg has 
written. War, so conducted, far from resembling Hell, is a 
pretty close approach to Heaven. The Prussian soldier, as 
painted by Herr Albert, is what old-fashioned people used 
to call "too good for earth." Shelley's apostrophe to 
Emilia Viviani, 

"Seraph of Heaven! too gentle to be human," 

is the only description which can be found to fit him. 

Of course all charges of cruelty are swept aside as of 
"psychopathic origin." Herr Albert wastes no time on 
them, but proceeds at once to make clear to us the benig- 
nant nature of Zeppelins and airships, which are far more 
"humane" than artillery, and which, by compelling the 
speedy surrender of a fortress, "may spare many thousands 
of lives and property of incalculable value." Even when 
the bombs are dropped upon cities not under siege "a calm 
and Judicious consideration" will soften our prejudice 
against them. They were never intended, for example, to 
destroy life in Paris. "The bombs were meant for the 
wireless station on the Eiffel Tower." If the inconspicuous 
nature of the tower concealed it from observation, the 
blame, we presume, rests with the French, who should have 
built it higher. 

17 



358 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

As for the burning of Lonvain, Herr Albert clears tlie 
invading troops of all responsibility, and practically of all 
participation in the deed. He does not even admit, with 
those delightful German professors who put forth their 
appeal "To the Civilized World/' that German soldiers 
"with aching hearts were obliged to fire a part of the town," 
— a purely academic view of militarism. Herr Albert's sol- 
diers behaved better than that. All they tried to do (and 
who can blame them?) was to defend themselves against 
the furious attack of Louvain civilians. When, "during 
this fighting, fires broke out which spread with terrific speed 
over the city," they risked their lives to rescue the Tower 
Hall, and "works of art endangered by the flames." All 
this time the Louvainers, indifferent to the fate of their 
city, fired "incessantly" at the brave men engaged in the 
work of preservation. "Unfortunately it was not found 
possible to' save the valuable library of the University." 

What .a picture of magnanimity ! !N"othing like it in his- 
tory. ISTothing much like it in fiction. Why not accept the 
simpler statement of a patriotic German editor who 
announced that the Belgians, instigated by the English, 
burned Louvain, in order to ^'foul the fair fame of Ger- 
many." 

The levying of indemnities is another point "much mis- 
understood." The practice seems at first sight an unkind 
one, and there are some troublesome Hague regulations 
which, if respected, would spoil all a conqueror's sport. 
But Herr Albert assures us that these huge sums are de- 
manded "to discourage sniping, and for the administration 
of occupied territory." They are in the nature of ordinary 
taxes. True, no dollar of them has been wasted so far in 
feeding the starving, or sheltering the homeless Belgians. 
This evidently does not come within the province of prac- 
tical administration. But if Belgians starve, the fault 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 259 

(and this we never should have suspected) lies at the door 
of England. "There seem to be plans under consideration 
by the German Government to feed the Belgian population 
by importing food stuffs," says Herr Albert vaguely; and 
these nebulous plans are in danger of being frustrated by 
England's wicked efforts to seize such food stuffs as con- 
traband of war. How can kind-hearteed Germany feed 
innocent Belgium when England stays her hand ? 

The destruction of the Cathedral of Eheims is the epi- 
sode which of all others we have least understood, and this 
is because wc were, many of us, ignorant of the amazing 
circumstance which made such destruction "a military 
necessity." We are ignorant no longer. A German official 
report, quoted at length by Herr Albert, states that the 
Commander-in-Chief gave orders to spare the Cathedral, 
"so long as the enemy refrained from using it to his advan- 
tage." The French, thinking to profit by such forbearance, 
despatched "a military observer" to the roof. This ob- 
server, unlike the Eiffel Tower, was visible from afar. "It 
was necessary to dislodge him," and by the time he was 
dislodged — though the firing then ceased instantly — the 
cathedral was in ruins. It sounds like a locomotive run- 
ning over an ant. The roof — ^with that tendency to spon- 
taneous combustion which marks the propinquity of Ger- 
man troops — "burst into flames;" but "the responsibility 
rests with the enemy, who attempted to misuse a monu- 
ment of architectural art under the protection of the white 
flag." (p. 296) 

So far the report. Then follows a priceless sentence of 
Herr Albert's very own. "For a German, the fact that an 
official communication is issued by the army headquarters 
is proof sufficient of its absolute truth to facts." This is 
sublime. It reminds us of nothing but Prester John ex- 
patiating on the qualities of his countrymen, "No vice is 



260 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

tolerated in our midst, and with us no one lies." (128) 
Another excellent sample (of the pleas with which Ger- 
many is flooding this country) is found in the article en- 
titled, "Germany's Answer" (129), by Professor Delbriick. 
The author is Professor of History in the University of 
Berlin, and is, therefore, Treitschke's successor. To a 
careless or an uninformed reader the article might seem 
strongly and almost convincingly to justify Germany's 
course. But a little critical examination would soon dis- 
pel this view. 

As Miss Eepplier did me the honor of consulting me with 
reference to a letter she later sent to an American maga- 
zine (130) in reply to Professor Delbriick's paper, and as 
our views absolutely coincide, I shall let her speak for me : 
"This," she says, 

"should be of value to American readers as embodying 
those ideals made familiar to us by Professor Treitschke 
and General von Bernhardi — ideals which soft-spoken Ger- 
mans have endeavored to persuade us are without influence 
in Berlin. It should also be of interest to American readers 
as illustrating on a large scale the difference between a state- 
ment and a fact. It is a series of assumptions proffered as 
though they were proven. We are asked to base our judgment, 
not on what has occurred, which we loiow; but on what might 
have occurred, of which we know nothing; not on things done, 
which are called evidence; but on things surmised, which have 
no legal or logical existence. 

"Professor Delbriick is not soft-spoken. Let me hasten to do 
him that justice. He says distinctly that Austria cannot 
'tolerate the existence of the Greater Servian idea either within 
its borders or on its frontiers'; that 'it was inconceivable Aus- 
tria should content herself with the punishment of the assassins 
and their accomplices, even on the largest scale'; and that 'the 
only acceptable redress for the murder of the Archducal pair 
was to put an end once and for all to the Greater Servian 
aspirations,' to demand terms which would put Servia imder 
Austria.'s 'permanent control.' 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 261 

"This is plain speaking. We may or we may not agree with 
it. We may or we may not think that three millions of people 
should be robbed of their national life because a shameful mur- 
der was committed at Serajevo, with the possible — but unproven 
— connivance of Servian officials. Things which are 'inconceiv- 
able' to Professor Delbriick are perfectly conceivable to his 
readers. The amazing, and amusing, statement made by this 
amazing, and at times amusing, German is that Austria's 
ultimatum (the most bullying document of recorded history) 
was born of 'dire extremity,' and was sent in the interest of 
peace. 'Studied politeness,' he affirms, would have fed Servia's 
swollen pride, and might have beguiled the Czar into threats 
from which he 'could not draw back.' After which powerful 
and conclusive argument, the writer adds serenely: 'We have 
seen that if Austria had made her demands less sharp, sooner 
or later the war would have broken out just the same.' 

" 'We' — the readers — have seen nothing of the kind. We 
have heard, but we have not seen. We have read, but we do 
not of necessity believe. Professor Delbriick tells us that Eng- 
land refused in this great crisis to act 'as honor dictated,' 
she 'suppressed all regard for the common welfare of European 
civilization.' He assures us that Russia represents 'the most 
pernicious despotism that the world knows.' But when Ger- 
many accuses other nations of despotism and dishonor, we are 
forcibly reminded of that famous passage in 'The Fortunes of 
Nigel' (unknown we fear to Berlin professors), where 'Baby 
Charles' lays down the guilt of dissimulation, and 'Steenie' 
lectures on the turpitude of incontinence. Russia is despotic. 
We used to call her cruel. But Germany's campaign in Belgium 
has forever altered our standards of despotism and cruelty. 
Before its blackness the Slavic sins grow pale. It is a blot 
which can never be effaced from the escutcheon of the civilized 
world. It has made the very name of civilization ring like a 
mockery in our ears. 

"In defence of this campaign Professor Delbriick marshals 
his most inconclusive arguments. In defence of this campaign 
Germany will be kept busy arguing until the end of time. Only 
a good cause can sustain itself without props. Why tell us 
that the conduct of the German Emperor, the Chancellor, the 
General Staff, 'all very sagacious personages,' 'cannot be logic- 
ally explained, unless they were sure that, not onlv would 



362 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

England join the ranks of our enemies under any circumstances, 
but that the united Allies would themselves afterward make 
their way through Belgium' ? Is this considered to be evidence ? 
Can we prove an asserted fact by offering it as an explanation 
for somebody's conduct. A robs B. A's behaviour cannot be 
'logically explained,' unless he were sure that C meant to rob 
him. Therefore C is to blame. 

The plain truth remains that England did not violate Bel- 
gium's neutrality, and Germany did ; that France did not march 
her armies across Belgium's frontier and Germany did; that 
France promised to respect the treaty she had signed, and 
Germany refused to give such a promise. How can we argue 
on the basis of what might have happened, and what has hap- 
pened? The one like paternity, is a matter of conjecture; the 
other, like maternity, is a matter of fact. And when Professor 
Delbruck asks us proudly, can we credit his 'sagacious person- 
ages' with a blunder; we answer humbly and truthfully that 
we can. 

"As for the naive regret that Germany found it impossible 
to secure both the moral advantages which would have been 
hers had she kept her plighted word and the material advan- 
tages which accrued to her from breaking it, this is expressed 
with Teutonic simplicity. So, too, is the confident assurance 
that Belgium violated her owa neutrality, which is now the 
rallying cry of German apologists. Because a little nation, 
weak, but not blind, entertained reasonable misgivings, and 
planned, to the best of her ability, to defend herself, should 
these misgivings prove well-founded, she is now accused of 
being the original aggressor in the quarrel of muddying the 
water when the wolf came dovra to drink. Why, asks Professor 
Delbriick triumphantly had Belgiimi built her forts on the 
German, and not on the French border? 'Is a country lying 
between two unfriendly neighbors, and taking military precau- 
tion against the one of them, and not against the other, in 
reality neutral'? 

" 'Two unfriendly neighbors ! ' It is candid in Professor 
Delbruck to admit Germany's unfriendliness; but he has no 
warrant in assigning the same attitude to France, Belgium 
saw the Germanic strategic railway, with its admirable equip- 
ment, built to her frontier. Had she neglected to fortify that 
frontier, she would have been criminally improvident. ^Vhen 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 263 

an armed house-breaker plants a ladder against our front wall, 
we do not run and barricade the back windows. 

"The final paragraph of 'Germany's Answer' invites a final 
word of comment. 'We, in Germany,' says Professor Delbriick, 
'have the firm conviction that it is not for our own independence 
alone that we are fighting in this war, but for the preservation 
of the culture and freedom of all peoples.' 

"This is more than the world asks at the Kaiser's hand. 
Most nations prefer to look after their own culture and freedom 
in the fashion which suits them best. And if the present con- 
dition of Belgium, starved, outraged, broken on the wheel, is 
a sample of the culture and freedom which are Germany's 
gift, we Americans pray Heaven to preserve us in ignorance 
and slavery.' " 

The material for continiiiiig this comparison of the state- 
ments of German apologists with the truth, or with the 
statements of other German apologists, is so abundant that 
it is difficult to make a selection. Dr. Dernburg has been 
one of the most prolific contributors. We have already 
seen how he has dealt with the violation of Belgium neu- 
trality (pp. 78-83) and incidentally with the speech of the 
German Chancellor." (p. 80) 

It seems useful to follow this indefatigable agent on 
another of the trails he has made since his arrival here. 
He appeared before the American public in December as 
the triumphant expounder of the so-called "secret papers" 
found at Brussels. He had the impudence to call our atten- 
tion to *'the guilt of the Belgium Government," and to the 
"crime" of Belgium. I have elsewhere discussed this, 
and have quoted American editorial utterances on the 
subject. But two other of our papers have dealt with 
him and his scandalous misrepresentations in a. way that 
brings out certain new points in more detail. One (131) 
said editorially: 



264 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"We have both the text of the so-called 'secret treaties' said 
to have been found in the archives of the Belgian General 
Staff after the German occupation of Brussels and the inter- 
pretation put upon the documents by the Kaiser's ingenious 
spokesmen in this country. 

"The existence of the secret papers discovered in Belgium 
has long been heralded and public curiosity on all sides has 
awaited with some eagerness the appearance of the exact text. 
. An examination of the 'secret papers' reveals something 
which Dr. Dernburg may possibly not have discovered, and 
which, as we understand the case, radically affects the sig- 
nificance of the docuiments in question. Dr. Dernburg says: 

" 'Only the prompt action at Lifege that put this important 
railway center commanding the railway connections to France 
and Germany into German hands prevented the English landing 
and invading Belgium.' 

" 'The guilt of the Belgium Government ( ! ! ) in this matter 
consists in making and concerting plans with the English and 
French Governments as to what steps to take in case of war.' 

" 'While Belgium pretended neutrality and friendship toward 
Germany, it was secretly planning for her defeat in a war 
which was considered unavoidable.' 

" 'The Imperial Chancellor has declared that there was irre- 
futable proof that if Germany did not march through Belgium 
her enemies would. This proof, as now being produced, is of 
the strongest character. So the Chancellor was right in appeal- 
ing to the law of necessity, although he had to regret that it 
violated international law.' 

"A rough summary of the Belgian papers now made public 
might easily, without dishonest intent on the part of the com- 
piler, give the impression that as far back as 1906 there was 
a confidential understanding between the Belgian General Staff 
and the British (and also with the French) military authori- 
ties for concerted action in the event of a European war; for 
joint mobilization; for tne prompt employment of the Belgian 
railways to introduce English and perhaps French troops into 
Belgian territory, and for the general conduct of a co-operative 
movement against Germany. This would mean a secret plan, 
Belgium's 'crime,' as Dr. Dernburg calls it, to prostitute her 
neutrality to British invasion in order to anticipate a possible 
violation of neutrality from the German frontier. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 265 

"The same idea might be produced in an impartial mind by 
a hasty or not very critical reading of the documents now pub- 
lished; particularly of Major-General Ducarme's confidential 
report to the Belgian Minister of War in 1906, concerning a 
conference with the British military attache at Brussels. 

"There is, however, buried in the text of this confidential 
report one sentence which does not seem to have impressed 
Dr. Dernburg greatly. We quote it now, in italics : 

"He [Lieutenant-Colonel Barnardiston] proceeded in the fol- 
lowing sense: The landing of the English troops would take 
place at the French coast in the vicinity of Dunkirk and Calais 
so asi to haisten their movements as much as possible. The 
entry of the English m Belgium would only take place after the 
violation of ow neutrality hy Germany. A landing in Antwerp 
would take much more time, because larger transports would 
be needed and because, on the other hand, the safety would be 
less complete." 

"This certainly puts a somewhat different aspect on the 
alleged 'criminal' intentions of Belgium. Instead of plotting 
for concerted action with England and France to procure the 
violation of her own neutrality in anticipation of Germany's 
movements, Belgium appears as providing for support in case 
of invasion by Germany ; a purpose on the part of her powerful 
neighbor even then, as it seems, expected or suspected at Briis- 
aels. 

"And that is precisely what did happen in and to Belgium." 

Dr. Dernburg attempted to defend himself (132) say- 
ing that he "did not at all overlook that sentence in the 
1906 document that English troops are only to be landed 
in case of a German attack. He adds : "I mention it where 
I refer to the fact that in 1906 it had only been a con- 
certed action. The main point is that in the 1912 docu- 
ment there is no such qualification any more." (sic.) 

This flimsy excuse is dealt with as follows: (133) 

"Dr. Dernburg's interpretation of the conversations in 1906 
between the Belgian General Ducarme and the British military 
attache, Lieutenant- Colonel Barnardiston, was this: 



266 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

" 'They [the so-called secret papers] show that these conversa- 
tions were also held with Belgium; that the plans had been 
concerted to invade Belgium with an army of 100,000 men by 
way of three French ports — ^viz., Dunkirk, Calais and Boulogne 
— and that the British plans even considered a landing by way 
of the Scheldt, thus violating also the Dutch neutrality, 

" 'The documents, giving all the details as translated and show- 
ing that Belgian railway cars were to be sent to the named 
French ports in order to transport the British troops into Bel- 
gium, are dated from 1906.' 

"Let us put the case simply and fairly. These 'secret papers' 
have been widely advertised as affording evidence of a long 
concluded plot and purpose on the part of France or England, 
or both together, to violate Belgium's neutrality in order to 
reach and attack Germany, Belgium being a party to the plot. 
This has frequently been alleged by Germany's spokesmen in 
justification of Germany's actual violation of Belgium's neutral 
territory in order to reach the French frontier and attack 
France. 

"There was absolutely nothing in Dr. Dernburg's remarks 
introducing the 'secret documents to give any idea of their 
significance different from that just stated. He said: 

"The Imperial Chancellor has declared that there was irre- 
futable proof thait if Oerm>any d<id not march through Belgium 
her enemies would. This proof, as now ieincf produced, is of 
the strongest character. 

"Yet the 'secret' memorandum of 1906, as The Bim has 
pointed out, conclusively shows, in one sentence to which 
Dr. Dernburg failed to refer in any intelligible manner, that 
the purpose of the military understanding between Belgium and 
England was not to walk over Belgium's neutrality for the 
purpose of attacking Germany, but to help defend Belgium's 
neutrality and prevent Germany from walking over it in order 
to attack France. The sentence in question is this : 

"The entry of the English in Belgium would only take place 
after the violation of our neutrality 'by Germany. 

"This seems to settle the question of the intention of Eng- 
land's conversations with Belgium both in 1906 and in 1912. 
There is absolutely nothing in the second 'secret' document, 
presumably of 1912, indicating any purpose to attack Germany 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 267 

through Belgium except in case of a prior invasion of Belgium 
by Germany. 

"Unfortunately Dr. Dernburg failed to point out this most 
important passage of any of the documents. He left it for 
Tlie Sun to remedy his oversight. The estimable controversialist 
now says: 

" 'I did not at all overlook that sentence in the 1906 document 
that English troops were only to be landed in case of a Ger- 
man attack. I mention it when I refer to the fact that in 1908 
it had only been a concerted action.' 

"We cannot do less, in the spirit of fairness, than to repro- 
duce the paragraph in which Dr. Dernburg says he 'mentions' 
that which we have accused him of overlooking. Here it is. 
The ingenious reader may occupy himself in hunting for the 
'mention' : 

" 'The position of England was therefore that while in 1906 
they had already concerted plans for a joint action, in 1912 
England intended action in any case, should a European con- 
flagration break out.' 

"We find nothing more definite than this in the way of men- 
tion of the central fact. To add to our bewilderment over the 
workings of a mind in many respects both candid and acute 
Dr. Dernburg now adds this to his specifications of provocative 
behavior on the part of 'criminal' Belgium: 

" 'A breach of neutrality in the case of Belgium is shown by 
the repeated use of the term "allies" or "allied forces," meaning 
Belgium, France and England.' 

"Hypothetically allies, hypothetically allied forces, in case 
of military co-operation to resist a German invasion. Does Dr. 
Dernburg really expect the American people to believe that he 
believes that the use of the words in this sense constituted a 
'breach of neutrality' on Belgium's part, an offence against 
Germany justifying the punishment which Germany has — not 
hypothetically, but in awful reality — visited upon that imhappy 
nation ?" 

Another influential paper (134) wrote, after the ap- 
pearance of the documents in question : 

" 'We now let these Belgian documents speak for themselves' 



268 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

is the concluding sentence of Dr. Dernburg's plea in justification 
of Germany's violation of her treaty obligations. And they 
do speak for themselves; but they do not speak for Dr. Dern- 
burg. That gentleman, in the course of his 1,500 words, more 
or less, of introduction, has not a word to spare for the simple 
fact that the military arrangements discussed between a repre- 
sentative of the British army and a representative of the Bel- 
gian army related solely to what would be done 'in ease Bel- 
giimi should be attacked.' Special pleading, on the part of the 
official advocates of any belligerent, is to be expected; but there 
are limits beyond which special pleading becomes an insult to 
intelligence. Those limits are passed when the consideration of 
mieasures to be taken by one country in case a treaty is violated 
by another is deliberately declared to be proof that the first 
country herself was determined to commit the violation. And 
on no better basis than this does Dr. Dernburg rest the defence 
of Germany's crime against Belgium." 

Again, Dr. Dernburg tries to esenlpate himself by an- 
other letter, saying: "Yon find fault because you think I 
suppressed the sentence that English intervention was only 
to take place in case of a German breach of neutrality. 
This phrase is only in the 1906 document, and I said so." 

The reply was as follows: (135) 

"Dr. Dernburg, it is true, printed the document correctly, 
but did not himself 'say' anything about the critical sentence. 
He must be aware that, whatever the true interpretation of the 
conversation of Colonel Bridges in 1912, it was not binding on 
his Government. What the understanding of that Government 
was is made perfectly clear by the explicit statement of Sir 
Edward Grey in 1913. We print it here in full: 

(Copy of a dispatch from Sir E. Grey to H. M. Minister at 
Brussels. ) 

"Foreign Office, April 7, 1913. 

"'Sir: In speaking to the Belgian Minister to-day I said, 
speaking unofficially, that it had been brought to my knowledge 
that there was apprehension in Belgium lest we should be the 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 269 

first to violate Belgian neutrality. I did not think that this 
apprehension could have come from a British source. The Bel- 
gian Minister informed me that there had been talk in a British 
source, which he could not name, of the landing of troops in 
Belgium by Great Britain in order to anticipate a possible dis- 
patch of German troops through Belgium to France. I said 
that I was sure that this Government would not be the first 
to violate the neutrality of Belgium, and I did not believe that 
any British Government would be the first to do so, nor would 
public opinion here ever approve of it. What we had to con- 
sider — ^and it was a somewhat embarrassing question — ^was 
what it would be desirable and necessary for us, as one of the 
guarantors of Belgian neutrality, to do if Belgian neutrality 
wds violated by any Power. For us to be the first to violate 
it and to send troops into Belgium would be to give Germany, 
for instance, justification for sending troops into Belgium also. 
What we desired in the case of Belgium, as in that of other 
neutral countries, was that their neutrality should be respected, 
and as long as it was not violated by any other Power we 
should certainly not send troops ourselves into their territory. — 
I am, &c., 'E. Geey.' 

"It is certain that if England would not violate Belgian 
neutrality first, she would not do it at all, unless Germany set 
the example. Moreover, we would remind Dr. Dernburg that 
it is love's labor lost to argue in the United States about what 
Great Britain might have done, so long as we know what Ger- 
many did do. Her action was described by her own Chancellor 
as a violation of international law, and a breach of a solemn 
treaty. All the documents that may be dug up in the Belgian 
archives cannot rail the seal off that bond. 

"In his next study of 'Belgian documents' we hope that Dt, 
Dernburg will give us his exegesis of two that stand side by 
side in the Belgian official publication. On August 2 the Bel- 
gian Minister for Foreign Affairs asked the German Minister 
in Brussels if Belgium could still rely upon the former German 
official assurances that Belgian territory would not be invaded. 
Herr von Below said that 'we knew his personal opinion as to 
the feelings of security which we had the right to entertain 
towards our eastern neighbors.' Yet on the same day the same 
German Minister presented his demand that German troops be 
permitted to pass through Belgium, with the threat that, if 



370 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

permission was refused, 'Germany will be compelled to consider 
Belgium as an enemy'!" 

Before leaving this pliase of the Belgian question, it is 
well to note the admirable illustration it affords of the ca- 
pacity for mutual contradiction and self-contradiction of 
the German apologists. 

At the end of an editorial satirically entitled, "ISTews 
About Belgium," a daily paper (136) remarked: 

"Upon the main question of the violation of Belgium, a cor- 
respondent offers a very illuminating summary of the explana- 
tions and justifications offered. With his help we classify the 
pleas as follows: 

"The Imperial Chancellor — We committed a wrong, but neces- 
sity knows no law. 

"Count von Bernstorff — French aviators had flown over Bel- 
gium. 

"Grerman Professors — ^Another crime of English hypocrisy. 

"Professor Burgess, of Columbia. — Belgium had outgrown the 
'baby food' of neutrality guarantees. 

"Judge Grosscup — The neutrality treaty was not binding as 
a contractual obligation. 

"Professor Sloane, of Princeton — There never was a treaty. 

"Doctor Dernburg — Belgium violated her own neutrality. 

"Ex-Governor Pennypaeker — She stood in the middle of the 
street {i.e., in the way of traffic). 

"Maximilian Harden — Our critics can all go to h^ . 

"We find all of these more or less interesting, but we are 
frank to say that the last seems to vis the least offensive of 
the lot." 

It might have added: Dernburg (later), Belgian neu- 
trality expired in May, 1873. 

Henschel (a New York lawyer). The Treaty (of 1839) 
had "lost moral validity." 

There will doubtless be others forthcoming. But it is all 
too late. The world, with the evidence before it, has de- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 271 

cided. The jury of civilization has brought in its verdict. 
The court unfortunately lacks, for the moment, the phy- 
sical power to enforce its decree. But it will sanction no 
appeal. The moral stigma will remain until the crime has 
been followed by full expiation, and, if such expiation is 
involuntary, the stain will be indelible. 

But once more, in spite of unavoidable repetition, I want 
to make clear to Americans the best current American opin- 
ion upon this subject. My own arguments may not reach 
minds which would be open to another line of thought and 
expression. I may emphasize facts that to certain readers 
would seem unimportant and overlook others that to them 
would be conclusive. For that reason I give space to the 
editorial expression of an American paper (137), which 
presents the entire question for American consideration. 
It was headed "A ISTew and More Wicked Assault on Bel- 
gium." 

"During the splendid outpouring of Philadelphia's generosity 
in behalf of famine-stricken Belgium we received a letter' — 
anonymous, of course — bitterly denouncing this newspaper's 
editorial attitude on the war. Only one paragraph was worthy 
of preservation, because it struck a new note. Said the writer : 

" 'Why print all that slush about the Belgians, when you 
know, in spite of English lies, that they got what they deserved? 
If they are hungry, it is because they joined with Germany's 
enemies. . . . ' 

"At the time we regarded this singular utterance as a mere 
manifestation of rancor, due, in part, to the continued ill suc- 
cess of the German armies. But we have learned since that 
it was a symptom of one of the most remarkable changes of 
thought that have taken place since the war began. 

"Three months ago the German attitude toward Belgium, 
despite the sanguinary struggle, was marked by a certain 
formal chivalry. It was 'necessary,' according to the military 
code, to use the most ruthless methods of warfare; but these 
measures were adopted, it was said, with regret, and Belgium's 



272 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

heroic stand for her national integrity, while a costly mistake, 
was acknowledged to be just. The fullest possible reparation 
was publicly pledged by the imperial chancellor. 

"When it became clear, however, that Belgian resistance had 
wrecked the plan for a swift conquest of France, and partic- 
ularly when the German retreat from Paris became a definite 
fact, there was a marked change. 

"Belgium was denounced as an unscrupulous enemy, a nation 
unworthy of any fate but to be subjugated by brute force. A 
deliberate campaign was imdertaken not only to discredit her 
self-sacrificing patriotism, but to blacken her fame in the eyes 
of the world. 

"The German government has supplied the keynote for this 
chorus of defamation by issuing official statements charging 
that the Belgian government conspired with Great Britain to 
land British troops in Belgium in 1906 and with France to 
admit her forces to attack Germany. All the spokesmen for 
'Kultur,' from Dr. Bernhard Dernburg to the industrious 
writers of letters to the newspapers, ring the changes upon this 
theme with ever-increasing virulence. 

" 'Belgian neutrality was a myth,' says one. 'It was one 
sided, a threat against Germany,' says another. 'Belgium 
wanted war; she was a secret ally of England and France,' 
cries a third. German newspapers jeeringly ask why those 
two countries do not feed the victims of their 'perfidy.' They 
denounce Belgium as a dishonorable foe, that has earned the 
utmost rigors of humiliating conquest. With astounding hardi- 
hood, the representatives of imperialism now picture prostrate 
Belgium as the aggressor, and Germany as the victim of cruel 
injury. 

"This propaganda is so widespread and so determined that 
there is no doubt of its official inspiration. With character- 
istic efficiency, the German government and people have set out 
to destroy the image of heroism and sacrifice that exists in the 
minds of men, and to substitute therefor an image of craft 
and dishonor. 

"Germany is not yet through with crushed and bleeding Bel- 
gium. The flinging of bombs on sleeping homes, the leveling 
of cities, the exaction of vast tribute, the infliction of alien 
military rule, the driving of a million men and women and 
children into exile, the seizure of all food supplies from a desti- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 273 

tute people — these things are not enough. Belgium's martyr- 
dom must be mocked; she must be covered with reproach; she 
must be branded, in all her helplessness and despair, as a 
strumpet among the nations. 

"In the face of this campaign of calumny it becomes necessary 
to restate the facts. Happily, the records are plain, and are not 
to be obscured or distorted by all the sophistries of eloquent 
advocates. With as little editorial comment as possible we 
shall set down once more the record which in its main points 
is familiar to Americans. 

"During the Middle Ages and until the early part of the nine- 
teenth century Belgium was the battlefield of all the contending 
nations of central Europe, and a dozen times the country was 
divided, reunited and passed from one alien rule to another. 
It was held at various times by Burgundy, by Austria, by 
Spain, by Austria again, and by France. After the fall of 
Napoleon it was incorporated with Holland. 

"The union was intensely unpopular, and in 1830 the Belgians 
won their independence by revolution. Thereupon 'perpetual 
neutrality' was imposed upon Belgium, not only by her own 
desire, but by formal treaty of Great Britain, France, Austria, 
Prussia and Russia. On June 26, 1831, these Powers signed a 
treaty providing: 

" 'Belgium shall form a perpetually neutral State. The five 
Powers guarantee her that perpetual neutrality, aa well as the 
integrity and inviolability of her territory. 

" 'By just reciprocity Belgium shall be held to observe this 
same neutrality toward all the other States, and to make no 
attack on their tranquility, whilst always preserving the right 
to defend herself against any foreign aggression.' 

"The guarantee of neutrality was distinct and unequivocal, 
as was the obligation of Belgium to observe the condition. But 
eight years later the solemn pact was renewed. Holland then 
for the first time recognized Belgium's independence, and a new 
treaty between the two countries was signed on January 23, 
1839, providing: 

" 'Belgium shall form an independent and perpetually neutral 
State. She is obligated to preserve this neutrality against all 
the other States.' 

"Here was stated in still clearer terms the duty of Belgium 

18 



274 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

not only to observe neutrality, but to 'preserve' it — to defend it. 
And once more the treaty was placed under the solemn, formal 
guarantee of Britain, France, Austria, Prussia and Russia. 

"Belgian neutrality, in the joint keeping of herself and of 
the great Powers, was not seriously questioned for more than 
thirty years. The Franco-Prussian war of 1870 raised the first 
fears ; but Great Britain procured from each of the belligerents 
a formal engagement not to trespass upon Belgian territory. 
Moreover, the Belgian minister in Berlin obtained this positive 
assurance from Bismarck, reaffirming the old treaties : 

"'Berlin, July 22, 1870. — In confirmation of my verbal 
assurances, I have the honor to give in writing a declaration 
which, in view of the treaties in force, is quite superfluous, that 
the Confederation of the North and its allies will respect the 
neutrality of Belgium, on the imderstanding, of course, that it 
is respected by the other belligerents.' 

"Belgium herself was so scrupulously careful in observing 
her obligations that she forbade her people to supply arms and 
ammunition to either belligerent, as they had a legal right to 
do; and she further refused to permit France even to send her 
wounded troops homeward across Belgian territory. 

"The first assault upon her neutrality was made by Germany, 
one of the signatories to the treaties of 1831 and 1839. On 
August 2d last, without the slightest warning, she delivered to 
Belgium an ultimatum demanding passage for her armies across 
Belgium in order to attack France. 

"This, which would have made Belgium an ally of Germany 
against France, and would have been an utter betrayal by Bel- 
gium of her obligations to preserve neutrality, was described 
by Germany as 'an attitude of friendly neutrality.' The alter- 
native she offered was war, followed by annexation. 

"Belgium's reply, destined to become one of the noted docu- 
ments of history, refuted the invention that France was pre- 
paring to invade her territory, and said: 

" 'Moreover, if the country's neutrality should be violated by 
France, Belgium would fulfill her international duties, and her 
army would oppose a most vigorous resistance to the invader. 

" 'The treaties of 1839, confirmed by the treaties of 1870, per- 
petuate Belgium's independence and neutrality under the guar- 
antee of the Powers, and especially under the guarantee of the 
government of his majesty the king of Prussia (the Kaiser). 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 275 

" 'Belgium has always faithfully observed her international 
obligations; she has fulfilled her duties in a spirit of loyal im- 
partiality; she has neglected no opportunity to maintain her 
neutrality and to cause it to be respected by others. 

" 'The attack upon her independence with which Germany 
menaces her is a flagrant violation of the law of nations. The 
Belgian government, by accepting the propositions mentioned, 
would sacrifice its national honor and betray at the same time 
its duty toward Europe. Conscious of the r6le which Belgium 
has played for more than eighty years in the civilized world, it 
refuses to believe that its independence can be preserved only 
at the price of a betrayal of its neutrality.' . . . 

"Those who are now defaming Belgium as a plotter against 
Germany make two allegations. The first is that used by the 
chancellor — that 'France was ready to invade Belgium.' The 
utter mendacity of this plea is shown by two facts. First, 
France offered five army corps to Belgium to defend her neu- 
trality, after the German ultimatum had been given, but Bel- 
gium answered: 

" 'We are sincerely grateful to the French government for 
offering eventual support. In the actual circumstances, however, 
we do not propose to appeal to the guarantee of the Powers.' 

"Second, it is a matter of record that France was so little pre- 
pared to invade Belgium that it took her more than, ten days 
to get her troops into the country. 

"The other defense offered by the German government is that 
in 1906 military representatives of the British government ten- 
tatively discussed with the Belgian authorities arrangements 
for landing a British expedition in Belgium in case her neu- 
trality should be attacked. 

"If such action was taken, of course it refiects credit upon 
both governments ; for it shows that Britain was ready to make 
sacrifices to defend the neutrality she had sworn to uphold, 
while Germany was ready to repudiate her solenm word in order 
to violate that neutrality. 

"And how well prepared Germany was for her perfidious 
action is revealed in the existence of elaborate railway lines 
traversing the sparsely populated territory near the Belgian 
border, with immense yards at the very frontier designed for 
the handling of troop trains and no other purpose whatsoever. 



276 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"The invasion of Belgium was not an enterprise suddenly 
forced upon Germany by any menace from France or England. 
It was an act long before calculated and prepared for with 
deliberate purpose and minute efficiency. 

'"In the face of this record, German advocates express plain- 
tive surprise that throughout the world there is much hostility 
to their cause. The fact is that when the imperial troops 
crossed the Belgian frontier Germany placed herself morally in 
the position of an international burglar — a measure which 
would seem to require an extreme skill to justify. 

"To a certain extent, the desperate nature of the expedient 
was mitigated by the straightforward expressions of regret and 
pledges of reparation. But now these have been repudiated; 
and Germany is engaged in an organized campaign to defame 
the victim she wronged. 

"This is an offense far blacker than the invasion. Struck 
down xmder the plea of 'military necessity,' Belgium is to be 
• robbed even of her good name. The very corpse of the murdered 
nation is to be dishonored and mutilated." 

Wfth this admirable summary the case of Belgium 
may be dismissed, except for one eleventh-hour addition. 
On March 23, 1915, appears in the American papers the 
following statement from King Albert of Belgium, made 
to a representative of the "ISTew York World": 

"No one in Belgium ever gave the name of Anglo-Bel- 
gian conventions to the letter of General Ducarme to the 
Minister of War detailing the entirely informal conversa- 
tions with the British military attache, but I was so de- 
sirous of avoiding even the semblance of an5rfching that 
might be construed as unneutral that I liad the matters 
of which it is now sought to mal.e so much communicated 
to the German military attache in Brussels. When the 
Germans went through our archives they Jcneiv exactly 
what they would find, and all their present surprise and 
indignation are assumed." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR ?.Tl 

I venture to say, that if there is a conflict of testimony 
as to this matter, America will accept the word of King 
Albert 

It has been obTions in this country that the utter failure 
of "Truth About Germany" and other manifestos issued 
by ^'learned men," and by German university professors, 
to influence American opinion has been regarded with irri- 
tated amazement by the German sympathizers. 

They expected an American public to receive unques- 
tioningly statements handed down from a presumably lofty 
intellectual altitude. They disregarded the American char- 
acteristic of "wanting to know." Even the discovery that 
the formal appeals were based on sophisms, half-truths and 
actual falsehoods did not quite satisfy American curiosity. 

There still remained to be explained the circumstance 
that men who should be the reliable guides of the people, 
the standard-bearers of civilization, the expounders of in- 
ternational morals, could descend to the petty, illogical, 
evasive and untruthful endeavours which they have made, 
to bolster up a criminal cause and support a national ideal 
subversive of all ethical principles. 

The explanations have been many in number, but identi- 
cal in content. The following editorial (138) is selected 
for quotation partly by reason of its clearness and concise- 
ness, but also because its culminating argument is taken 
from the writings of the present Professor of Philosophy 
at the University of Berlin. 

"An explanation of the extraordinary zeal with which numer- 
ous eminent German professors have attempted to justify the 
course of their government in the great Euiopean war is to be 
found in the peculiar relations that exist between the university 
and the state in Germany — relations which are radically differ- 
ent from those that prevail in the United States. In the 



278 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

eighteenth century Grerman universities were state institutions, 
the purpose of which was mainly, if not solely, the training of 
officials for public service. Gradually, during the nineteenth 
century, the state control over internal affairs in the universi- 
ties relaxed, while the field of activity and the intellectual 
scope of these institutions broadened. The general govern- 
mental supervision, however, became more rather than less 
strict, until at the present time the control which the state 
exercises over the universities may fairly be called rigid. Pro- 
fessors in German universities are, in fact, state officials, ap- 
pointed, paid, and subject to discipline by the state. The fact 
that their salaries are supplemented by fees from those who 
attend certain lectures does not alter this well-recognized re- 
lation. 

"In the Kingdom of Prussia a particularly close relationship 
between the government and the universities has been estab- 
lished and firmly maintained; the sovereign himself appoints 
the full professors, the Minister of Education the assistant or, 
as the Germans prefer to call them, the extraordinary pro- 
fessors. The faculties may suggest the names of candidates, but 
the appointing power is at liberty to accept or reject these sug- 
gestions. Recent efforts to establish in Hamburg and in Frank- 
fort universities that should be free from the control of the 
state have been summarily suppressed; the Prussian Govern- 
ment has no intention of loosening its grip upon these useful 
institutions. 

"It follows from these conditions that a professor in a Ger- 
man university, being virtually a state official, occupies an 
enviable position of high dignity and of exceptional importance 
in the community. If the town in which the university is situ- 
ated is comparatively small, as with Gottingen, Bonn, Heidel- 
berg, or Wiirzburg, the position of a professor is all the more 
exalted. In all probability nobody, however rich he may be, 
can outrank him; and what this means to a people who value 
rank and titles as do the Germans need not be dwelt upon. 
University professors in Grermany, in truth, form one of the 
leading classes in the intellectual aristocracy of the empire. 
With the clergy, the judges, and other civil officials, the physi- 
cians and technologists, all, or practically all, university bred, 
they constitute a kind of official nobility. Only one thing — a 
commission in the army or navy — can relieve a man from the 



'A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 379 

necessity of having an academic education if he would be a 
member of this high order. 

•'These professors wield an enormous influence in shaping the 
character and in molding the opinions of the German people. 
By what subtle but effective means the state controls and regu- 
lates this influence whenever the occasion seems to require the 
exercise of such control was set forth by J. H. Morgan, Pro- 
fessor of International Law in the University of London, in a 
recent issue of the London Times: 

" 'In no country is the control of the government over the 
universities so strong; nowhere is it so vigilant as in Germany. 
Political favor may make or mar an academic career; the com- 
plaisant professor is decorated, the contumacious is cashiered. 
German academic history is full of examples. Treitschke, Sybel, 
even Mommsen, all felt the weight of royal displeasure at one 
period or another. The present Emperor vetoed the award of 
the Verdun prize to Sybel because in his history of Prussian 
policy he had exalted Bismarck at the expense of the Hohen- 
zollerns, and he threatened to close the archives to Treitschke. 
Even Mommsen had at one time to learn the steepness of alien 
stairs. On the other hand, no government recognizes so readily 
the value of a professor who is docile — he is of more value than 
many Pomeranian grenadiers. Bismarck invited Treitschke to 
accompany the army of Sadowa as a writer of military bulle- 
tins, and both he and Sybel were, after due caution, com- 
missioned to write those apologetics of Prussian policy which 
are classics of their kind.' 

"If, however, this evidence is in a measure discredited on 
account of its source, no such charge of prejudice will lie 
against Dr. Friedrich Pa,ulsen, Professor of Philosophy in the 
University of Berlin. In his book on 'German Universities,' 
in which the large freedom of learning and of teaching is em- 
phasized, Professor Paulsen had this to say of the influences to 
which professors in German universities are subjected: 'Origi- 
nally confined to political and military circles, the decorations, 
titles, and patents of nobility began to invade the academic 
world in the eighteenth century, and have multiplied to such 
an alarming extent during the nineteenth that they are almost 
in danger of losing their distinction.' Professor Paulsen thinks 
that there would have been no loss to the universities if these 
distinctions had been restricted to their original sphere — the 



380 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

diplomatic, political, and military world. The real object for 
which not infrequently they are bestowed is revealed in what 
he says later: 

" 'Or is it, perhaps, the purpose of these distinctions to en- 
courage professors to achieve political merit also? In that case 
the question would arise whether such a thing was compatible 
with their real vocation. In my judgment this question cannot 
be answered in the affirmative. If the problem is to acquire 
the freest and most impartial knowledge of the truth, and to 
lead others in the same direction, then, it seems to me, there 
can be no doubt that participation in politics and deferent re- 
gard for the views which the political powers happen to con- 
sider allowable or necessary will not enhance but will rather 
diminish the professor's capacity to realize this end. Even 
though the services of scholars who possess the public esteem 
may occasionally be desired by the political powers, it will be 
better for the academic world and the ideal peculiar to it if they 
be not rendered.' 

"Professor Paulsen does not seem to have much faith that 
the practice of bestowing these distinctions upon university 
professors will be stopped, for he closes the discussion of the 
subject with the somewhat cynical observation: 'Governments 
will not be wanting in future which are ready to offer such re- 
wards for services performed, nor will there be a dearth of 
hands stretched out to receive them.' 

"In the light of the foregoing is it to be wondered at that the 
professors in German universities are firm in the conviction that 
right as well as might is on the side of the Kaiser." 

If we go back a step farther in the analysis of motives 
for the extraordinary and surprising alignment of the 
German "In,telleetuals" on the side of wrong, we would 
find, I think, that one idea is common to them, to the 
Prussian autocrats and bureaucrats who control them, and 
to the German-American propagandists who more or less 
blindly follow them. It is the idea which, based on the 
theory that war is a ''biological necessity," leads logically 
to the conclusion reached by Major-General von Disfurth 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 281 

(p. 43) that any act committed in the carrying on of war 
is "a brave act and, fully Justified." This dictum would 
obviously include any means adopted either to win sym- 
pathy that would be useful to Germany, or to make trouble 
for unsympathetic "neutrals/' and thus lessen the chances 
of their harming Germany. Having reached this point 
even a "learned man" might not find it diflS.eult to regard 
sophisms, half-truths, or absolute falsehoods as "patriotic" 
expedients, analogous to the deceptions practiced by a 
military spy in the service of his country. 

Dr. Prince, in the paper already quoted from (p. 108), 
says forcibly as to this aspect of the matter: 

"One word regarding the so-called 'Intellectuals': Are we 
not compelled to believe it is owing to the unconscious influence 
of the German viewpoint that a large number of German imi- 
versity professors and others; distinguished in literature, science 
and learning, men of great personal probity and culture and 
hitherto commanding the respect of the intellectual world, have, 
in their aim to tell us 'The Truth about Germany' in that and 
other publications, sacrificed their intellectual honesty to the 
cause of the fatherland? 

"Are we not compelled to believe that it is from the German 
viewpoint that these intellectuals and, still more flagrantly, the 
organized political propagandists in this cotmtry, represented 
in the press by Dr. Dernburg, Dr. von Mach, Dr. Albert, Dr. 
Munsterburg and Mr. Ridder, all of whom we are glad to respect 
for their culture in other fields, have misrepresented facts of 
common knowledge relating to the causes of and responsibility 
for this war^ — have perverted the meaning of official dispatches 
and actions and motives of the governments of England and 
France and Belgium and Italy and Russia, and have sought, 
by the shallowest sophistries, to throw dust in the eyes of the 
public and gain the sympathy of the American people? 

"If one wishes to recall to mind examples, one need only 
think of the audacious assertion of the propagandists that Ger- 
many offered to make a new treaty with England to guarantee 
the neutrality of Belgium and that England refused — a reckless 



282 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

assertion without a single scrap of authoritative evidence; the 
sophistical assertion that England and France had already 
violated the neutrality ol Belgium before Germany did; that 
England and France intended to invade Belgium, thus forcing 
Germany to do so; the disingenuous argument and misrepresen- 
tation that Belgium had forfeited its own neutrality before the 
war ; that England claimed to declare war solely because of her 
treaty with Belgium without regard to her obligations to 
France ; that England wished for war and did not try to prevent 
it; the disingenuous claim that Germany strove to hold back 
Austria and maintain peace, and many other statements sim- 
ilar in kind. 

"By their publications the propagandists have been successful 
to a certain psychological and political extent; to a psycholog- 
ical extent in that they have undoubtedly presented to those 
who were already national sympathizers with the fatherland, 
to those who have the will to believe, a point of view by which 
they can justify to themselves, in spite of the facts, their belief 
in the justice of Germany's cause; to a political extent in that 
they have produced a solidarity among those who have the 
will to believe. 

"But to neutral Americans, the publicists, the diplomats, the 
historians, the jurists, the men of American universities, and 
the "man-in-the-street," who without previous affiliations and 
without previous national prejudices have studied for them- 
selves the facts as revealed in the official publications of the 
belligerent nations, all this prostitution of intellectual honesty 
must be destined to be useless." 

A minor and amusing instance of the lack of harmony 
among German apologists, who strive to pay attention even 
to trifles — if the trifles are supposed to influence American 
opinion — occurs in relation to the now famous German 
song, *'Deutschland iiber Alles." Dr. Dernburg translates 
the first line correctly, we believe — as '^Germany above 
Bverjrthing." Doctor Jastrow (139) translates it "Above 
Everything else, Germany," which, except for the pleon- 
astic "else," coincides with Dernberg's version. But Pro- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 283 

fessor Schuetze, of Chicago (140), bitterly berates Mr. 
Galsworthy, a distinguished Englishman, for translating 
the same line, "Germany Above Everything." Professor 
Schnetze says that this transforms it into a "jingo 
slogan/' and that the real meaning is: "Germany, Ger- 
many, dear to me above all things." That may be Pro- 
fessor Schnetze's meaning when he sings "Dentschland 
iiber Alias," but that it is implicit in the line itself can 
scarcely be maintained. Moreover, when Doctor Dern- 
burg and Doctor Jastrow sing it, they are obviously taking 
the "jingo slogan" view of its significance, — and then the 
Dernburg, Jastrow and Galsworthy translations are identi- 
cal ! Is it possible that, to the German mind, Dernburg and 
Jastrow are right, and Galsworthy wrong? It may be so. 
For eight long months the mental processes not only of the 
warriors, heroes, and War Lords of Germany, but also those 
of her statesmen, philosophers and theologians, have been 
the subject of unadmiring astonishment to the rest of the 
civilized world. But it should be noted, before dismissing 
the subject, that George Haven Putnam says (141) that, 
while in the past "Deutschland iiber Alles" has been sim- 
ply an expression of patriotic devotion; "under the war 
spirit, which has developed steadily since 1871 up to the 
outbreak in August, 1914, the term, "Deutschland iiber 
Alles" has (and very naturally) come to express the pres- 
ent war spirit of the Fatherland, a war spirit which, as 
openly avowed, is connected with the necessity of break- 
ing up the British Empire. 

Professor Schuetze should turn his attention, while he is 
on the subject of mistranslations, to Doctor Dernburg's 
rendering into English — again for the benefit of Americans 
— ^of the succeeding line of the same stanza. The "Schutz 
Tind Trutze," for which "her sons ever stand united," Doc- 
tor Dernburg translates: "Defense and Protection." Is 



284 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

there the slightest authority for softening "Trutze" into 
"protection" ? Would not "Defense and Defiance" be more 
in accord with both the root significance and the actual 
everyday meaning of "Trutze" ? Is not, for example, a 
"Trutz-und Schutz-Blindniss" an "offensive and defensive 
alliance" ? There could be no valid objection to Germany's 
singing about this, but why try to deceive us as to the mean- 
ing of her song ? 

Is it possible that the more accurate translation did not 
sufficiently harmonize with Dr. Dernburg's description of 
"Deutschland fiber Alles" as a "song of modesty" ? 

One may indeed be defiant when on the defensive, and 
even Modesty, when outraged, may not only ^'blush like 
scarlet" but also have "defiance in her eye." But the pic- 
ture of a shy, shrinking, blushing Germany singing 
"Deutschland fiber Alles" as, armed to the teeth, she deso- 
lates Belgium ; or even as, more peaceably, she practices the 
goose-step in the presence of her generals and field-mar- 
shals, seems to have elements of psychological confusion. 
Possibly Professor Mfinsterberg will help ns. 

The fact is that a convention of the German and Ger- 
man-American apologists for the purpose of deciding upon 
authorized versions of German, songs and speeches, should 
be held at once. After that, perhaps, we would not find 
that the Imperial Chancellor's speech to the Eeichstag had 
been "mistranslated," or that the Chancellor had been 
"misrepresented," although, by his silence under world- 
wide criticism, he would seem to have thought himself cor- 
rectly reported. 'Not would we have our Department of 
State officially announcing that Germany had, in a com- 
munication, denied the "intention" to "seek expansion in 
South America," while Doctor Dernburg transforms the 
same document into a "solemn declaration . . . fully 
to respect the Monroe doctrine," 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



285 



There are at hand many more examples of the contra- 
dictory and clumsy attempts of the German protagonists 
to prepare their output for a supposed American market. 
On their wares, the customary label, "Made in Germany," 
might now well be replaced by one reading: "Made for 
America." 

In following this subject of German inconsistencies and 
German falsehoods further, it seems impossible to ignore 
Dr. Dernburg. Whenever I think I have finished with 
him I find something new. He is entitled to head the fol- 
lowing summary, even at the risk of repetition. It does not 
eeem right not to call attention to the fact that during his 
meteoric career in this country he has made the following 
statements, which may perhaps be most easily contrasted 
with the facts by means of parallel columns : 



THE GEKMAN APOLOGISTS. 
Deenbueg : 

The Treaty of Neutrality ex- 
pired May, 1872. 

"Belgium violated her own 
neutrality" [in spite of its hav- 
ing already expired]. 



"The German Government 
sent ... a solemn declara^ 
tion to the Department of State 
that, whatever happened, she 
would fully respect the Monroe 
Doctrine." 



The "secret documents" dis- 
covered at Brussels establish 
the "guilt" of Belgium and her 
"criminal" intent to break the 
treaty of neutrality [non-exist- 
ent according to Dr. Dernburg, 



THE TRUTH. 

The treaty has been continu- 
ously in force since 1839. Bel- 
gium obeyed both the letter and 
the spirit of the treaty in re- 
sisting the German invasion. 



"The instructions of Germany 
to von Bernstorff were to deny 
that Germany intends to seek 
expansion in South America" 
{U. S. Department of State). 



"Instead of plotting for con- 
certed action with England and 
France to procure the violation 
of her own neutrality in antici- 
pation of Germany's movements, 
Belgium appears as providing 



286 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



it must be remembered], as 
shoMm by "alliances" or by 
"concerted plans with the Eng- 
lish and French Governments." 



for support in case of invasion 
by Germany; a purpose on the 
part of her powerful neighbor 
even then (1906), as it seems, 
expected or suspected at Brus- 
sels. And that is precisely what 
did happen in and to Belgium." 
(142) 



"Only the prompt action at 
Lifege that put this important 
railway center, commanding the 
railway connection to France 
and Germany into German 
hands, prevented the English 
landing and invading Belgium." 



"We," i. e., the German Gov- 
ernment, "have been able to 
spend as much as $250,000,000 
a year to take care of our work- 
men, giving them a compulsory 
insurance against old age, pen- 
sioning widows, and providing 
for orphans." (143) 



"It is impossible to conceive 
how the taking of Lifege 'pre- 
vented the English from landing 
and invading Belgium.' . . . 
The fact is that Lifege was taken 
a long time before the British 
troops arrived at Calais, and it 
is still to-day in the hands of 
the Germans, without in the 
least interfering with the ar- 
rival of British reinforcements 
in France." (The Belgian 
Minister to the United States.) 



The employers, not the Gov- 
ernment, pay $14,000,000, the 
workmen $125,000,000, and the 
Government about $20,000,000, 
including the expense of the 
Imperial Insurance oifice. (144) 



"She," Germany, "has waged 
no war of any kind, has never 
acquired a territory in all her 
existence except by treaty and 
with the consent of the rest of 
the world. . . . She never 



History records the annexa- 
tion of Hanover, the appropria- 
tion of Sehleswig-Holstein, the 
German participation in the 
partition" of Poland, the theft of 
Silesia, the forcible seizure of 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



287 



was aggressive 
body." (145) 



toward any- 



Alsace and Lorraine, and, re- 
cently, the transformation of 
Belgium into a "glorious Ger- 
man province." 



"I dare say there were not 
twenty of the works of any one 
of these in the hands of Amer- 
icans outside of clubs and pub- 
lic libraries" before the begin- 
ning of the war (attempting to 
belittle the influence of Bern- 
hardi, Treitschke and Nietz- 
sche). (146) 



Two booksellers in Philadel- 
phia had sold before the war be- 
gan nearly five himdred copies 
of the books of these writers, 
i. e., about 100 per cent, more 
than Dernburg asserted to be 
owned by private individuals in 
the whole United States. 



General Bernhardi "was re- 
tired from the service just be- 
cause his writingSi and sayings 
did not meet with the approval 
of his superiors." Nov. 21, 1914. 
(147) 



Treitschke's "conferences were 
mainly attended on account of 
his refined rhetoric." (148) 

[In this effort to belittle 
Treitschke at this juncture 
Dernburg is joined by Munster- 
berg, Hilprecht, and other Ger- 
man-American apologists. Kid- 
der says he is "regarded by 
Germans as a man. . . . who 



This statement rests, so far 
as I know, on Dr. Dernburg's 
unsupported assertion. He has 
been publicly asked to prove it. 
He has not done so. But on 
March 14th there appears in 
American papers an article 
"written by the express permis- 
sion of the Kaiser," and signed : 
"Friedrich von Bernhardi, Gen- 
eral of Cavalry up to Dec. 31, 
1914." 



"Treitschke's role in all this 
education for war of the Ger- 
man peoples has been that of 
the man who has prostituted 
history in the interests of arma- 
ment firms. ... It waa 
Treitschke who really began, 
even before 1870, the educa- 
tional campaign of the intellec- 
tual class, and he has been its 



288 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAB 



was incapable of true sympathy 
with their racial aspirations." 
(149) Jastrow speaks of him 
as "a man named Treitschke." 
(150) 



Namur is on the German 
frontier; Antwerp is at the 
mouth of the Rhine; Li&ge con- 
trols the landing and entry of 
the English. 



"Deutschland iiber Alles is a 
song of modesty," and "Sehutz 
und Trutz" means "Defense and 
Protection." 



most fanatic, as well as its most 
popular, exponent." (151) 



Namur is many miles from 
the German frontier; Antwerp 
is many miles from the mouth 
of the Rhine ; Liege has as much 
to do with the control of the 
French and Belgian Coast as 
has Camden, New Jersey. 



"Sehutz und Trutz" means 
'Defense and Offense." 



"We do not believe in incor- 
porating in our Empire any 
parts of nations that are not of 
our own language and race." 
(152) 



"Germany is a 'democracy,' 
directed by the most liberal bal- 
lot law that exists, even more 
liberal than the one in use in 
the United States." (153) 



What of the Poles, the Sile- 
sians, the Danes (of Schleswig- 
Holstein), the French of Alsace- 
Lorraine, the Belgians? 

But perhaps he meant to 
speak only for the future, 
only "When Germany Wins." 
(p. 23) 



"The Prussian system makes 
universal suffrage a farce." ( Dr. 
Oberholtzer.) (See pp. 148-54) 



Just as we have found no misstatement too large or too 
grave to be employed in the task of deceiving the American 
people, from the misquotation of a treaty to the re-writing 
of an Imperial Chancellor's speech, so we further find that 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 289 

no deception is too petty or too trivial — wiiether it is a mia- 
location of a city, or a mistranslation of a song — to be 
attempted if, thereby, a single pro-German argument can 
be strengthened, or an anti-German sentiment combated. 

But it is not necessary to confine oneself to Dernburg. 
He must still figure in any investigation into the credibility 
of the German apologists, as, since his arrival in America — 
perhaps, as a detail worked out through his country's won- 
derful "efficiency" — there has been almost complete silence 
on the part of many who were previously heard from on 
every street corner. It would almost seem as if he brought 
with him commands which have been meekly obeyed, even 
by the formerly vociferous German-American editors and 
speech-makers, exchange professors, psychologists and 
archaeologists. To be sure the example set them at about 
the same time by the "learned men" of Germany, in their 
manifesto to this country (p. 253) must have been strongly 
deterrent. Their subsequent silence may, therefore, have 
been merely coincidental with the Dernburg irruption. But 
I ha'e ma doots ! At any rate, I am truly sorry that they 
stopped. They would have saved some of us — who are in- 
clined to be controversial — much trouble if they had con- 
tinued, as they were rapidly transforming the original sen- 
timent of the country, which might be described as sym- 
pathy for the Allies, with dislike for German aims and 
methods, into contempt and overpowering repugnance for 
German aims and methods, with constantly increasing sym- 
pathy for the Allies. 

Early in the war, i. e., last August and September, most 
of my friends who thought as I did, described themselves 
as "pro-AlKes." To-day, they are more apt to say they are 
"anti-German." For this, thanks are largely due to the 
German and German-American apologists. 

19 



390 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



The German Ambassador to 
the United States, Count von 
Bernstorflf, deserves particular, 
if brief, mention, by reason of 
his official position. 

Bernstorff, in a communica- 
tion to the State Department, 
on December 8, 1914, said: 

"The Union Metallic Car- 
tridge Company, Bridgeport, 
Conn., has, on Oct. 20th, secured 
through Mr. Frank O. Hoag- 
land a patent for a 'mushroom 
bullet.' It has been ascertained 
from a reliable source that since 
October 8,000,000 cartridges, 
made according to this patent, 
were sent by the above-men- 
tioned firm to Canada for use in 
the British Army. No outside 
sign distinguishes these bullets 
from ordinary ammunition, so 
that the soldier who uses them 
does not know that he is using 
dumdum bullets." 



In reply, the Remington 
Arms Union Metallic Cartridge 
Company wrote him under date 
of December 10th: 

"From the date of the origi- 
nal application for the patent 
up to the date of the second ap- 
plication only 117,470 of these 
cartridges were manufactured ; 
8,000 of these are still in stock, 
and not one has been manufac- 
tured since the date the second 
application was filed; so it ia 
hardly necessary for me to point 
out how absurd is the statement 
that we have sold 8,000,000 of 
them. The cartridge, as above 
mentioned, is purely a sporting 
one, used in hunting big game 
only, and could not be used in 
any of the military rifles used 
by any of the foreign powers. 

"All of these statements can 
be substantiated, and we are 
ready to give you the evidence 
that you may require on this 
point. The charge made by you 
is so serious and your own posi- 
tion as Ambassador is of such 
conspicuous importance at the 
present time that we feel it de- 
volves upon you either to re- 
tract the charge as publicly aa 
you are said to have made it, or 
to avail yourself of the right to 
ascertain the facts for yourself. 

"Yours very truly, 
"Remington Arms-Unton Me- 

TAixio Cartridge Company, 
"S. F. Pryob, 
"Vice-Pres. and Gen. Mgr. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



291 



"The British Government has 
already denied that soft-nosed 
or dumdum bullets are being 
used by its troops." 

At this writing I have not 
seen the German Ambassador's 
reply. 

As pertinent to this whole matter of the credibility of 
the friends of Germany who are seeking' to influence Amer- 
ican public opinion, I beg to submit in parallel columns 
extracts from an "Oration" of von Bernstorff's, made be- 
fore the American Academy of Political and Social 
Science, on JSTovember 9, 1909, and extracts from "The 
Evolution of Modern Germany," by William Harbutt Daw- 
eon, London, T. Fisher Unwin, 1908. The "oration" was 
innocently copyrighted in 1910 by the American Academy. 



Beenstorff, 1909: 

Impartial students of Ger- 
many's position will find them- 
selves confronted by economic 
facts which alone sufficiently 
explain why Germany has to 
turn its attention to the expan- 
sion of its influence abroad, 
(p. 11.) 



Dawson, 1908: 

The candid student of Ger- 
many's position finds himself 
confronted by economic facts 
which alone sufficiently explain 
why Germany is to-day turning 
its attention with increasing 
urgency to the expansion of its 
infiuence abroad. (pp. 335- 
336.) 



The question which these 
facts raise is primarily eco- 
nomic: how will this large pop- 
ulation be employed; how will 
it live? (p. 11.) 



The questions which these 
facts raise are, of course, pri- 
marily physical and economic. 
Where will this large popula- 
tion live; how will it be em- 
ployed; how will it be fed? 
(p. 336.) 



392 



A TEXT-BOOK OP THE WAR 



I cannot but think that if this 
fundamental fact of Grennany's 
enormous annual increase of 
population were intelligently 
grasped, much of the unfortu- 
nate polemic to which my coun- 
try's industrial expansion still 
gives rise in certain quarters 
would be moderated, (p. 11.) 



One cannot but think that if 
this fundamental fact of Ger- 
many's enormous annual in- 
crease of population were intel- 
ligently grasped, much of the 
unfortunate polemic to which 
that country's industrial expan- 
sion still gives rise in certain 
quarters would be moderated, 
(p. 338.) 



Between a present national 
ratio of 300 persons per square 
mile and the ratio of Saxony, 
Rhineland and Westphalia, 
there is a difference which rep- 
resents a population of some 
forty millions, and within that 
limit there is clearly a very con- 
siderable capacity for expan- 
sion. This expansion can, how- 
ever, only be on industrial and 
not on agricultural lines. 



Between a present national 
ratio of 300 persons per square 
mile and the ratio of the West 
of Prussia there is, however, a 
difference which represents a 
population of some forty mil- 
lions, and within that limit 
there is clearly a very consider- 
able capacity for expansion. 
This expansion will, however, 
be on industrial and not on ag- 
ricultural lines. 



The discoverer of this literary theft (154) gives many 
references to similar plagiarisms in this oration, not 
only from Dawson's book, "The Evolution of Modern Ger- 
many," but also — ^by proxy — from Dr. Paul Eohrbach 
("Deutschland unter den Weltvolkern"), from whom Mr. 
Dawson had quoted, with due credit, but who receives "no 
credit or mention from Count von Bernstorff, his com- 
patriot." Another fellow German, Professor E. Paulsen, 
is similarly used, word for word, but also without the 
slightest acknowledgement. The writer adds: "We must 
contrast Mr. Dawson's moderate and generous treatment 
of Germany, rising at times to the dignity of chivalry. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 293 

with, the fashion in which the Ambassador uses the Eng- 
lishman's material to further his own spiteful innuendo 
against England. Kot only does he annex statements of 
facts, but he offers as his own Mr. Dawson's carefully 
argued opinions upon questions of German domestic poli- 
tics, or else he first uses the original author's words, and 
then substitutes his own deductions." 

And this plagiarist is the person who has undertaken a 
portion of the self-imposed German duty of instructing 
this country as to the ethics of "neutrality," and the 
morals of warfare ! 

I am sorry that the hope expressed by the chief victim 
of the piracy, Mr. Dawson, has been shown to be fruitless. 
Mr. Dawson wrote : (ibid) 

"I prefer to leave the matter to public, and especially to lit- 
erary, opinion, only adding the expression of a hope that the 
Count's ideas of literary integrity will not be reflected in his 
further activities either as an exponent of Germany or a critic 
of British political history and diplomacy." 

THE GERMAN APOLOGISTS. THE TRUTH. 

The German Foreign Sec- The Kaiser — From an Order 

EETARY to the German Ambas- to his troops in East Prussia, 

sador in London, Aug. 4, 1914: Nov. 5, 1914: 

"Please dispel any mistrust "Thanks to the valor of my 

that may subsist on the part of heroes, France has been severely 

the British Government . . • punished. Belgium, which in- 

by repeating positively formal terfered with our attack, has 

assurance that even in the case been added to the glorious prov- 

of armed conflict with Belgium, inces of Germany." As The Sun 

Germany will, under no pretense says (Dec. 30, 1914): "As to 

whatever, annex Belgian terri- the question of the annexation 

tory." of Belgium by Germany in di- 

Dernberg, Nov. 21, 1914: "We rect repudiation of the unquali- 

have no ambitions of enlarg- fied pledge of August 4, that is 



294 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



ment in Europe or in America." a matter still in the lap of the 

gods." 



The Crown Peince, in an in- 
terview with von Wiegand, a 
United Press staff correspond- 
ent, Nov. 20, 1914: 

"The English papers have 
stated that I am a thief and 
that I have personally robbed 
and pillaged these French 
houses in which we have been 
forced to make our headquar- 
ters. Really — and I want you 
to tell me frankly — is it possible 
that intelligent people in Amer- 
ica can honestly believe such 
things of me? Can it be possi- 
ble that they believe me capable 
of stealing pictures, or art treas- 
ures, or permitting the looting 
of French homes?" 



It doe,^ seem incredible; but 
the statement may at least be 
contrasted with the following 
extract from a letter to the New 
York Nation, under date of 
Oct. 15, 1914: 

"During the recent battles of 
the Marne, the German Crown 
Prince, in command of his 
army, passed two nights in the 
Chateau de Baye. The state in 
which his visit left the unique 
collection of art objects made by 
the late Baron de Baye during 
remote explorations of twenty- 
eight years has been described 
by the Baroness: 

" 'All the niunerous glass 
cases in a gallery one hundred 
and fifty feet long were broken 
and pillaged. Arms and unique 
jewels and medals have been 
stolen; precious vases and chis- 
elled gold cups stolen; all the 
magnificent presents with which 
the Czar honored M. de Baye in 
remembrance of his art explora- 
tions in Russia, stolen also. In 
the special museum of 1812, ad- 
mirable icons, tapestries, minia- 
tures, and the like have been 
stolen. And souvenirs — the 
things dearest to the heart — 
have been taken with the rest. 
The rarest pieces of furniture 
and pictures had been boxed up. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



295 



with a choice that astonishes in 
a vandal ; but, in the precipitate 
retreat, the last cases were 
abandoned.' " 



Kev. Thomas C. Haix, Pro- 
fessor of Christian Ethics at 
Union Theological Seminary, 
N. Y.: 

"Frederick the Great sent us 
almost our salvation in Baron 
Steuben." 

In this statement he seems to 
have been preceded bj Mr. Bar- 
tholdt, the same Congressman ' 
who has been so active in trying 
to bring about legislation which 
would prevent the Allies from 
receiving supplies from this 
country. In it also he is fol- 
lowed by Mr. Henschel, of New 
York, who says, in his pamphlet, 
"War Hypocrisy Unveiled," 
that, "without the militarism 
of Baron Steuben, 'made in 
Germany,' and the land and 
naval militarism of France, it 
is doubtful if the American 
Colonies would have attained 
their independence." 



The Sun (Jan. 21, 1915), 
deals as follows with the Rev. 
Thomas C. Hall and the Steuben 
question : 

"That the Rev. Thomas C. 
Hall, professor of Christian 
ethics at Union Theological 
Seminary in this town, should 
wear his Order of the Crown, 
third class, with which he was 
decorated by the Emperor of 
Germany, with pride is a natu- 
ral and in no way discreditable 
circumstance; that he should 
defend to the best of his ability 
the present cause of a foreign 
land to which his affections are 
bound by strong ties of associa- 
tion is an incident neither ex- 
traordinary nor objectionable ; 
but that he should in the de- 
fence of Germany and castiga- 
tion of England misstate the 
history of his adopted country 
is at once unnecessary and im- 
pudent. Yet Professor Hall is 
guilty of this when he says: 

" 'Frederick the Great sent us 
almost our salvation in Baron 
von Steuben.' " 

The Sun continues by reciting 
that it had already convicted 
Bartholdt of this same misstate- 
ment by showing that Steuben 



296 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



came solely at the suggestion 
and solicitation of the French 
court and that Frederick the 
Great had nothing whatever to 
do with his coming. 



It adds; 



"That Professor Hall should seek by such means to 
support his argument is less easily pardoned than was 
Mr. Bartholdt's transgression. Professor Hall has en- 
joyed the widest educational advantages. He is an in- 
structor of young men, and he does not hesitate to set 
himself up as an instructor of the whole country. He 
has, in his professional capacity, ready access to all the 
authorities on any subject he discusses. He should be 
beyond the suspicion of misrepresentation. Particularly, 
as one who has imbibed at two great universities that 
German passion for facts of which we hear so much, he 
should hold such a perversion in intellectual scorn. 

"Even had Professor Hall not been influenced by such 
respectable considerations, why did he not reflect that 
one such false assertion must inevitably vitiate his whole 
plea and arouse distrust of even its most violent and 
abusive passages?" 

THE GERMAN APOLOGISTS. THE TRUTH. 

Here Albert (155) "For a Richaed Haeding Davis has 

German the fact that an oflacial described (157) his two visits 

communication is issued by the to Rheims and summarizes his 

army headquarters is proof article in a letter to the N. Y. 

suflBicient of its absolute truth Times: (158) 
to facts." 

Lieutenant Wengler, the Ger- "May I also, as evidence, tell 

man officer who directed the what I saw? I arrived at the 

shell-fire at Rheims, says : (156) cathedral at 3 o'clock on the 

"The French observer on the afternoon of the day Lieutenant 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAE 



297 



cathedral was first noticed on 
September 13. After that, tlie 
French artillery-fire became un- 
comfortably accurate. Eighty 
shells fell here in one day alone 
— killing only one cow. 

"The fellow continued 'on the 
job' quite shamelessly until the 
18th, when I aimed two shots 
at the cathedral, and only two. 
No more were needed to dislodge 
him. One, from a 15-centimeter 
howitzer, struck the top of the 
'observation-tower' ; the other, 
from a 21-centimeter mortar, hit 
the roof and set it on fire. I 
used both howitzers and mortars 
60 as to let the French know 
that we could shoot well with 
both kinds. I wanted to dis- 
lodge the observer with the least 
possible damage to the fine old 
cathedral, and the result shows 
that it is possible to shoot just 
as accurately with heavy artil- 
lery as with field artillery. The 
French also had a battery 
planted about 100 yards from 
the cathedral. It isn't there 
any more." 



Wengler says he fired two shells, 
one of which hit the observa- 
tion-tower and one of which set 
fire to the roof. Up to the hour 
of three, howitzer shells had 
passed through the southern 
wall of the cathedral, killing 
two of the German wounded 
inside, had wrecked the Grand 
Hotel, opposite the cathedral, 
knocked do\vn four houses im- 
mediately facing it, and in a 
dozen places tore up immense 
holes in the cathedral square. 
Twenty-four hours after Lieu- 
tenant Wengler claims he ceased 
firing, shells set fire to the roof 
and utterly wrecked the chapel 
of the cathedral and the arch- 
bishop's palace, which is joined 
to the cathedral by a yard no 
wider than Fifth Avenue; and 
in the direction of the German 
guns the two ishells fired by 
Lieutenant Wengler had already 
wrecked all that part of the 
city surrounding the cathedral 
for a quarter of a mile. . . . 

" 'Father,' he says, 'I can not 
tell a lie. I did it with only two 
shells.' . . . 

"Wengler says the only shells 
aimed at the cathedral were 
fired by him on the 18th, and 
that after that date neither he 
nor any other officer fired a shot. 
On the 22nd I was in the cathe- 
dral. It was then being shelled. 
I was with the Abb6 Chinot, 
Gerald Morgan, of this city, 
Captain Granville Fortescue, of 



398 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



Washington, and on the steps 
of the cathedral was Robert 
Bacon, our ex- Ambassador to 
France. 

"The 'evidence' of Lieutenant 
Wengler is a question of ver- 
acity. It lies between him and 
these gentlemen. I am content 
to let it go at that." 



Dr. Ludwig Fuuda (159) 
{The Fatherlcmd, N. Y.) says: 

"The Cathedral at Rheims has 
received but slight damage, and 
would not have been damaged 
at all had its tower not been 
misused by the French as an 
observation station. I would 
like to see the commander of an 
army who, for the sake of the 
safety of a historical monument, 
would forget the safety of the 
troops entrusted into his care!" 

"In another part of the same 
article, Dr. Fulda says: 'One 
should asstmie that he who has 
once been unmasked as a liar, 
therewith should have lost the 
blind confidence of the impar- 
tial in his future assertions." 



Hebe Hatzfeldt, Councillor 
of the German Embassy at 
Washington, writing ("for the 
Grerman Ambassador") to Mr. 
Herbert Welsh of Philadelphia: 

"You have apparently a false 
impression of our political insti- 
tutions and are not acquainted 
with the Constitution of the 
German Empire. Otherwise I 



Americans are familiar with 
the more detailed accounts of 
the irreparable damage to the 
ancient church, given separately 
and independently by Mr. Whit- 
ney Warren, Pierre Loti, and 
Mr. Richard Harding Davis. 
Dr. Fulda's statement as to the 
cathedral is demonstrably false; 
his remark as to liars, I must 
do him the justice to admit, is 
quite true. He should be re- 
garded as speaking with the 
authority of a specialist. 



Mr. Welsh's reply: (160) 
"It is a general impression 
among our people that, although 
the German Empire has its 
Congress, or Reichstag, com- 
posed of elected members, who 
measurably represent the popu- 
lar will, nevertheless, the domi- 
nating voting force of this body 
really centres in Prussia, and 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



299 



could hardly understand how 
you could speak of 'autocracy' 
or 'purely arbitrary form of 
government' in Germany. To 
use your own expression, every- 
body in our country has 'the 
right and the habit freely to ex- 
press himself on public ques- 
tions." 



that this section of Germany 
(an imperium in imperio) con- 
trols the rest of the empire, 
and is in turn controlled by the 
aristocratic military party of 
which the Kaiser is the resplen- 
dent visible head and the actual 
guiding hand. It is further our 
impression that he, for ultimate 
authority, either in the seen or 
unseen world, looks only to 
God. ..." 

"But if, in Germany as in 
these United States, everybody 
has the right and the habit 
'freely to express himself on 
public questions,' how do you 
account for the existence and 
the vigorous enforcement in 
Germany of laws against Use 
majeste, under which, as we are 
informed, persons are frequently 
punished by imprisonment for 
spoken or written words crit- 
ical of, or disrespectful toward, 
the Emperor? Such freedom of 
speech in this country is partic- 
ularly protected by a Constitu- 
tion, framed by our statesmen 
of the 18th century, who strug- 
gled for constitutional liberties 
against a British King. He was 
of German blood and partly by 
Hessian soldiers he sought to 
subject his transatlantic colo- 
nies to the tyranny of a per- 
sonal will so autocratic that, as 
you will remember, it finally 
ended in madness." 



300 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



To try to avoid tedium, I may vary this demonstration 
of the untrustworthiness of these gentlemen by contrasting 
their statements, not with the facts, but with other state- 
ments made by themselves or by their colleagues. I may 
begin with the most celebrated of all : 



IRRECONCILABLE GERMAN STATEMENTS. 



Voir Bethmann-Hollweg : 

August 4, 1914: "Our troops 
have occupied Luxemburg and 
perhaps are already on Belgian 
soil. Gentlemen, that is con- 
trary to the dictates of interna- 
tional law. . . . We were 
compelled to override the just 
protest of the Luxemburg and 
Belgian Governments. 
The wrong, I speak openly, that 
we are committing, we will 
endeavor to make good as soon 
as our military goal is reached" 
(speech to the Reichstag). 



Von BETHMAWN-HoiJiWEG: 

August 4, 1914: In conver- 
sation with Sir E. Goschen — 
used the now celebrated phrase, 
referring to the Belgian neu- 
trality question, about going to 
war "over a scrap of paper," 
His obvious meaning was that 
Great Britain in requiring Ger- 
many to respect the neutrality 
of Belgium, was going to make 
war just for a word, just for 
what he regarded as "a scrap 
of paper" i. e., was making a 
mountain out of a molehill. 



Debnbueg's version, November 
21, 1914: 

"What he said was that the 
neutrality of Belgium could not 
be respected, and that we were 
sincerely sorry that Belgium, a 
country that in fact had nothing 
to do with the question at issue 
and might wish to stay neutral, 
had to be overrun." (161) 



Von Bethmann-HoIiLWEG: 
January 20, 1915: 

"England drew the sword only 
because it believed its own in- 
terests demanded it. Jus-t for 
Belgian neutrality it would 
never have entered the war. 
That is what I meant when I 
told Sir William Goschen 'that 
for England 'the Belgian neu- 
trality treaty had only the value 
of a scrap of paper';" (162) 
That is, he (Von Bethmann- 
Hollweg), now tries to get the 
American public to believe that 
he meant the exact opposite of 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



301 



what lie said, and that it was 
Great Britain who really re- 
garded the neutrality of Bel- 
gium as a mere trifle. 



Von Bethmann - Houlweg — 
Statement to the Americans, 
September 2, 1914: (163) 
"Contrary to all international 
law the whole civilian popula- 
tion of Belgium was called out 
and, after having at first shown 
friendliness, carried on in the 
rear of our troops terrible war- 
fare with concealed weapons." 

The Kaiser to President Wil- 
son: 

"I solemnly protest to you 
against the way in which this 
war is being waged by our op- 
ponents. 

"The Belgian Government has 
openly incited the civil popula- 
tion to participate in the fight- 
ing and has for a long time 
carefully organized their resist- 
ance. The cruelties practised in 
this guerilla warfare 
were such that eventually the 
generals were compelled to 
adopt the strongest measures to 
punish the guilty and frighten 
the blood-thirsty population" 
(September 4, 1914). See Chap- 
ter IV. 

Gerhart Hauptmann, to Ro- 
main Rolland, October 11, 1914: 



A German Military Procla- 
mation circulated in those 
parts of the Eastern Prussian 
Provinces, which were invaded 
by the Russian Army. Novem- 
ber 15, 1914. 

"When the enemy crosses the 
frontiers of Imperial Germany 
there ensues a struggle of na- 
tional defence in which all 
methods are permissible. It is 
the duty of every man capable 
of bearing arms to stem the in- 
vasion and harass the enemy till 
he retires. The whole popula- 
tion must take up arms to keep 
the enemy always in a state of 
unrest, to seize his ammunition, 
to stop his food supplies, to 
capture his scouts, to destroy 
by any means whatsover his am- 
bulance and field hospitals, and 
to shoot him down during the 
night. 

"The men of the Landsturm 
who perform such duties should 
not wear uniforms, because by 
retaining their civilian dress 
they are less conspicuous and 
thus are in a better position to 
attack the enemy unawares." 
(164) (See p. 468.) 



302 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



" 'The peaceful passage of 
German troops . . was 

refused by Belgium.' The Bel- 
gium Government then organ- 
ized an unparalleled guerilla 
warfare, in order to cover its 
indefensible position, and by 
that act . . . struck the 
terrible key-note of the conflict." 
(165) 



MUNSTEEBEBG : 

"The Southern peoples are 
children of the moment; the 
Teutonic live in the things 
which lie beyond the world; in 
the infinite and the ineffable." 



The Neio York Staats Zeit- 
ung, (1905), edited by Herman 

ElDDER: 

"One of the most acute and 
even prophetic criticisms of a 
Prussian policy which brought 
about a war imperiling the 
foundations of society, and shak- 
ing even the re-enforced concrete 



DeIxBBUCK : 

"Only to the powerful does 
power accrue, and in this bid 
for power lies hidden a deep 
moral law. That nation which 
possesses the power of self-con- 
trol to limit its daily pleasures 
in order to accumulate national 
sinews of war; which, to put 
it crudely, would rather drink 
a little less heer and smoke a 
few less cigars in order to pro- 
cure more guns and ships, that 
nation at the same time ac- 
quires the right to assert its 
individuality and to bequeath 
the mental assets which it has 
now for itself in the course of 
centuries to its one people and 
to humanity. 



New York Staats Zeitung, 
September 26, 1914. Edited by 
Herman Riddee: 

"Germany has always been a 
good and just neighbor to Bel- 
gium as well as to the other 
small powers, such as Holland, 
Denmark and Switzerland, 
which England in her place 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



303 



upon which some continental 
thrones are based, is here sub- 
mitted : 

" 'If Germany to-day in gen- 
eral is unbeloved, and is able so 
easily to become suspected, the 
first and principal reason for 
this is the provocative activity 
of the Pan-Germans, their vain- 
glory and their mania for treat- 
ing other powers with mortify- 
ing insolence. When they 
complain about the agreement 
between France and England 
they should not forget that their 
unmeasured enmity against 
Great Britain has driven that 
country into the arms of 
France. The Pan-Germans 
should begin by criticizing them- 
selves. They are a small min- 
ority, but they understand how 
to exert a kind of personal in- 
fluence over the German people 
which any day might prove 
itself in the highest degree 
fatal.' 

"It is all true, every word 
of it. Events have justified it. 
It wag written by an authority 
on the subject whose opinion 
will not be questioned. It may 
be found in the editorial files 
of The New York Staats Zeittmg 
of nine years ago. 

"If those files are not avail- 
able at the office of that paper, 
the Library of Congress file is 
within reach." (166) 



would have swallowed up one 
and all long ago. 

"England aims at being mis- 
tress of the old world in order 
to occupy either an equal, or a 
menacing position toward the 
new world, as circumstances 
may dictate. For this purpose 
she has encouraged this war. 
The German federated states of 
Europe are defending themselves 
with might and main, and are 
coimting in this struggle for 
existence on the good will of 
the United States of America, 
for whose citizens they cherish 
the friendliest feelings, as they 
have proved at all times. All 
Americans who have visited 
Germany will surely bear wit- 
ness to that effect." 



304 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



Dernburg: (167) 

"I do not consider it wise, 
nor. I believe, do the leading 
people of my country, for Ger- 
many to take any European 
coimtry." 

On pp. 24, 27, 28 will be 
found summaries of what he. 
Prof. Hseckel, and Rudolf Mar- 
tin, ex-Minister of the Interior 
do "consider wise." It is in 
direct contradiction of the above 
statement. 



Maximilian Harden, editor 
of the Zukunft: 

"From Calais to Antwerp, 
Flanders, Limburg, Brabant, to 
behind the line of the Meuse 
forts — Prussian! . . . The 
Southern angle with Alsace and 
Lorraine — and Luxemburg too, 
if it desires — to be an indepen- 
dent federated state." 

"If, 'the spirit back of the 
war,' must, it will, conquer new 
provinces for the majesty of the 
whole German spirit." 

"We need land, free roads, 
into the ocean." 

Professor Forel in an open 
letter to the Journal de Geneve, 
addressed to Professor Haeckel, 
sums up some of the opinions of 
some of the "leading people" of 
Dr. Dernburg's country. He 
says: (168) 

"You assert there that it is 
a necessity to occupy London, 
to divide Belgium between Ger- 
many and Holland, that Ger- 
many had to get the Kongo 
State as well as a great part of 
the British colonies, the north 
coast of France, and the Baltic 
provinces. Your colleagues, 
Juliusberg, Ostwald, and oth- 
ers, demand moreover that 
the German Kaiser had to be 
elected President of the future 
United States of Europe, and 
the lead in military matters has 
to be given entirely into the 
hands of Germany. Your col- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



305 



Dernbubq writes of modem 
democracies "and especially the 
German one, which is directed 
by the most liberal ballot law 
that exists, even more liberal 
than the one in use in the 
United States." (169) 



Von BETHMANN-HoLLWEa ( ad- 
dressing the American people) 
— "Belgium plotted with Eng- 
land and France in 1906 to dis- 
regard her obligations of neu- 
trality." 



Dernbueg (August, 1914) : 
"It deeply distresses us to see 
two highly civilized nations — 
England and France — joining 
the onslaught of autocratic 
Russia. . . . Russia's atti- 
tude alone has forced us to go 
to war with France and with, 
their great ally." (171) 



leagues, Onken and Lenz, treat 
the small States with the 
utmost contempt, declaring 
them to be inferior and par- 
asites, only worthy of annexa- 
tion." 



MtJNSTEBBERG (170) says: 
"There is no room in Ger- 
many for a President. The 
idea of a president is that he 
draws his power from the will 
of millions of individuals. Ihe 
idea of the Emperor is that he 
is the symbol of the State as a 
whole, independent of the will 
of the individuals, and there- 
fore independent of any elec- 
tions." 



Hans Delbbuok (addressing 
the American people: 

"Belgium joined the Allies 
because, when the coalition 
came (two against seven) 'they 
considered that side to be the 
strongest.' " 



Dernbueg, (172) November 
21, 1914: "England was 
being outstripped commercially 
by Germany and therefore 
'faced the alternative of 
. , . being one industrious, 
less luxurious, and more pains- 
taking — or of fighting. But 
England was not accustomed to 
doing her own fighting, save 
vnth her fleet. The other fel- 
lows . . . could fight her. 
. . . This is the real expla- 



20 



306 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



MtJNSTEKBERG: "It wos the 
moral right of France to make 
use of any sort of German em- 
barrassment for recapturing its 
military glory by a victory of 
revenge. And it was the moral 
right of England to exert its en- 
ergies for keeping control of the 
seas and for destroying the com- 
mercial rivalry of the Germans. 
No one is to be blamed." (173) 



Pbofessob Adolph Lasson: 
"We are morally and intellec- 
tually superior beyond all com- 
parison, as oiir organizations 
and our institutions." 



Deenbtteg : "We have no am- 
bitions of enlargements in Eu- 
rope or in America." (175) 



FlFTT-THREETJNIVERSITrES and 
THIETZ-TWO HUNDEED PeoFES- 
SOES: 

"Our belief is that the salva- 
tion of the whole Eultur of 
Europe hangs upon the victory 
which the G«rman militarism 
will Min . . . ." 



nation of the present war.' " 
"On England alone falls the 
monstrous guilt and the his- 
torical responsibility." Profes- 
sors Eucken and Haeckel. 



MiJNSTEEBEEG (a little later 
in the same book), admits that 
he has "hurled many a reproach 
against France and England." 
He thought it inexcusable for 
them to use the advantage of 
the hour to join Eussia in this 
fight. He regretted the revenge- 
ful feeling of France and the 
ungenerous attitude of England 
towards its new rival in the 
world's markets. (174) 



Professor Moeeis Jastrow, 
Je. : "The English type of cul- 
ture represents on the whole, 
the most harmonious combina- 
tion of traits of mind and char- 
acter." 

Deknbueg: "When she is vic- 
torious there will be enough 
property of her antagonists 
lying about the four parts of 
the globe to keep Germany from 
the necessity of looking any 
farther . . ." (176) 



Dernburg: "We have no de- 
sire to impose our views upon 
others. 'We are out for con- 
quest on peaceful lines.' " 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



SOT* 



Dernburg (address at New 
Rochelle, U. S. A.) : "We Ger- 
mans love the French and Bel- 
gians who were forced into the 
war." 



Dernburg : "Germany has no 
special grudge against any- 
body." 



The German Professors : 
"The French, have shown them- 
selves decadent and without re- 
spect for Divine law." "The 
Belgians, with foolish fanati- 
cism resisted our brave troops." 

Lissauer, in "The Chant of 
Hate": "French and Russian 
they matter not . . . We 
love them not, we hate them 
not." 

Dr. Fuchs (in a book on the 
subject of preparedness for 
war ) says : "Therefore the Ger- 
man claim of the day must be: 
The family to the front. The 
state has to follow at first in 
the school, then in foreign poli- 
tics. Education to hate. Edv/- 
cation to the estimation of ha- 
tred. Organization of hatred. 
Education to the desire for ha^ 
tred. Let us abolish unripe and 
false shame before brutality and 
fanaticism. We must not hesi- 
tate to announce : To us is given 
faith, hope, and hatred, but 
hatred is the greatest among 
them." 



"The Kaiser has conferred the 
order of the Red Eagle upon 
Ernst Lissauer, the author of 
'Hatred for England,' described 
by Professor Henderson as a 
veritable 'war chant of hate,' 
certainly one of the most ven- 
omous poems in any language." 



The Katseb to President Wil- 



Profesor Lasson: "We do 



308 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



son: "Some Villages and even 
the old town of Louvain . . . 
had to be destroyed for the pro- 
tection of my troops." 



good deeds to all people. Lou- 
vain was not destroyed — only 
the houses of murderers." 



MuNSTEBBEKQ : "The cause 
of the war was the desired ex- 
pansion of Russia." 

"As a matter of fact it was 
not Germany but France who 
commenced the war." — Eucken 
and Haeckel, Aug. 31. 



Hans Delbkuck (177) De- 
cember, 1913: 

"National idealism in Ger- 
many is in danger of being 
turned into national fanaticism, 
and that is the greatest danger 
that can happen for the health 
of the soul of any people. . . . 
The only great danger for the 
future of the German Empire 
lies in foreign policy. We 
might allow ourselves to be 
drawn into a war which would 
not only be an unspeakable mis- 
fortune for us and for the whole 
of the cultured world — since it 
would be unnecessary, but the 
outcome of which, as things are 
at present in Europe, is by no 
means certain. . . . 

"Formerly it was possible to 
console oneself with the thought 
that the 'All Germans' were a 
small sect, hardly to be taken 
seriously, and without influ- 
ence. To-day that can no longer 
be said. The All-German Press 
is widely extended and has a 



Eucken and H^ckel, Aug. 
31. "It is England whose fault 
has extended this war into a 
world war." 



Hans Delbruck ( 178 ) , March 
1915: 

"In the United States many 
have taken sides against Ger- 
many because they believed that 
they saw in the victory of the 
Western Powers a victory of 
liberalism, and in a German 
victory a triumph of militarism. 
Quite aside from the fact that 
Germany, in many respects, has 
far more political liberty than 
either France or England, the 
victory of the Allies would be a 
victory, not of the Western 
Powers, but of England and 
Russia. ... 

"Without these tremendous 
efforts made by Germany, called 
by our enemies the 'Prussian 
militarism,' the mainland of Eu- 
rope would long since have been 
under the dominion of the Cosr 
sacks. . . . 

"Therefore, we, in Germany, 
have the firm conviction that it 
is not for our own independence 
alone that we are fighting in 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



309 



very,, zealous following. It is 
not Surprising that anxiety at 
the success of the All-German 
agitation is widespread." 



Twenty-two Universities of 
Germany : 

"It is not true, as our enemies 
assert, that the German army is 
a horde of barbarians and a 
gang of freebooters, who find 
pleasure in levelling defenceless 
villages to the earth, and in 
destroying notable monuments 



Ninety-one Professors and 
Men of Science: 

"Every German would, of 
course, greatly regret if, in the 
course of this terrible war, any 
works of art should be de- 
stroyed." 



The Kaiser: "We are one 
people, we know no differences, 
no distinctions of states or par- 
ties." 



this war, but for the preserva- 
tion of the culture and freedom 
of all peoples." 



General von Disftjbth: "It 
is of no consequence whatever if 
all the monuments ever created, 
all the pictures ever painted, all 
the buildings ever erected by 
the great architects of the world 
be destroyed, if by their destruc- 
tion we promoted G^erman's vic- 
tory." "For my part, I hope 
that in this war we have mer- 
ited the title, barbarians." 



Here Wolfskehl (poet) : 
"None of us Germans to-day 
would hesitate to destroy every 
monument of our holy German 
past. . . ." 

Dr. Lenard (Professor of 
Physics at Heidelberg) (179): 

"The central nest and su- 
preme academy for all hypoc- 
risy in the world, which is on 
the Thames, must be destroyed 
if the work is to be done thor- 
oughly. No respect for the 
tombstones of Shakespeare, 
Newton and Faraday." 



Dr. Frederick Naumann, the 
leader of the Radicals, but re- 
cently a defender of the viola- 
tion of Belgium, "choose any 
place in liaden, or Wiirtemburg, 
or Bavaria" (see p. 460) "and 
let the lieutenants and their 



310 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



Heee von Jagow, Secretary 
for Foreign Affairs (February, 
1915) : "England is trying to 
force upon the German civilian 
population death by starvation." 

Admiral Behrcke: "England 
has in view the subjugation of 
Germany by starvation. Ger- 
many no longer has sufficient 
food to feed her people." 



Heee Albebt, to Americans: 

(181) 

"For a German the fact that 
an official communication is is- 
sued by the Army headquarters 
is proof sufficient of its absolute 
truth to facts ; and the truthful- 
ness of this German official an- 
nouncement is beginning to be 
recognized in the United States 
as well." 



colonel conduct themselves there 
as they did at Zabern, and you 
would see what would happen ! " 
(180) 



Geneeax, von Falkenhayn, 
Minister of War and Chief of 
Staff (Jan. 16, 1915) : 

"Germany is amply supplied 
with food. She can fight in- 
definitely." 

Dr. Otto Appel (Feb. 
1915) : "Germany cannot 
starved because 
scientific and economic methods 
to insure food preparedness." 

Herr Philip Weincken, Direc- 
tor of the North German Lloyd 
S. S. Co.: 

"The plan of starving us out 
will miscarry. There is no lack 
of meat, potatoes, sugar, milk, 
cheese, or fuel.'' 



7, 
be 
of 



Maximujan Haeden, to Ger- 
mans generally: (182) 

"Unfortunately there are 
those who exaggerate small suc- 
cesses till they appear in the 
eyes of the crowd to be over- 
whelming victories, and, at the 
same time, they conceal the 
heavy losses under the colors. 
Cease, cease, thus to indulge 
any longer this detestable habit 
of misrepresentation." 



I think I may at last dismiss this subject — of the credi- 
bility of the German apologists — ^with the feeling that the 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 311 

unprejudiced reader should be convinced that it would be 
a compliment to them to call them unreliable. They are 
so entangled in a network of mutual contradictions, incon- 
sistencies, sophisms, blundering errors, and actual false- 
hoods, as to have lost all claim to the confidence of the 
public they are addressing. 

The war was begun by Eussia. The war was begun by 
England. The war was begun by France. 

We are fighting only for our "place under the sun." We 
were confined by an "iron band" which we had to burst. 

Under no circumstances will we take a foot of Belgian 
territory. Belgium entire has been annexed to our 
"glorious provinces.-" 

We violated the treaty of neutrality because of "military 
necessity." There never was any such treaty. The treaty 
expired in May, 1872. The French first violated the treaty 
by flying over Belgium. There was a treaty, but it had lost 
moral validity. The English were going to violate the 
treaty. The Belgians had no right to get in the "way of the 
traffic." Belgium violated her own treaty. Belgium "joined 
the Allies simply because she considered that side to be 
the strongest." 

Germany has "solemnly declared" that she would respect 
the Monroe Doctrine everywhere. Germany "intends" to 
respect the Monroe Doctrine in South America. Germany 
will respect the Monroe Doctrine in North America. 
"Canada has placed herself beyond the pale of American 
protection." 

Germany protests against the "barbarity" and "treach- 
ery" of ununiformed civilians who shoot at her troops. 
Germany orders the men of the Landsturm who take up 
"sniping" to wear civilian clothes so as to be "less con- 
spicuous." 

Germany is an ideal democracy. There is no room in 



313 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Germany for a president who would have to obtain his 
power from the consent of millions of individuals. 

We are kindly, simple minded and tender-hearted. We 
hope we have merited the title, barbarians. 

We hate no one. We hate England. 

We have no ambitions of enlargement. When we conquer 
we'll find enough property of our antagonists to satisfy us. 
We'll remain in Belgium and take the strip of coast to 
Calais. 

We revere and respect monuments of art. It makes no 
difference if every monument in the world were destroyed. 

We love the French and Belgians. The French are god- 
less and decadent and the Belgians are foolish fanatics. 

The Kultur of the world depends on our success. We 
have no desire to impose our views on any one. 

We are "out for conquest on peaceful lines." "Our 
might shall create a new law in Europe." 

Germany is starving. Germany can never be starved. 

This, and it could be continued for pages and pages, is, 
indeed the twitter of birds, the chatter of parrots. 

Phillips Brooks' apostrophe to the "Little Town of Beth- 
lehem" might have been addressed to almost any German 
apologist: "How still we see thee lie." 

Let us hope that they are, as it seems to me they are, 
irreparably damaging their own cause and unconsciously 
and blunderingly revealing the truth to a world that if it 
were not horrified would be amused. 

Cruelty begets falsehood. The Psalmist recognized the 
association when he said : "The Lord will abhor the bloody 
and deceitful man." 

But I think we may be at ease. 

"Solent mendaces lucre poenas malefici." 



CHAPTER XII. 

What is the Truth as to the "Pre-eminence" of German 
"Kultur," of German Civilization, of German Achieve- 
ment in Letters, Arts and Sciences? 

"Truth About Germany" was in itself sufficient, consid- 
ering the representative character of its authors and 
editors, to raise grave doubts as to the value of German 
"culture" unless one could be both cultured and untruth- 
ful. 

The view of culture, as we understand it, in its effect 
on the individual, is at variance with the result produced 
by the German variety. 

An American of German parentage, writing in defense 
of his brethren, explains the universal distaste for Ger- 
mans in Europe by saying: (183) 

"The average German, whom the foreigner sees, is aggressive, 
self-assertive, loud in his manner and talk, inconsiderate, petty, 
pompous, dictatorial, without humor; in a word, bumptious. 
He has, in many cases, exceedingly bad table manners and an 
almost gross enjoyment of his food; and he talks about his 
ailments and his underwear. His attitude toward women, 
moreover, is likely to be over-gallant if he knows them a little 
and not too well, and discourteous or even insolent if he is 
married to them or does not know them at all. He is at his 
worst at the time when he is most on exhibition, when he is on 
his travels or helping other people to travel, as ticket- chopper 
or customs official." (184) 

But much broader views of this subject have been taken 
by Professor Brander Matthews (185) and by Professor 
Eamsay : 

(313) 



314 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

After expressing his surprise that scholars like Eucken 
and Hseckel should be possessed of the conviction that Ger- 
many is the supreme example of a highly civilized state, 
and the undisputed leader in the arts and sciences which 
represent culture, Professor Matthews continues by point- 
ing out that 

"Certain things seem to show German 'culture' a little lack- 
ing in the social instinct, the desire to make things easy and 
pleasant for others, an instinct which is the dominating influ- 
ence in French civilization, . . . It is to the absence of this 
social instinct, to the inability to understand the attitude of 
other parties to a discussion, to the unwillingness to appreciate 
their point of view, that we may ascribe the failure of German 
diplomacy, a failure which has left her almost without a friend 
in her hour of need. And success in diplomacy is one of the 
supreme tests of civilization. 

"The claim asserted explicitly or implicitly in behalf of Ger- 
man culture seems to be based on the belief that the Germans 
are leaders in the arts and in the sciences. So far as the art of 
war .... and so far as the art of music are concerned, 
there is no need to cavil. 

"But what about the other and more purely intellectual arts ? 
How many are the contemporary painters and sculptors and 
architects of Germany who have succeeded in winning the cos- 
mopolitan reputation which has been the reward of a score of 
the artists of France and of half a dozen of the artists of 
America ? 

"When we consider the art of letters we find a similar con- 
dition. Germany has had philosophers and historians of high 
rank; but in pure literature . . . for a period of nearly 
sixty years^ — only one German author succeeded in winning a 
world-wide celebrity — and Heine was a Hebrew, who died in 
Paris, out of favor with his countrymen, perhaps because he 
had been unceasing in calling attention to the deficiencies of 
Gerinan culture. . . . ]S?o German writer attained to the 
international fame achieved by Cooper and by Poe, by Walt 
Whitman and by Mark Twain. And it was during these three- 
score years of literary aridity in Germany that there was a 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 315 

superb literary fecundity in Great Britain and in France, and 
that each of these countries produced at least a score of authors 
whose names are known throughout the world. Even sparsely 
settled Scandinavia brought forth a triumvirate, Bjorsen, Ibsen 
and Brandes, without compeers in Germany. And from Russia 
the fame of Turgenef and of Tolstoy spread abroad a knowledge 
of the heart and mind of a great people who are denounced by 
Germans as barbarous." 

As Heine is the one German who has beeen pre-eminent 
in literature these many years, it is interesting, in view of 
recent happenings, to recall, as entirely apropos to Pro- 
fessor Matthews' line of thought, what he wrote seventy- 
eight years ago: 

"Christianity — and this is its highest merit — ^has, in some 
degree, softened, but it could not destroy, that brutal German 
joy of battle. When once the taming talisman, the Cross, 
breaks in two, the savagery of the old fighters, the senseless 
Berserker fury of which the northern poets sing and say so 
much, will gush up anew. That talisman is decayed, and the 
day will come when it will piteously collapse. Then the old 
stone gods will rise from the silent ruins, and rub the dust of 
a thousand years from their eyes. Thor, with his giant's ham- 
mer, will at last spring up, and shatter to bits the Oothio 
cathedrals ! !" 

Professor Matthews thinks that in the field of science, 
pure and applied, the defenders of the supremacy of Ger- 
man culture will probably take their last stand. He goes 
on: 

"That the German contribution to science has been important 
is indisputable; yet it is equally indisputable that the two 
dominating scientific leaders of the second half of the nineteenth 
century are Darwin and Pasteur. It is in chemistry that the 
Germans have been pioneers; yet the greatest of modern chem- 
ists is Mendeleef. It was Hertz who made the discovery which 



316 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

is the foundation of Marconi's invention; but although not a 
few valuable discoveries are to be credited to the Germans, 
perhaps almost as many as to either the French or the British, 
the German contribution in the field of invention, in the prac- 
tical application of scientific discovery, has been less than that 
of France, less than that of Great Britain, and less than that of 
the United States. The Germans contributed little or nothing 
to the development of the railroad, the steamboat, the automo- 
bile, the aeroplane, the telegraph, the telephone, the phono- 
graph, the photograph, the moving picture, the electric light, 
the sewing machine, and the reaper and binder. Even those 
dread instruments of war, the revolver and the machine gun, 
the turreted ship, the torpedo, and the submarine, are not due 
to the military ardor of the Germans. It would seem as though 
the Germans had been lacking in the inventiveness which is so 
marked a feature of our modern civilization. . . . 

"Nations are never accepted by other nations at their own 
valuation; and Germans need not be surprised that we are now 
astonished to find them asserting their natural self-appreciation, 
with the apparent expectation that it will pass unchallenged. 
The world owes a debt to modern Germany beyond all question, 
but this is far less than the debt owed to England and to 
France. It would be interesting if some German, speaking with 
authority, should now be moved to explain to us Americans the 
reasons which underlie the insistent assertion of the superiority 
of German civilization. Within the past few weeks we have 
been forced to gaze at certain of the less pleasant aspects of 
the German character; and we have been made to see that the 
militarism of the Germans is in absolute contradiction to the 
preaching and to the practice of the great Goethe, to whom 
they proudly point as the ultimate representative of German 
culture." . . . 

He adds finally: "The most obvious characteristic of a highly 
civilized man is his willingness to keep his word, at whatever 
cost to himself. For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany 
broke its pledge to respect the neutrality of Luxemburg and of 
Belgium. It is another characteristic of civilization to cherish 
the works of art which have been bequeathed to us by the paafr. 
For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany destroyed Louvain, 
more or less completely. It is a final characteristic of civilized 
man to be humane and to refrain from ill-treating the blame- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 317 

less. For reasons satisfactory to itself Germany dropped bombs 
in the unbesieged city of Antwerp and caused the death of inno- 
cent women and children. Here are three instances where Ger- 
man 'culture' has been tested and found wanting." 

Professoi" William Ramsay (186), whose position in the 
scientific world is of the very highest, says : 

"The originality of the German race has never, in spite of cer- 
tain brilliant exceptions, been their characteristic; their metier 
has been rather the exploitation of the inventions and discov- 
eries of others; and in this they are conspicuous. . . , The 
aim of science is the acquisition of knowledge of the unknown; 
the aim of applied science, the bettering of the lot of the human 
race. German ideals are infinitely far removed from the con- 
ception of the true man of science." 

He asks as to the result of the annihilation of the pres- 
ent ruling German despots: 

"Will the progress of science be thereby retarded? I think 
not. The greatest advances in scientific thought have not been 
made by members of the German race; nor have the earlier 
applications of science had Germany for their origin. So far aa 
we can see at present, the restriction of the Teutons will re- 
lieve the world from a deluge of mediocrity. Much of their 
previous reputation has been due to Hebrew residents among 
them; and we may safely trust that race to persist in vitality 
and intellectual activity." 

In his article on "Germany and Democracy" (187) Dr. 
Dernburg reiterates the old assertion that "Germany stands 
in the first rank in applied science/' In the opinion of 
many who are technically qualified to judge she is not, and 
never has been in applied science (the use of science for 
the improvement of the conditions of human life) the equal 
of France, England, or the United States. Dernburg spe- 
cifically instances "chemistry," "electricity," and "med- 



318 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

icines." In none of these need the claim be admitted, or 
even considered, 

I have already given lists (p. 316) of the chief modern 
additions to the comforts of peace and the effectiveness of 
war and have seen that as to practically all of them Ger- 
many has been merely the exploiter of the discoveries or 
inventions of other races. 

In medicine, the greatest discovery of modern times — 
antiseptic surgery — ^is to be divided between a Frenchman 
and an Englishman. Anesthesia the world owes to Amer- 
ica. All the "medicines" that ever came out of Germany, 
all the minor discoveries that the most liberal or partial 
judge could assign to her, could not in a century equal in 
their benefits to humanity the thousandth part of those due 
to anesthesia and antisepsis. 

Professor Trowbridge, President of the American Acad- 
emy of Arts and Sciences, a physicist of international repu- 
tation, says that in physical science — embodying the laws 
of light, heat, electricity and magnetism, — and in mathe- 
matics and physical chemistry, the great names are Roger 
Bacon, who outlined the principle of the telescope ; Francis 
Bacon, who established the doctrine of inductive reasoning 
(without which scientific laboratory v/ork would be impos- 
sible) ; Newton, who demonstrated the law of gravitation ; 
Young, who established the undulatory theory of light; 
Rumford (an Anglo-American), who proved that heat has 
its equivalent in motion ; Faraday, who first liquefied a gas 
and who with Cavendish and Humphry Davy, discovered 
the chief fundamental laws relating tO' electricity. 

He might have added that Priestley, the discoverer of 
oxygen, was an Englishman ; Lavoisier, the father of mod- 
ern chemistry, was a Frenchman; Dalton, the deviser of 
the atomic theory, was an Englishman; Davy, who first 
isolated potassium, was an Englishman; Berzelius, who 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 319 

made analysis an exact science, was a Swede, and sO' was 
Scheele. Dumas, one of the most eclectic chemists who 
ever lived, was a Frenchman; Stas, whose determinations 
of atomic weights form now the basis of our knowledge, 
was a Belgian, boirn in Louvain; Le Blanc, the inventor 
of the alkali process which bears his name, was a French- 
man ; Solvay, who devised the rival process, was a Belgian ; 
Perkin, the discoverer of aniline dyes, was an Englishman ; 
the discoverers of the Periodic Law were Newlands, an Eng- 
lishman, and Mendeleef, a Enssian. (188) 
Professor Trowbridge gives still other examples, and adds : 
"It is a fact that the great physical hypotheses have 
been Anglo-Saxon in origin, and culture is noticeably lack- 
ing in Grerman scientific literature. For clearness of ex- 
pression and style we must go to the French." 

Since Sedan, Germany has fallen into third place in the 
subjects he mentions, and is led by both England and 
France. The discovery of the X-rays in Germany was a 
"fortunate accident," and remained an isolated one, until 
the English applied it to the theory of radio-activity, firing 
the faggots which the Germans piled. "Those Americans," 
adds Professor Trowbridge, "who are loudest in their praise 
of German culture often argue from an imperfect knowl- 
eedge of the history of science. 

It may be well to hear what two of the greatest Ger- 
mans, Metzsche and Goethe, have had to say about Ger- 
man "culture": (189) 

"Let us hear Nietzsche: 'Since the war [1870] all is glad- 
ness, dignity, and self-consoiousness in this merry throng. After 
the startling successes of German culture, it regards itself not 
only as approved and sanctioned but almost as sanctified. The 
units of this caste [the scholar-caste, Professor Milnsterberg's 
caste] are too thoroughly convinced that their own scholarship 
is the ripest and most perfect fruit of the ages — in fact, of all 



330 A TEXT-BOOK 0F~ TEE WAR 

ages — to see any necessity for a care of Gennan culture in gen- 
eral. Everywhere, where knowledge and not ability, where in- 
formation and not art, hold the first rank — everywhere in fact 
where life bears testimony to the kind of culture extant — there 
is now only one specific German culture, and this is the culture 
that is supposed to have conquered France.' In what sense can 
German culture be said to have conquered? In none what- 
soever; for the moral qualities of severe discipline, of more 
placid obedience, have nothing in common with culture. Mean- 
while let us not forget that in all matters of form we are, and 
must be, just as dependent upon Paris now as we were before 
the war, for up to the present there has been no such thing as 
an original German culture. We ought all to have become 
aware of this of our own accord. Besides, one of the few who 
had the right to speak to Germans in terms of reproach publicly 
drew attention to the fact. 'We Germans are of yesterday,' 
Goethe once said to Eckermann. 'True, for the last hundred 
years we have diligently cultivated ourselves, but a few cen- 
turies may yet have to run their course before our fellow- 
countrymen become permeated with sufficient intellectuality 
and higher culture to have it said of them, it is a long time 
since they were iariariaiis.' 

" 'What species of men have attained to supremacy in Ger- 
many? This species of men I will name — they are the PhiUs- 
tim.es of culture. But Philistinism, despite its systematic or- 
ganization and power, does not constitute a culture by virtue 
of its system alone ; it does not even constitute an inferior cul- 
ture, but invariably the reverse — namely, firmly established bar- 
barity. For the uniformity of character which is so apparent in 
German scholars of to-day is only the result of a conscious or 
unconscious exclusion and negation of all the artistically prO' 
ductive forms and requirements of a genuine style.' " 

As to the result of what they call "Kultur" I agree that : 

"In so far as German 'kultur' was good, it had all the world 
to dominate, and no objection. In thirty years that domination 
had made vast progress. But against the domination of the 
Prussian idea the objection is so vital and intense that in the 
great world-rising_agahist.it there is only too much prospect 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 331 

that the breath of German 'kultur' will be clean squeezed out 
of the German body. Krupps cannot do much for it; destruc- 
tion and extermination — the erasure of beauty, the expulsion of 
piety — are not aids to it. It should be the ally of those things, 
not their foe. Alas, then, for German 'kultur,' ridden to its 
death by the ruthless Prussian demon — struggling splendidly to 
do the demon's work, but fated, who can doubt, to sink iu due 
time, gasping and bleeding, foundered by that fatal rider. The 
pity of it; oh, the pity of it; that what should be the world's 
example must figure as its warning; that this hell that is heat- 
ing for the Saxons and Bavarians — kindly people both — is the 
kind of hell that awaits all people who fail to fight off Prussian 
domination before it has enchained them. It is a bad hell — a 
hell of Krupps and ruined cities and violated women, and tears 
and misery and blood, and blackened fanes." (190) 

We are told now that we have translated "Kidtur^' incor- 
rectly that the nearest we have to a synonym in English is 
not "culture/' but "efficiency." Let me present an Ameri- 
can view of the workings of German "Kultur" — ^with the 
latter meaning — in Belgium, (191) 

"Much has been said — but not enough — concerning the mar- 
velous efficiency of the German war machine. Tlie stupendous 
task of the field — in the transport, commissary and medical 
departments, as well as in the grim business of fighting — are 
performed with the same precision and competent energy as 
distinguish German industrial methods. 

"When the reservist is summoned to the colors at his distant 
home he may know that a careful state has made preparation 
for everything that may befall him. His uniform is ready, the 
train to carry him to the front waits; he will find prepared 
his place in the trenches, his hospital bed if he should be 
wounded, his Iron Cross if he should prove a hero, his grave 
diggers if he should fall. Whether his fate be death or glory, 
efficiency shepherds him to the end. 

"But this quality of thoroughness is not exhibited in purely 
military affairs alone. The most striking evidence of it that 
we have found appeared last week in two dispatches. Singu- 

21 



322 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 



larly enough, they were printed in adjoining columns on the 
same day: 



BLACKEST FAMINE 

THREATENS BELGIANS. 

Rotterdam, Dec. IL — "If 
somebody does not come to our 
aid, God knows what will be- 
come of us," write two leading 
residents of Blankenberghe, 
West Flanders, in a pathetic 
appeal they presented to-day to 
the representative of the Ameri- 
can Commission for Relief in 
Belgium. 

These men were deputized to 
seek help on behalf of Heyst, 
Wenduyne and several other 
commimities as well as Blan- 
kenberghe, in all of which they 
say "the situation is so grave 
that if in the near future food 
does not arrive they will be 
plunged in blackest famine." 



SEND FRENCH FLOUR 

BACK TO GERMANY. 

Berlin, Dee. 11. — ^A visitor at 
the headquarters of one of the 
German armies in France sends 
his impressions here. Of all the 
impressions of the trip one of 
the most striking is that left by 
the countless stacks of im- 
threshed grain, stretching for 
miles in every direction 
throughout the granary of 
northern France. 

Over 100 German threshing 
machines of the largest size are 
working in the region occupied 
by the army, and six new ones 
were encountered to-day plug- 
ging forward to reinforce those 
harvest batteries, which are 
doing work quite as important 
as that of the 42-centimeter 
cannon. 

The army is not only living 
on the supplies of flour and meat 
derived from this section of the 
country, but is actually sending 
wheat and flour back to Ger- 
many. 



"We venture to say that no more convincing testimony could 
be given of the efficiency that has made Germany a leader in 
war as well as in many of the arts of peace — ^the Belgians 
starving, while the victorious army strips 'the granary of 
northern France' of its harvests, feeds itself and sends the sur- 
plus home across the conquered territory. 

"There has been considerable discussion during the war of the 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 323 

national ideals of America and Germany. It might be difficult 
to represent them more accurately than in two contrasting 
pictures — shiploads of American food pouring into Belgium by 
way of Holland, while carloads of French grain roll through 
the famine-haunted land on their way to Germany. 

"The two incidents recorded serve to emphasize once more 
the relentlessly efficient methods employed to insure the sub- 
mission of Belgium. While the American people have responded 
with splendid generosity to the appeal of the sufferers, the in- 
vaders have never swerved from their businesslike procedure of 
making the victims pay for their patriotic resistance. On the 
day when the newspapers printed the two dispatches quoted 
the Belgian Prime Minister, Baron de Broqueville, riiade thia 
statement : 

" 'The war levies that have been and are still being made 
on almost every community in Belgium have exhausted the 
capital resources of our country, one of the objects of these 
levies being to cripple and destroy Belgium's commerce and 
industry. 

" 'The food requisitions relentlessly made upon our communi- 
ties in all quarters have not only been cruel but excessive, and 
are in violation of the hitherto universally recognized prin- 
ciples of international law. Famine has so far been prevented 
only by the food provided through the benign agency of the 
Commission for Belgian Relief, established and supported by 
the generosity of American and English people.' 

"In the minds of most Americans, we think, the case of Bel- 
giimi is and must remain the supreme issue of the war, involv- 
ing, as it does, the common rights of humanity and the funda- 
mental principles of international security. Upon this question, 
too, the advocates of the German cause lavish their most elabo- 
rate defensive arguments. We have yet to find one of them, 
however, who has attempted to justify the monstrous practice 
of extorting crushing tribute from conquered and unresisting 
cities. 

"This is a matter upon which we have already expressed our- 
selves, and perhaps an opinion from another source will be of 
interest. In its current issue Collier's Weekly says: 

" 'An American newspaper man named Karl H. von Wiegand 
has had a pleasant interview with Crown Prince Frederick 
William of Germany. The Kaiser's son denounces the present 



334 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

struggle as "the most stupid, senseless and unnecessary war of 
modern times," and then goes on to explain how entirely his 
own side is justified. We are further assured that, "like a 
great majority of all Germans, he is unable exactly to under- 
stand why there is not more sympathy in the United States for 
Germany." 

" 'The same papers which reported this precious interview 
reported also these items: First, that the German government 
has decided to levy on Belgium a war tax of $7,000,000 per 
month; second, that Germany has paid Luxemburg $318,200 for 
the violation of her neutrality, passage of troops, etc.; third, 
that Brand Whitlock reports "the German government renews 
its ofl&cial declaration that conditions in Belgium are as repre- 
sented, and views with great gratification the generous efforts 
of the American people to relieve the starving population there. 
Without such assistance there must be famine." 

" 'Now, the American people cannot be expected to sympa- 
thize with this hog-and-wolf militarism; to override the weak, 
pltmder the helpless, and rob the miserable to death is no road 
to our regard. Those who fawn on Frederick William repre- 
sent him as a young man of intelligence and imagination. Even 
so he will never understand the bottomless condemnation in 
which he and his are held in this country, because he will 
never see or admit the infernal wrongs committed by his fellow- 
countrymen. The wolf always acquits himself.' 

"No doubt the severe view here expressed will be shared by 
many Americans. Yet we think it would be unfair to attribute 
this admitted official atrocity, the levying of blackmail upon 
a wronged community, to mere wanton greed on the part of the 
invaders. 

"It it all a question of policy, of national philosophy. Mili- 
tarism is above all things efficient. It demands absolute, un- 
relenting efficiency in the supreme business of war. The object 
of war, it holds, is not only to defeat the enemy, but to crush 
him, to strip him of any power of reprisal, to paralyze him with 
punishment and terror, as a warning to himself and to others. 
If the Belgians can be beggared as well as conquered, it will 
be so much the longer before they will be able to threaten the 
rule imposed upon them. 

"There is a difference in method, but not in principle, between 
the 42-centimeter siege gun, the shipments of French grain 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 325 

through starving Belgium, and the war tribute of $7,000,000 
a month extorted from the famine-burdened nation. Each is 
a product of eflSeiency — misapplied." 

The claims of America itself have been put forward 
amusingly by Mr. Vance Thompson (193) in an alleged 
interview with an American who was said toi have just 
been listening to a discourse on "the debt this country 
owes to Germany/' delivered by a "German professor from 
Harvard." The interview proceeded as follows: 

"Like a good many of us I have spent years in Germany. 
And I say that we owe less to Germany than to any one of the 
great nations. We have a far heavier debt to England, France 
and Italy. And Germany, mark you, has taken from us a thou- 
sand times more than she has given us." 

" 'Go on,' I said, 'you interest me strangely.' 

" 'Well, just at present Germany is making war. What is 
she doing it with? With inventions due to Americans.' 

"And then he named them — Maxim, Holland and the Wrights, 
the inventors of the rapidfire gun, the submarine and the aero- 
plane, which latter was invented at a time when all the Ger- 
man scientists were declaring a 'heavier than air' was im- 
possible. 

" 'There you are,' he went on, 'even her own game of war 
Germany has to play in terms of American invention. General 
von Heeringen, in command of the Western armies, was frank 
enough to admit a day or two ago that without the automobile, 
the aeroplane, the telephone and wireless telegraphy Germany 
would not wage war for twenty-two hours. I think the tele- 
phone is an American invention, eh? And the aeroplane. Now 
the automobile belongs to France and the wireless telegraph to 
Italy. The boot seems to be on the other foot.' " 

"He quoted from Dr. Emil Reich (p. 36), who was, he said, 
a man of rare mental integrity. And it seems that Doctor 
Reich pointed out there was nothing quite so foolish as the 
American imitation of German educational methods, which was 
common in the last century, saying: 'It is scarcely a matter of 
doubt that the Americans entertain far too exaggerated an 



326 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

opinion of the value of German methods and German research in 
all that applies to the humanities, such as history, philosophy, 
philology, literature and art.' That was in 1907. It was a 
dark age in our universities, heavy with German pedantry. 
That was the day when the unlearned, even in the colleges, 
spoke of the 'thorough German' and the 'brilliant but super- 
ficial Frenchman.' 

" 'As to art,' he went on scornfully, 'we don't owe them much 
on that score — nothing but the bad lessons of the Munich school, 
which ruined an entire generation of American painters and 
illustrators.' 

"And chemists, you say? There you come home to me. 
Our American chemists take the lead everywhere except in 
France — and w© are no bad second to the French chemists. 
Out of the ten million or so Germans in this country I should 
be surprised if you could find a dozen distinguished chemists. 
No, the Americans lead. 

'■^A^iat annoys me most of all is the pretension of that pro- 
fessor from Harvard that the Germans have a systematic and 
•scientific way of doing things which should be to us an example 
and an ideal. That is the greatest absurdity that was ever put 
into words. The modern and scientific organization of business 
is as distinctly an American invention as is the reaping machine 
or the steamboat or the cylinder press or the daily newspaper. 
We have been the teachers; we have taught every other nation. 
We've taught them how to manufacture and how to sell and how 
to total the score on a cash register of American invention, or 
make out a bill on an American invented typewriter. System ? 
We made it and invented the tools for it. What is to Ger- 
many's credit is that she has been one of our aptest pupils in 
methodizing business and trade, just as the Japanese are our 
aptest pupils in scientifically organized manufacturing. Now 
this is known to every practical business man on earth. Even a 
'German professor from Harvard' should know it. 

"'Why?' Mr. Thompson asked; but his interlocutor had no 
mind for trivialties; he was waving the Stars and Stripes glo- 
riously. 

"What did he mean by talking of 'German efficiency' to a 
nation that first gave the word efficiency a real meaning? As 
a matter of fact we have invented everything that makes for 
efficiency, from the sewing machine to the incandescent light 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 337 

that hangs above it. Certainly we have bought dyestufFs from 
Germany ; but that was because we could buy them cheap ; it is 
not a debt to German civilization. We owe the same sort of 
thing to Hungary for paprika and to Argentina for leather. 

"In 'system' and 'efficiency,' as well as in science and art, we 
owe the greatest debt to ourselves. The real trouble with the 
latter-day American is that he is too modest, too credulous, too 
diffident. That is a sad and certain truth. When a foreign 
professor hectors him he says meekly: 'Oh, I'll try to be more 
like you.' By the way, that is one reason why the Americans 
are so popular in Germany; it is because they admit every 
claim to German superiority. 

"And here," Mr. Thompson continues, "I believe we have come 
with startling unexpectedness upon a great truth. 

"Should you look for the real causes of this war you might 
find them in the fact that France, England, Russia — even Bel- 
gium — have always laughed at these pretensions. I don't say 
it is the real causa causans of the war, but unquestionably it 
helped to foster the military spirit in Germany. The French 
wits made fun of everything German — the way the German 
ate, his beer drinking, the clothes he wore, the hats and dresses 
of his womenkind ; and the English stared coldly at his attempts 
at sport and his peculiarity of wearing evening dress in the 
afternoon, at his beard and hair; and truculently the German 
retorted: 'But, by jingo! I can fight!' He can; and he made 
his monstrous war machine." 

An American weekly (193) has well s5Tnbolized intelli- 
gent American opinion on the announced intent and the 
associated effort to spread German "Kultur^' to other coun- 
tries in spite of their lack of admiration for it, their absence 
of sympathy with it, ther contempt for many of its tenets 
and its manifestations, and their entire unwillingness to 
receive it or to be inoculated with it. 

"In the year of our Lord 623 Mohammed, the son of Ab- 
dallah of the tribe of Koreish, began to spread Kultur by the 
sword. He did not spell it that way, but that is a detail. His 
energy and his efficiency methods, combined with his outbursts 



328 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

of hysterical fury, were so prevailing that when he died in 632, 
in the manly prime of his early sixties, Arabia had been brought 
under his scepter. His successors carried the great work on. 
To Palestine, Mesopotamia and Persia, to Egypt, North Africa 
and Spain, they triumphantly bore their faith in one God and 
his prophet Mohammed, cheerfully committing all the slaughter 
dictated by 'military necessity.' 

"The 'inferior civilizations' had curious vitality, however, and 
the efforts of the faithful to turn the Western flank of the 
Christian allies failed. Partly in consequence of this misfor- 
tune, things began to go wrong on the Eastern battle front. 
The Caiifate of Bagdad admitted 'reverses' in 1258, and in 1492 
the Moors withdrew from Spain to occupy 'more advantageous 
positions' south of the Strait of Gibraltar. 

"Whether because the plans of the Mohammedan General 
Staff had miscarried, or because of 'weakness' attributable to 
the acknowledged 'pacificism' of their religion, the small Chris- 
tian states of Europe developed a prejudice against the practice 
of propagating culture by militarism. They did not disavow 
the 'duty to be strong,' and some of them were imkind to 
heretics, but having only an 'inferior' civilization they asso- 
ciated aggressive war with such material ends as territorial ex- 
pansion, tribute money, and commercial opportunity. It is 
doubtful if they clearly visualized the comprehensive relation 
of bombardment and rapine to the religion of Christ, or fully 
appreciated the value of reprisals upon non-combatants as a 
means of grace. 

"Yet Europe prospered notwithstanding its irresolution, and 
civilization, of a kind, made headway. Literature was pro- 
duced, art showed a degree of vitality, and after a while the 
progress of physical science rendered possible a somewhat re- 
markable improvement in the material condition of mankind. 
All this possibly contributed to spiritual inertia. Ultimately 
an opinion prevailed that things were going well. In certain 
quarters, indeed, the notion arose and gained acceptance that 
war for any purpose or on any pretext was no longer necessary. 
Day dreamers began to talk of general disarmament and uni- 
versal peace. 

"It was therefore with a measure of surprise that the world 
awoke in the early days of August last to realize that the virile 
pragmatism of the son of Abdallah had not in fact gone from 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 329 

remembrance. It had found lodgment in the dutiful soul of a 
stalwart folk committed no less than he to the forcible expan- 
sion of culture. 

"Another surprise, milder but not uninteresting, was forth- 
coming when the 'intellectuals' of the New Islamism began emo- 
tionally to appeal to an infidel world beyond the Rhine to 
'understand' them' and their 'culture,' and, in particular, to 
hold their gunners guiltless of wrongdoing. This appeal has 
seemed to both the lay and the academic mind in America in- 
consequential, even inconsistent. It is at least perplexing. 
Islam, so far as we know, never explained or asked to be under- 
stood. There is no evidence that it cared what the infidel 
thought about anything. 

"We leave to the experts of international law the question 
of Germany's technical culpability, and the question of the pro- 
priety of action by neutral nations to demand of her an expla- 
nation of her conduct as a signatory party to conventions signed 
by them. The appeal of Germany's intellectuals is to public 
opinion. As humble contributors to that opinion it is our 
judgment and verdict, that upon the showing of facts thus far 
submitted, Germany has reverted to the theory and practice of 
Islam, and is attempting to spread her 'culture' by the sword." 

Under the title, "An Intellectual Moratorium," another 
American paper (194) has entertainingly reviewed the lit- 
erature and brought forward some new evidence: 

"The German professors having had their say about the war, 
their colleagues abroad are beginning to react, and the fashion- 
able pastime of the moment among the learned of other nations 
consists in taking cockshies at German reputations, or, to use 
the current phrase, 'pricking the bubble of Teutonic preten- 
sions.' 

"Since Sir William Ramsay set the example many others 
have come forward enthusiastically in support of his conclu- 
sions. Professor Sayce, the eminent Assyriologist, thinks it 
'astonishing that British scholars and politicians should still 
be found speaking of "our intellectual debt to Germany." ' In 
his own departments of study he admits that the German 
scholar 'can appropriate other men's discoveries' and 'labori- 



330 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

ously count syllables and words and pile up volumes of indices' ; 
but beyond that he is fit for nothing but building 'theories 
which take no regard of facts, though as coming from Germany 
we are told that they must be regarded as infallible.' In science, 
philosophy, letters and art — only excepting music — the Ger- 
mans have been strangely unproductive in comparison with 
their rivals; in a word, their manifest destiny in the intellectual 
world is to play the part of 'hewers of wood and drawers of 
Avater' for Western Europe. 

"Not all of the professors allowed this criticism to pass un- 
challenged. Professor H. H. Turner objected to the observation 
that Germany could show none to match a Newton, a Darwin, a 
Pasteur, etc. In his own departments Professor Sayce, he said, 
might be right, but 'it ought to be impossible to think of New- 
ton without thinking of Kepler ; or of Pasteur without thinking 
of Koch,' Then came Sir E. Ray Lankester to Professor Sayce's 
support. He would not attempt to controvert Professor Turner 
in his own field of astronomy, but must point out his unfortu- 
nate mistake — 'explained no doubt by the fact that he is not a 
biologist' — in naming Koch in the same breath with Pasteur. 
He knew both of them personally, and 'the only way in which 
one can think of Koch in relation to Pasteur is in recalling the 
Prussian insolence and discourtesy with which Koch assailed 
the great Frenchman.' For the rest Koch was an industrious 
and moderately capable investigator with many zealous and 
admiring disciples; 'by them — in the usual German way — he 
was advertised and celebrated beyond his due as a wonderful 
discoverer.' Huxley, he adds, used frequently to comment 'upon 
the exaggerated nature of the reputation for learning and 
scientific capacity which the Germans had created for them- 
selves,' and this unjustified renown he attributes 'to the irre- 
sponsible gush of yoxing men who have benefited by the numer- 
ous and well-organized laboratories of German universities.' 

"The medical men have been quite as industrious as any of 
the others in exposing the falsity of German pretensions. The 
opportunity was welcomed especially by Dr. Mercier, the noted 
psychiatrist, who for years has protested constantly against 
what he calls the superstition of German pre-eminence, particu- 
larly in his own field. But in one department of activity he 
insists that they surpass all other nations. 'I refer,' he ex- 
plains, 'to their genius for self-advertisement. They have con- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 331 

trived upon a very slender basis of achievement to impress 
themselves upon the world as the most scientific nation on 
earth ... In getting themselves accepted at their own 
valuation they are immeasurably superior to every known ex- 
ample — even to Mr. Bernard Shaw . . . They display the 
same adroitness in foisting upon a gullible world their scientific 
achievements as their shoddy commercial wares, and the two 
are of much the same value — made for show and not for en- 
durance — in short, made in Germany.' It may be remarked 
that few who have taken part in the discussion so far have 
failed to pay a frank tribute to their German rivals on this 
score." 



CHAPTEE XIII. 
What of Russia in Tliis War, and of the "Slav Peril?" 

To many persons in this country the relation of Eussia 
to the cause of the Allies, which those of us who believe in 
it describe as the cause of true Democracy, has seemed 
anomalous. The German talk of the "Slav Peril" has had 
iperhaps more weight than any other of the pro-German 
arguments. 

I have nowhere seen a more succinct or satisfactory state- 
ment as to this question than that by Mr. James Daven- 
port Whelpley, here subjoined : (195) 

** 'The Slav menace to Europe' — ^much talk is heard of it and 
much is written. That there is no such menace has been demon- 
strated conclusively in the last five months. Such a united 
resistance as that which Western Europe would present need 
go no further than an ultimatum, for the East would be helpless 
in the face of such power and such purpose now, and as surely 
for several generations to come. With double her present popu- 
lation, Eussian armies would be outnumbered and outclassed 
by the forces of the Western Allies. 

"To have a Slav menace for Europe it is necessary to assume, 
first, that Russia is gazing westward with longing eyes and im- 
satisfied ambitions; second, that her strength is sufficient to 
warrant an attempt to satisfy such longing and gratify such 
ambition. So far as territory to the westward is concerned, 
Russia is now prepared voluntarily to decrease her holdings 
in that direction by giving independence to Poland. There are 
excellent military and economic as well as political reasons for 
this move. It was to have come about had this war never taken 
place. Plans were made for Polish independence several years 
ago, and in the good time of Russia — which is always a long 
(332) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 333 

time — it would have come. The war nurried events and en- 
larged the plan — that is the only change. 

"What Russia proposes to do now if victorious is to force 
Germany and Austria to add their quota to the new Poland 
and grant political independence to the whole of this now 
divided nation instead of only to that part now known as Rus- 
sian Poland. By doing this Russia would build up a great 
buffer state between herself and Western Europe, behind which 
she could, without hindrance, carry on the development of her 
own vast territory, a work at which a good beginning has al- 
ready been made. 

"There is only one direction in which Russia has ambition to 
add to the extent of her empire at the present time, and that is 
toward the Dardanelles. That this passage from the Black Sea 
to the great waters of all the world is not hers now is the 
sorrow and exaspera.tion of her people and the wonder of other 
nations. Heretofore England has stood in her way, but now, 
with as good grace as may be under the circumstances, British 
opposition to such a move on the part of Russia will be with- 
drawn, for it is the one accepted fact concerning any future divi- 
sion of spoils in case the Allies are victorious, that Russia will 
come into her own in Constantinople. 

"A glance at the map reveals the justice of her claim and the 
economic necessity of such territorial acquisition. The vast 
Russian Empire now has only one outlet to deep water not ice- 
bound in the winter months, and that is through the Black Sea; 
but even here, before the trade routes of the high seas are 
reached, her ships must pass under the guns of alien forts. The 
Black Sea is in reality only a Russian harbor, with its entrance 
commanded by those opposed to the expansion of Russian trade. 
The stake of the Dardanelles was in itself sufficient to determine 
the lines of her alliances and tempt her to put her fortune to 
the test of war. 

"There would be no violence done to the people of the Straits 
were Russia to become their ruler, for they could have no worse 
or more corrupt government than is now their portion, and the 
new Lord of the Manor would be only adding a few more thou- 
sand believers in the Koran to the millions already under his 
authority. There would be no violence done to race or religion. 
If there is a country in the world which has an excuse for 
waging a war for new territory, it is Russia, for the Straits of 



334 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

the Dardanelles fall naturally and justifiably within the scope 
of Russian development. 

"If unsuccessful in this war, Russia will retreat within her- 
self, vanquished but unconquered, as she has done before, and 
will bide her time, wjiich is a longer time than any other nation 
can bide or endure, and then the sons of those who are fighting 
to-day will seek the gates to the open waters, to hold them for 
their own for all time, for in the end the entrance to the Black 
Sea will inevitably fall into Russian hands. 

"This great war is only an incident in the life of this mys- 
tical, slumberous and altogether remarkable nation. With 
others it may mean the end of leadership ; not so with Russia, 
for she has a destiny to work out within the borders of an 
empire already greater than the world has ever seen — one which 
will absorb completely the energies of her peoples for many 
generations to come. 

~ "No, there is no Slav menace to Western Europe; first, be- 
cause there is no desire to menace; second, because if there 
were, a human dam could be built across the face of central 
Europe which would turn back even the fiood of Russia's count- 
less armies." 

As to the share of Eussia in the war itself, in regard to 
which I have heard much misgiving expressed by Ameri- 
cans with the strongest possible sympathy for the Allies, 
I prefer to accept the opinion of Mr. Stanley Washburn. 
(196) 

"What I have seen in Poland has been a revelation to me 
of the armies of New Russia. As regards the organization and 
efficiency which we who were in Manchuria ten years ago came 
to know, there is about as much difference between the pres- 
ent military machine that is steadily and surely driving against 
Germany and that which first crumpled up on the Yalu before 
the assaults of the Imperial Guards of far-oft* Nippon as was 
the difference between the raw recruits that stampeded at the 
Battle of Bull Run in 1861 and the veterans that received the 
surrender of Lee at Appomattox four years later. 

"Until I went to Poland I had not during this war been 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 335 

•actually in the life of the army itself; of the eflfieiency of the 
German army, measured by the terrific blows that it had been 
striking, we all knew. Of the Russians we know little, save 
of their Galieian campaign. But now at last from the first 
day we entered the sphere of active and immediate operations 
we had the chance of forming an opinion as to the soldiers of 
the Czar — an opinion which in two days became a conviction, 
and that was that this army had been completely reorganized 
in ten years and that it was under full steam with a momen- 
tum and efficiency which was almost incredible to those that 
had seen it ten years ago on the dismal plains of Manchuria. 

"For weeks there have been suggestions in the foreign press 
that Russia has been moving slowly, but that her slowness was 
the preparation for sureness is the answer which one reads on 
the highways and byways of Poland to-day. . 

"There is no question about the Russians to-day. When I 
first came to Russia I M^rote a story from Petrograd in which 
I mentioned the new. spirit of Russia and the willingness with 
which the troops were going to the war. After having been 
at the front and seen hundreds and thousands of the same sol- 
diers on the roads, in the trenches, and in the hospitals I am 
of the opinion that what I then wrote is absolutely true. None 
of these pathetic units in the great game wanted the war, and 
I suppose every one of them prays for its conclusion, but almost 
without exception they take it philosophically and as a matter 
of course. Their hardships and their losses, their privations 
and their wounds, all are accepted as inevitable. The absolute 
hopelessness which one saw on their faces in Manchuria is not 
seen in these days. The keynote of their appearance wherever 
I have seen them in this war is a good-natured cheerfulness 
and readiness to accept the necessary in a cause the general 
nature of which most of them understand. 

"The soldiers themselves go on from battlefield to battlefield, 
from one scene of carnage to another. They see their regiments 
dwindle to nothing, their officers decimated, three-fourths of 
their comrades dead or wounded, and yet each night they gather 
about their bivouacs apparently undisturbed by it all. One 
sees them on the road the day after one of these desperate fights 
marching cheerfully along, singing songs and laughing and 
joking with one another. This is morale and it is of the stuff 
that victories are made. And of such is the fiber of the Russian 



336 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

soldier, scattered over these hundreds of miles of front to-day. 
He exists in millions much as I have described him above. He 
has abiding faith in his companions, in his officers, and in his 
cause. I think myself that sooner or later he will win. Time 
alone can say when his victory will come." 

As this book goes to press the fall of Przemysl, the slow 
but steady approach of the Allied fleets to Constantinople, 
the renewed repulses of the Germans in East Prussia, the 
obstinate, unrelenting Eussian campaign in the Carpath- 
ians, all seem to give point and significance to the articles 
I have quoted. 

It does look as if a "new Eussia" were fighting in this 
war and as if a Bull Eun might again be followed by an 
Appomattox. Certainly Eussia has now made the Eastern 
winter campaign of the Germans a failure. The "Slav 
Peril" must seem very real and very threatening to them, 
but I do not think that the rest of the world has any reason 
to be disturbed about it. 



CHAPTER XIV. 
What Are the Duties of America at this Time? 

It seems to me a very narrow and indeed a somewhat 
discreditable view of the duty of America at this time, 
which would confine ns to strict "neutrality" in both word 
and deed. The former is^ of course, practically impossible. 
The habit of saying what we think is too ingrained to be 
abandoned by reason of a Presidential or any other decree 
or proclamation. And what many Americans think is that 
we have ourselves been offended, injured, flouted by Ger- 
many's actions, beginning with the violation of the Belgian 
neutrality. 

There is in existence a document to which the United 
States of America is one of the signatories. Another signer 
is the German Emperor. This document embodies the re- 
sults of The Hague Conferences of 1899 and 1907. Mr. 
James F. Muirhead, of London (197), has discussed in a 
most interesting manner the situation arising from the 
existence of this paper. One of its sections, (Convention 
Concerning the Laws and Customs of "War on Land) con- 
sists of a recitation of the practices which the signers 
solemnly undertake to abstain from in the prosecution of a 
war. Among the provisions in this code are the following : 

Undefended towns shall not be bombarded, (Article 25 ; 
also Article 1 of Naval Code) . 

Pillage is expressly prohibited, (Articles 28 and 47). 

Illegal contributions must not be levied, (Articles 49 
and 52). 

22 (337) 



338 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Militia and volunteer corps enjoy the rights of belliger- 
ents, (Article 1). 

The seizure of funds belonging to private persons or local 
authorities is prohibited, (Articles 46, 53 and 56). 

Collective penalties for individual acts are forbidden, 
(Article 50). 

Every effort must be made to spare buildings dedicated 
to public worship, art, science or charitable purposes, 
(Article 56). 

The terrorization of a country by outrages on its civilian 
population is forbidden, (Article 46). 

It is forbidden to make improper use of a flag of truce, 
of the national flag, of the military insignia and uniform 
'of the enemy, or of the distinctive signs of the Geneva Con- 
vention, (Article 23) ; and it is forbidden to kill or muti- 
late the wounded, or to kill and wound by treachery, 
(Article 33). 

The weight of evidence that Germany has flagrantly 
violated most of these regulations is overwhelming, even if 
we omit those in the last paragraph as difficult to prove 
and peculiarly liable to exaggeration. It is not, however, 
necessary to omit them, in view of the American and Ger- 
man evidence now before the world. (See Chapter IV.) 

Mr. Muirhead continues: 

"The question, then, seems to arise obviously and inevitably: 
What is the position in these circumstances of the other signa- 
tories to the code? . 

"The United States of America was not one of the guarantors 
of the neutrality of Belgium. Hence, whatever may have been 
the feelings of its citizens, it was not, as a nation -or govern- 
ment, legally called on to interfere. True, the action of Ger- 
many was a direct attack on the principles of liberty and 
independent nationality, of which the United States of America 
is rightly considered as one of the greatest protagonists. But it 
may be granted that civilization has not yet progressed so far 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR S39 

that intervention on a purely ideal ground can be held to be 
a matter of practical politics — even for a country with 90,000,- 
000 inhabitants, and wealth beyond the dreams of avarice. 

"But unless the 'scrap of paper' theory is to be applied indis- 
criminately to all contracts and treaties between nations, what 
is the exact meaning of the signatures of other Powers, includ- 
ing the United States, to the decisions of The Hague conference ? 
Do they mean only a promise that the signatory will itself 
observe those decisions? Or do they go further, and involve 
the obligation that each signatory State shall, so far as lies 
in its power, enforce the observance on any signatory that vio- 
lates them? It cannot be maintained that such an obligation 
goes so far as to involve undertaking war for the purpose of 
enforcing observance, but surely it involves some effort to 
procure it. Can a great nation afford to put its name to a 
document and then stand by in icy neutrality while that docu- 
ment is being torn to shreds by another of the high contracting 
parties? Is the conduct of Germany in this regard really as 
much a. matter of indifference to the United States of America 
as to China or Abyssinia? It is obvious that the signature of 
Germany is worthless, and that the signature of Great Britain 
is being honored. But has, or has not, the value of that of the 
United States of America been somewhat impaired? Germany's 
word was given to America as much as to England. Can Amer- 
ica, then, consonantly with its dignity and honor, allow Ger- 
many to snap its fingers at her, and say, 'Well, what are you 
going to do about it V " 

Mr. Muirhead asks if the attitude of the United States 
of America should be, or must be, that of a neutral, equally 
friendly to both parties and waiting quietly for the chance 
to insinuate proposals of peace; or if the necessity of the 
case is not something wider and deeper than can be met by 
an ordinary peace based on comparatively unimportant 
mutual concessions? Is it not, he says, inevitably a fight 
to a finish, and is not the United States of America enor- 
mously interested in having that "finish" in one way only ? 

He expresses the hope that the Allies will need no 



340 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

material assistance from the United States of America in 
achieving their ends, but adds : 

"Those of us, however, who love America must pray that she 
will definitely declare herself on the side of popular liberty, if 
for nothing else than for the preservation of the full measure 
of our love and admiration." 

America was quick to see which was the side of right 
and juhtice in the war, but has been slow to awaken (indeed 
is not yet fully awakened) to its tragic possibilities. 

"Questions like the current one, whether the Prussian Idea 
is the Only Hope and the Kaiser the Preferred Instrument of 
the Almighty, are, of course, very interesting indeed to discuss, 
but even to the Prussians themselves the discussion will seem 
too dear if the price of it is extermination. 

"We do not realize this war, we Americans. The people who 
realize it most, as yet, are the Belgians, but all the countries 
actively concerned in it will realize in due time what it means 
when the resources of a mechanical civilization are concen- 
trated on the destruction of human life. As for Belgium, she 
is like a coimtry crucified for the saving of the nations. Of 
all the countries involved in the war, she was the most innocent, 
the best justified, the most gallant. Gashed with innumerable 
wounds, her poor body is a witness, still living, against the 
aggressions of Prussia, and against our modern warfare by 
machinery." (198) 

In the early days of the war I was travelling in Alaska 
and in our Pacific northwest and Canada. I talked with 
many Americans whom I met on trains or boats or at hotels. 
I did not find among them a single pro-German. But when 
I expressed the view, which I then absolutely held, that we 
— ^the United States — should help to make the issue of the 
war certain by promptly offering the Allies every assistance 
in our power, I found no one to agree with me. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 341 

I have noticed since then a steadily increasing and 
strengthening trend of public opinion in that direction. 
Ncrn, when I express the same sentiments, nearly every 
second person acquiesces. Many Americans have publicly 
put themselves on record as favoring some form of inter- 
vention on behalf of the Allies. Some would be content 
with a protest against the violation of the Hague conven- 
tion and an expression of opinion that would officially 
declare to the world, what the world already knows, the 
overwhelming sympathy of this country for the cause and 
the principles for which the Allies are fighting. 

Others, among whom I am to be counted, are in favor of 
prompt recognition of the fact that for the sake of human- 
ity and of civilization we cannot afford to permit Germany 
to win, and that the surest way of preventing it is to take 
sides at once. It seems a terrible thing to advocate war 
for one's own coimtry when war might be avoided. But 
it is more terrible to think of the indefinite prolongation 
of the slaughter now going on and of the experiences now 
awaiting not only the combatants, but the women and 
children and babies left homeless and fatherless. If our 
intervention brought victory to the cause of the Allies 
a month earlier than it would otherwise come, it would be 
justified. 

I am at one with Mr. Fraley, who, in the article I have 
twice quoted from (199), said: 

"Why not then take a hand at redefining, right now, whilst 
our action will be effective; saying to the War Lord: 'You have 
elected to ply your trade on these lines, but the business is at 
your peril. If you should be so unlucky as to shed American 
blood upon neutral ground or even in an enemy's territory, 
at a point remote from battle and without due warning; or 
if an American should be harmed, in person or property, by a 
mine of yours upon the high seas ; we shall hold it to be an act 
of war.' 



342 A TEXT-BOOK OF. THE WAR 

"'Advise' our fellow-neutral, Holland (whose present status 
is Germany's best asset) , that it is contrary to the public policy 
of the world that Germany should have the benefits of Dutch 
neutrality for the entrance of supplies, whilst trampling on the 
obligations of neutrality towards her next door neighbor. Pro- 
hibit all shipments from the United States to Holland except 
upon the guarantee of the Dutch government that they shall 
not go beyond her border. Exert all our influence upon the 
public opinion of the world to denounce the War Lord as an 
enemy of the human race, 

"If Germany should resent this, how could we make good ? 

"Send our Atlantic fleet to co-operate with the Allies in clos- 
ing the Baltic, and take along, as supply ships and colliers, 
every German vessel now in our ports. We shall find some of 
them loaded already. 

"What precedent exists for such a notice and demand? The 
mouth of the War Lord is closed on the subject of precedents, 
but if we must have a formula to go by, wherein would our 
action differ, in spirit, from that which we have already done 
in Cuba and in Mexico ? 

"We, the great Neutral Power of tne World, who desire that 
all neutrality shall be alike effective and respected, find the 
situation intolerable. We know that the one hope of stopping 
wars, is to supply a world wide sanction for the support of 
international laws and morals." 

I believe that to-day this expresses the view of a large 
and rapidly increasing number of Americans, and that 
before long the majority of our people will regard it as the 
duty of the President to protest against the disregard of 
treaties and the violation of conventions, and to make such 
protest so emphatic that there can be no doubt left in the 
minds of the Kaiser and the German people that the sym- 
pathies and, if necessary, the support of the United States 
are pledged to the cause of the Allies. 

Since it was written the piratical threat of the "war- 
zone," the illegal capture and destruction of an American 
ship, the atrocities and barbarities of the German cam- 



'A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 343 

paign in Belgium have added to Germany's offenses against 
civilization in general and against America in particular. 
Dr. Charles Eliot, President Emeritus of Harvard, in an 
address on "America's Duty in Eelation to the European 
War" is quoted as saying: (300) 

"With Germany, might made right. She made a violent 
attack on the weaker, because it was the shortest, the easiest 
way. What a blow this was to our idea of mercy, to our con- 
ception of the progress of man from a barbarian to a civilized, 
fair, merciful being! We had hoped that the methods of war 
were capable of amelioration, but this war has blown all those 
hopes to the winds. 

"All our hopes were shattered by Germany's action. All our 
American ideas of the right to life, liberty, property, happiness, 
were nullified by this nation, which is led by a ruler who has an 
archaic idea of his powers and of his relation to the world. 
Germany has shown us that in the most advanced nation, as 
far as science is concerned, there is no place for mercy, no place 
for good will and that hatred takes the place of good motives. 

"We must bear in mind the deep obligations which this 
nation is under to England and France, so deep that it is vain 
to expect us to be in our hearts neutral. Can we think of giving 
no aid to France if she comes to the end of her resources; to 
England if she should be reduced to like straits ? 

"But let us not confuse our minds by failing to see whither 
the German policy tends. Let us not dream of abandoning our 
faith that human relations shall be determined by considera- 
tions of justice, mercy, love, and good will. We must help the 
Allies if our assistance is requested." 

To quote the usually pacific OutlooTc (201), and with 
most cordial approval: 

"To a nation that acknowledges no law but its own might, 
those nations that have a sense of honor and regard their obliga- 
tions as binding, can only say: 'If only the sword will induce 
you to keep your word, we shall have to let the sword do its 



344 A TEXT-BOOK OP. THE WAR 

work. It will be our business to see that the observance of 
treaties which we regard as a matter of honor, you shall find 
to be a matter of self-interest.' " 

Professor G. B. Adams, of Yale, is reported (203) to 
liave said recently: 

"So much is at stake for civilization in this war that Ger- 
many must not be allowed to win it, even if it becomes neces- 
sary for the United States to enter the conflict on the side of 
the Allies. . . . Germany represents in government and 
institutions an obsolescent system away from which the world 
has been advancing for generations. . . . Germany must 
be defeated in this war. If it comes to the point when it is 
necessary for the United States to aid the Allies to the end 
that they should win, then I ho;pe it will be done. She is 
opposed to everything for which we stand, and our turn would 
be next if Germany were successful." 

Mr. Eobert Bacon, ex-Ambassador from the United 
States to France, says : (303) 

"Signs are not wanting that the people of this country are 
unwilling to submit much longer to the injunction laid upon 
them that our neutrality should impose upon us silence regard- 
ing aspects of the European war with which we have a vital 
concern. There are many men who consider that this nation is 
shirking its duty by maintaining a policy which may be 
interpreted as giving tacit assent to acts involving us morally 
and much more intimately than has yet been expressed. These 
men believe that we have a high responsibility in upholding the 
treaties which were signed at the Second Conference at The 
Hague in 1907 and ratified by the United States and the nations 
now at war. . 

"In The Hague convention referred to we have a real and 
intimate concern. That convention was signed by the delegates 
from the United States and ratified by the United States govern- 
ment, . and it ^as^sigued andratified by Germany, making it 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 345 

a treaty between Germany and the United States, in which the 
other ratifying Powers were joined. 

"In admittedly violating Articles I and II of that conven- 
tion Germany broke a treaty she had solemnly made and entered 
into with the United States. 

"Are we to suffer a nation to break a treaty with us, on 
whatever pretext, without entering, at least, a formal protest? 
Will anyone contend that our neutrality imposes silence upon 
us under such conditions? Are The Hague conventions to 
become 'scraps of paper' without a single word of protest from 
this government? If the treaties which we made at The Hague 
are to be so lightly regarded, then why not all our other 
treaties ? As a matter of fact, it is our solemn duty to protest 
against a violation of pledges formally entered into between 
this government and any other government, and we assume 
a heavy moral responsibility when we remain silent. In this 
crisis, particularly, other nations look to us and never, per- 
haps, has our example had greater force." 

Professor Henry M. Howe, of Columbia University, has 
espressed (204) as follows the alternatives open to the 
United States: 

"Are there not two courses now open to us which may direct 
the course of human affairs for centuries ; the first to be neutral, 
while revictualling and rearming Germany as far as is possible 
through Holland and Scandinavia, and thereby increasing the 
chance of her reaching a position in Avhich she can later conquer 
us and the rest of the planet, and meanwhile force us to become 
primarily military instead of industrial; the second to join 
the Allies and prevent Germany reaching that position, not only 
directly by our strength, but still more by withholding from 
her those supplies of food, ammunition and gasolene without 
which she must yield? 

"Germany having now disclosed her wish to rule the planet, 
does she not know that this war will decide either that she 
shall reach a position in which she can carry out that wish, 
or that the rest of the world, recognizing this to be her wish, 
will combine to prevent her in perpetuity from reaching that 
position ? 



346 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"And is not this knowledge one sufficient i-eason for her 
anxiety for our good will, lest we aid the Allies to prevent her 
reaching it? 

"If Ave are to have a world alliance for restraining military 
aggression, should not that alliance be formed now rather than 
after the subjugation of the Allies shall have left no unsub- 
jugated civilized powers collectively strong enough to restrain 
Grermany? The world's present power to crush the aggressor 
suffices. If we allow this war to go against the Allies, shall 
we not thereby lose perhaps the last golden opportunity? 

"If our danger seems remote, is not that because we have 
not given it thought? 

"If the great work of the Allies is to prevent Germany 
becoming irresistible, is not this as necessary to our preserva- 
tion as to theirs? If so, do not honor and dignity call on us 
to assume our share in the burden of this prevention?" 

The Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907, with the 
annexed regulations, were signed by the direction of Col- 
onel Eoosevelt, then President of the United States, and 
expressed the practically unanimous sentiments of our peo- 
ple. 

Colonel Eoosevelt now writes: (205) 

"Most emphatically I would not have permitted such a farce 
to go through if it had entered my head that this government 
would not consider itself bound to do all it could to see that 
the regulations to which it made itself a party were actually 
observed when the necessity for their observance arose. . 
Of the present neutral powers the United States of America is 
the most disinterested and the strongest, and should, therefore, 
bear the main burden of the responsibility in this matter. 
. If they (The Hague Conventions) meant anything, if 
the United States had a serious purpose, a serious sense of its 
obligations to world righteousness when it entered into them 
then its plain duty (after proof of their violation has been 
obtained) is to take whatever action may be necessary to vindi- 
cate the principles of international law set forth in those con- 
ventions." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 347 

Professor William Gardner Hale, of Chicago, says (206) 
that as the second Hague Conference dealt with neutral 
powers everywhere in the world, and as the agreement 
declared their territory "inviolable," and as this was agreed 
to by forty-two other powers (in addition to Germany and 
the United States), Germany's act in breaking the law did 
not concern England, France, Belgium and herself alone, 
it concerned us. "It was not merely a shameful act toward 
a brave but weak state, it was an offence to us." 

Professor Hale continues : 

"In a given country there is force to maintain the laws. As 
between countries, there has been no means. There is, in the 
technical phrase, no sanction. It is absolutely essential that 
there should be a sanction. There never can be any except 
force. That cannot be the force of the combatants. They are 
already engaged with all their might in the struggle. The 
law breaker will go on breaking. If he wins there will never 
even be any punishment. Our President has said that these 
questions will be taken up at the end of the war at The Hague. 
But if Germany wins there will never be any conference at The 
Hague. The Hague will be at the War Office in Berlin, and 
there will be no admission. 

"If the Allies conquer there will be a conference. The forty- 
four powers, will take part. But even so, there can never be 
any security against further law breaking, except that powers 
which are strangers to the dispute should, the moment there 
is sure violation of the laws of war, throw in their strength 
against the guilty side. It will have to be some powerful 
nation, or nations, that do this. We are such a nation. Our 
fleet is the third in the world, though our army is small. Our 
resources, if brought into operation, are great. We are also 
a determined people. 

"This is no small quarrel. The fate of the world hangs upon 
it. That which we ought some day to do we should do now; 
should have done already. Technical reasons, as well as moral 
reasons, we have in abundance. Solemn treaties made 'between 
the United States and other powers,' including Germany, have 



348 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

been broken by her. The breaking of a treaty is always a sitffi- 
cient reason for a declaration of war if the offended party 
desires. We had a sufficient reason on the day on which the 
text of the German ultimatum to Belgium was published, even 
if we were doubtful about the ridiculous reason given. Ger- 
many's announcement that, if Belgium resisted the violation of 
her territory, Germany would regard her resistance as a hostile 
act, and treat the relations of the two countries thereafter 
according to the arbitrament of war, was enough. When 
precious historical monuments, which are in a very true sense 
the property of all mankind, began to be destroyed or to be 
gravely injured there was again enough. When an unfortified 
and undefended town was three times bombarded there was 
again enough. When the peaceful vessels of neutrals, as well 
as vessels of war, began to be blown up by floating mines there 
was once more enough. And, even if we did not make war, it 
was our duty at the very least to address a temperate protest 
to Germany, We did not protest. The love of fair play is 
inherent in the Anglo-Saxon race, as well as in most others. 
Even a crowd at a prizefight or a game will not tolerate 
repeated and deliberate foul play and wait to the end in the 
hope of adjudication. It will promptly drag the offending party 
out of the ring. But we do nothing, 

"We are not a military nation and are not prepared. But 
our navy could at once have patrolled the seas and given secur- 
ity in the Atlantic, We could have kept the communications 
between France and England open. We could have guarded the 
English harbors. We could have set the English fleet entirely 
free to do its most important work, if it is in any Avay possible 
to do it — ^namely, to destroy the German navy. That once gone, 
Germany could never have built another until after peace 
was declared. She would have been heavily crippled. A decla- 
ration of war from us would also have at once shut off all 
American food from reaching Germany by any channel. We 
could also have sent at once a small army to the field. There 
was a time when a small additional force would have made a 
difference. We could have asked for volunteers. Hundreds of 
thousands would have offered themselves. We were not pre- 
pared, but Germany would have known that we were preparing. 
She would have seen that her cause was hopeless." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 349 

These quotations, representing the views of an ex-Presi- 
dent of the United States, an ex-President of Harvard, an 
ex- Ambassador, a Yale professor, a Chicago professor, a 
Columbia professor and a Philadelphia lawyer, must serve 
to indicate the reasons for my belief that American public 
opinion now tends to favor some form of intervention, not 
from quarrelsomeness, certainly not for selfish motives or 
from desire for aggrandizement, but chiefly from the wish 
to have our country discharge a great international duty, 
thrust upon us by the irresistible force of circumstances, a 
duty, the proper discharge of which would make humanity 
our debtor for ages to come. 

[See also, in reply to this question. Chapter XVIII.] 



CHAPTER XV. 
What Are the Interests of America at This Time? 

I think many Americans must have blushed when they 
read Mr. Champ Clark's speech early in September and 
saw that he had said that we wanted to "encourage peace- 
making in the old world partly out of motives of humanity, 
but largely because we do not want to be injured." He cer- 
tainly did not speak for the American people in placing 
that motive above all others. 

Yet it is right that we should ask : What may we expect 
if Germany is victorious in this war? 

We know the principles for which she stands. We know 
her disregard for obligations, spoken or written. We know 
her intention to gain "World Power" at any cost. Have 
we any reason to think that she would respect us, our 
wishes, our persons, our property? 

Dr. Dernburg, the ex-Colonial Secretary, was some time 
ago, understood to have declared that Germany had 
announced its recognition of the Monroe Doctrine. (307) 
The Monroe Doctrine, as every American knows, dates 
back to 1823, when "certain European Powers showed 
signs of wishing to help Spain recover her lost American 
colonies." President Monroe said : "We owe it therefore to 
candor .... to declare that we consider any 
attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion 
of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety." 
That is the important part of the Monroe Doctrine. For- 
tunately the republics of South America have attained such 
size and strength that the further statement that we could 

(350) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAB 351 

not permit anyone to ^'^oppress them" or to "control their 
destiny" might now well be modified to read that we would 
gladly aid them, if they needed aid, in resisting any such 
attempt. 

Dr. Dernburg's statement was intended to be under- 
stood as an assurance that Germany did not intend to 
establish' colonies in this hemisphere. 

A little later our State Department issued an announce- 
ment to the effect that the German Ambassador, Count von 
Bernstorff, had on September 3, 1914, in a note to the 
department "stated that he was instructed by his Govern- 
ment to deny most emphatically the rumors to the effects 
that Germany intends, in case she comes out victorious in 
the present war, to seek expansion in South America." 

"The sweeping statement of Dr. Dernburg is thus reduced 
to an official expression concerning Germany's intention with 
regard to South America. Thus it is seen that there was no 
pledge offered, but merely an expression of intention. And 
Americans must remember that intentions change. In the 
second place it related, not to the whole of the Western Hemi- 
sphere, but merely to South America. What Germany's inten- 
tions are with regard to North America, including Canada and 
the West Indies, was left to American imagination. 

"But not for long. One day later there was published a 
further statement by Dr. Dernburg, and a statement by the 
German Ambassador, Coimt von Bernstorff." (208) 

The latter said that a German invasion of Canada for a 
temporary foothold on this continent would not violate the 
Monroe Doctrine, and Dr. Dernburg said that by sending 
Canadian troops to the war, "Canada had placed herself 
beyond the pale of American protection." 

He took pains to add that Germany would, however, 
extend her respect for South American territory to that of 
our neighbor to the north. 



352 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

But can Americans afford to believe them ? The papers 
are already asking whether "in the light cast upon German 
international policy by the Ems dispatch — forged or doc- 
tored, as one may choose to call it — ^by Bismarck to bring 
on the Franco-German war of 1870-71, and by the "scrap 
of paper" incident in this war, we can afford to adopt any 
policy in relation to Germany but that of extreme watchful 
waiting and preparedness for whatever events may happen 
in the near future." 

"Certainly we have no antipathy to Germans; no racial dis- 
trust of them. But we do distrust the leading that Germany 
has had since 1870. We do consider that her people have been 
trained to follow a false ideal. We do consider that the policy 
of Bismarck corrupted her moral sense. A great man was 
Bismarck and a great deal good, but he lied without scruple, 
and he took for Germany without scruple or regard for justice 
anything that he thought would do Germany good. When he 
took Alsace and Lorraine he overdid the job and committed his 
tmfortunate country to a hopless debauch of militarism. Ger- 
many as we see it now is not the Germany of Goethe or Schiller, 
of the democrats of 1848; it is the Germany of Bismarck, and of 
intense commercialism, and of success at any price. Wlien 
Bismarck told in his memoirs how he changed the wording of 
the French ambassador's letter and brought on the war in 1870, 
it was notice given to mankind that in- diplomatic concerns the 
word of Germany may not be trusted. When the German troops 
crossed the Belgian frontier it confirmed the existing impres- 
sion that promises of the German Government are only good 
so long as enforceable by the promisee." (209) 

Powys (310) deals with the subject philosophically: 

"Human nature is pushed forward by the very profoundest 
law of its existence towards light and air and liberty and hap- 
piness and leisure and culture. It is also pushed forward by 
a profound law of its existence towards competition and strug- 
gle and rivalry. But there is no earthly reason why these two 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 353 

laws should not at least be so reconciled that the abuse of 
extreme poverty and the abuse of war should not be totally 
abolished. To lay it down as an austere, scientific dogma, aa 
some writers do, that we must always have poverty and always 
have war, is not to have sufficient trust in the miraculous trans- 
formative power of life. Life has produced the human race 
from among the animals. "V^^y should it not be able, with 
man's intelligent assistance, to clear out of the way such gro- 
tesque anomalies as extreme poverty and the slaughter of 
war? 

"This is not idealistic or fantastic dreaming. It is the voice 
of simple common sense. And it is a legitimate hope for the 
future. Why should the human intellect which has been able, 
as this war proves, to devise such splendid engines of destruc- 
tion as the Krupp guns and the Zeppelin airships and the sub- 
marines and the mines, not be able to devise some scientific plan 
by which extreme poverty and military slaughter should be 
brought to a sudden end? Whatever other effect this amazing 
war has, it will have the effect, we may hope — if the Allies win 
— of turning the world's attention to both these obvious neces- 
sities. 

"It is for this reason, as much as anything, that neutral 
Americans, and others, are bound to hope for the victory of the 
Allies. The victory of the Germans would mean — who can 
doubt it? — an incredible encouragement to the policy of arma- 
ments. It would also mean — who can doubt that, either? — an 
immense strengthening of the fetters of caste and aristocracy." 

I agree with the London Spectator: (311) 

"Strange as it will sound to most American ears . 
it is none the less true that at this moment what stands between 
the Monroe Doctrine and its complete destruction are our ships 
in the North Sea and the battle-weary, mud-stained men in 
the British and French trenches on the Aisne." 

"It seems ignoble, and it is, to cling over anxiously to 
life when daily so many thousands before our eyes give it 
up. This is our battle, too, that is being fought in Europe; 

23 



354 A TEXT'BOOK OF. THE WAR 

our destiny as well as their own that Belgians, British, 
Prench, Germans, and all the rest are struggling and dying 
over. This is a conflict of fundamental ideas. If the Ger- 
man idea wins, its next great clash seems likely to be with 
the idea that underlies such civilization as we have in these 
States." (312) 

We can get some information as to the probabilities in 
this direction from other sources. We have seen how 
accurately Bernhardi and Treitschke forecast the immed- 
iate future in their writings. There were other prophets in 
their country. The late Mr. W. T. Arnold, grandson of 
Arnold of Rugby, in a summary of the "German Profes- 
sional Campaign," quotes as follows from Dr. W. Wintzer's 
book, "Die Deutschen in Tropiscli&n AmeriTca": 

"The moral core of the Monroe doctrine vanished on the day 
when the document concerning the annexation of the Philip- 
pines was signed by MoKinley." He (Wintzer) claims 'the 
right to confront this Greater- American doctrine with a Greater- 
German one' 5 and adds: 'Equality of treatment with the 
United States in South America — that is the theory which we 
both on principle and as occasion serves, must oppose to the 
Monroe Doctrine and which, too, should the moment come, we 
must defend by force.' . . . The American order of 'Hands- 
Off ! ' in South America m,ust be answered in the negative. 

"Two of the Pan-Gterman prophets of the future, 'Oermanm 
Triumphoms' and Dr. Eisenhart, represent Germany as fighting 
against both Britain and the United States, but fighting 
against them, separately. In 'Oermania Trium'plians' the United 
States are first attacked and defeated by both sea and land, and 
Britain is represented as chuckle-headed enough, and base 
enough to look on and do nothing. Then comes Britain's turn. 
The only difference in Dr. Eisenhart's vaticination of the future 
is that Germany takes Britain first and the United States look 
on. Britain is disposed of, 'and now' says the prophet, 'it was 
time to reckon with America.' Not even these half-sane Pan- 
Germans contemplate the possibility of dealing with Britain 
and the United States together." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 355 

Price Collier (313) says: 

"In discussing Senator Lodge's resolution before the United 
States Senate, on the Monroe Doctrine, the German press spoke 
of us as 'hirnverbrannte Yankees,' 'bornierte Yankee-Gehirne, 
('crazy Yankees,' 'provincial Yankee intellects') ; and the 
words 'Dollarika,' 'Dollarei,' and 'Dollarman,' are further 
malicious expressions of their envy frequently used." 

Schmoller, the political economist, writes: 

"We must at all costs hope for the formation in Southern 
Brazil, of a State with twenty or thirty millions." 

"Germany's purpose in the great war, as seen from here, 
is to teach a reluctant world that what the German Kaiser says 
goes. It is a war for the vindication of the Prussian say-so; 
a war of destruction and extermination of whatever stands up 
against Prussian domination; a war to parcel out the world 
anew, and give Prussia what she wants. Prussia has dominated 
the rest of Germany so completely that it has forgotten that 
there ever were ideas in Germany that were not Prussian. 
Undoubtedly Prussia is eager to dominate the rest of mankind 
in the same way, and morally capable of using any available 
means to do it. With the Prussian idea it is truly a case of 
world-power or downfall. It is an idea that is 'incapable of 
repose, that requires periodical exercise in the field, and must 
be fed on conquest if it is to keep its strength. 

"That is not at all true of Gterman 'kultur,' which we have 
so much been told the Germans are fighting to defend. The 
German 'kultur' means pig-iron, Krupps, ships, beer, chemicals, 
music, discipline, military service, and professors." (214) 

It is obvious, at this moment, showing through the recent 
"statements" and "announcements" of the highly placed 
Germans whom I have quoted, that at least the possibility 
of Germany's disregard of the Monroe Doctrine is present 
in their minds. Circumstances enjoin caution. Americans 



366 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

are to be placated — just now — not irritated or alarmed. 
Bernhardi, Trietschke, Wintzer, Eisenhart, Schmoller are 
to be repudiated. 

But in view of her callous and brutal disregard of formal 
obligations, entered into with the majority of the civilized 
nations of the world, and in view of the many other reasons 
(See Chapter XI) for doubting the reliability of German 
statements at this time, can any American contemplate 
with equanimity the possibility of this war ending in a 
Germanid Triumphans ? 

Is that a prospect which, in view of what we know of the 
purpose, interest, determination not only of the military 
caste, but, at least for a time, of the whole nation, Ameri- 
cans can regard with indifference or a condition which they 
can await with serenity? 

Ferrero, the Italian philosophical historian, practically 
answers that question when he says: (215) 

"This war will either increase still more the military caste 
in Germany or will largely destroy it. Germany is moved to the 
conflict with the expectation of repeating 1870: that is of 
making a rapid, victorious campaign, the cost of which will 
be covered by the immense indemnities imposed upon the con- 
quered. And if the General Staff succeeds in this enterprise, 
the German army, and the Hohenzollerns who are its leaders, 
will achieve such prestige in Germany, in Europe, and in the 
world, that no strength can oppose them." 

As Powys says: (216) 

"It is inconceivable that it should be good for civilization at 
large to witness the triumph of the German spirit over Europe. 
The triumph of the German spirit over Europe would mean 
the triumph of system rather than life, of criticism rather than 
■creation, of , materialism rather than mysticism, and of self- 
satisfied optimism, rather than those tragic questionings of fate 
that mark the perplexity of the noble soul. , 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 357 

"Scientific efficiency, material pi-ogress, inexhaustible erudi- 
tion — these are not everything. Man cannot live by science 
alone, or discipline either. Life must be lived by the masses, 
by the people." 

But Professor Hale still more fully and specifically 
answers the question: (317) 

"What do we Americans pray for as the issue of this great 
struggle? Russia is autocratic, but she has abundantly pro- 
duced men who eagerly suffered martyrdom for freedom. Ger- 
many did once, but has stopped. Nor does German America 
seem any longer to raise up citizens of the Carl Schurz kind, 
who rebelled against this very bureaucratic militarism that 
has produced the war. England, France and Belgium are 
democratic countries. Miinsterberg (218) speaks of 'the 
tremendous increase of the monarchical conviction.' Von 
BUlow, for twelve years German Minister for Foreign Affairs, 
quotes with approval, in his just published 'Imperial Germany,' 
the statement, 'German parliaments, in a comparatively short 
space of time, mostly sink to the level of a district council,' 
and expresses his own conceptions in such sentences as: 'In 
history strong military States have always required monarchical 
guidance,' and 'In foreign as well as home politics I considered 
it my noblest task to the best of my understanding and ability 
to strengthen, protect and support the crown, not only on 
account of deep loyalty and personal affection for the wearer, 
but also because I see in the crown the cornerstone of Prussia 
and the keystone of the empire.' As for Austria, it was against 
this very Francis Joseph that Cavour planned, and Garibaldi 
fought, for Italian liberty. Which type of ideas do we want 
to see succeed? 

"The victory of the Allies would mean an English England, 
a French France, an Italian Italy, a Russian Russia, a German 
Germany. It would mean a Europe of free nations, each 
developing its own characteristics and ideals. Germany -would 
not, I hope and believe, even lose her foreign possessions, except 
the little one taken from China, which should be handed back. 
But she should be made to restore Schleswig-Holstein to Den- 
mark and Alsace-Lorraine to France. She should be made to 



358 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

take her place as one of the family of equal nations, and not 
its mistress. And we should lend our strength at once, as well 
as our good wishes, to this end. 

"The victory of Germany and Austria would mean a Ger- 
manized and bureaucratically controlled England, France, Rus- 
sia and Italy; for Italy would not survive. It would be a 
world intolerable to live in, and intolerable for an American to 
think about. But thinking about it is not the only thing that 
he would suffer. 

"The victory of Germany would put at her disposal an enor- 
mous fleet, consisting of all the ships that survived the war. 
Her ambition would not be sated. She aims at nothing less 
than world dominion. 'Deutschland uber alles' does not mean 
'with the exception of the United States.' She has known how 
* to attack us. The moment she had a trained German personnel 
for her immense navy, South America, or as much as she wanted 
of it from time to time, would become a German colony. The 
nucleus already exists in Brazil, and could easily enough pro- 
duce an excuse for war if one was thought desirable for his- 
torical purposes. To the winds would go the Monroe Doctrine 
and South American freedom. We, with our then relatively 
tiny navy, should be helpless, either to keep Germany off or to 
dislodge her. From South America she would strike at us. 
Our coasts would be at her mercy, and she could land her dis- 
ciplined troops anywhere. The coimtry would be full of spies, 
as France and. Belgium are to-day. We should fight desperately, 
and our land is of great extent. But only disciplined armies 
can prevail in these times. Guerilla warfare is useless. Fight- 
ing would be done here by railroads and the reduction of great 
centres. The population of Germany and Austria is to-day 
larger than oiirs by some sixteen millions; and Germany, then 
the mistress of Europe, could safely bring an army into the 
field from many quarters, both of Europe and South America. 
The struggle would be bitter. We should have the advantage 
in distance ; but the ocean is narrow to-day, as the presence of 
soldiers from all parts of the world on the battlefields of France 
has shown us. And Germany would have every other possible 
start upon us. 

"This is no idle speculation. It is no more a nightmare than 
v/as the possibility of a Germanized Europe a few months ago. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 359 

We should stop it all by throwing our strength now upon the 
side of the Allies. 

"I have put my arguments on the basis of Germany's break- 
ing of international law. But I will put it also on another 
basis. War must come to an end. It does not belong to our 
generation or to civilization. Convention 1 of The Hague does 
not make it compulsory for any country to arbitrate a dispute 
such as that between Austria and Servia, if it does not wish 
to. But it also does not forbid any power in the world to fall 
upon the aggressor. The American people know who was the 
aggressor, just as Italy knew. We have had the statements of 
both sides. That guilty government should be taught that 
a monstrous war of aggression will never in the future be 
tolerated. Such a lesson would go very far to stop all wars." 

Most Americans I think agree to-day with Powys, that 
individual liberty is likely to flourish when all organized 
Empires are forgotten. 

"The great philosophical anarchists of Paris and Petrograd 
stretch out their hands across the battlefield to the religious 
believers in Delhi and Tibet. The free-thinking radicals in 
Manchester greet the faithful orthodox in Moscow. The 
opposite ends of the earth are agreed, in one thing at least — 
that they will not suffer a State-Machine to over-ride the human 
spirit, or a bastard 'efficiency' to strangle the beauty and 
variety of human life. 

"Let Americans who waver in their allegiance to the cause 
of the future of the human spirit because of Mtinsterberg's 
talk about 'Cossacks with their Pogroms' and English and 
French with their 'colored races,' think of the growth of their 
own republic. Let them think of these great principles of 
individual liberty, as against all government-machines, upon 
which the American ideal is based. Let them think of Jeffer- 
son and of Emerson, of Eranklin and of Walt Whitman ; and let 
them decide whether they prefer to live in a world dominated 
by over-drilled and over-bearing 'efficiency,' or in a world of 
free, instmotive beauty, and free, instinctive faith!" (219) 



360 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

And again when he says: (320) 

"Germany is fighting — pushed on by her 'Harnaeks, Haeckels 
and Euckens' — pushed on by her Miinsterbergs — in order to 
fetter and enchain the world in the pseudo-scientific chains of 
mechanical order, mechanical efficiency, and materialistic 
thought. The Allies are fighting to liberate the world from 
this oppressive tyranny. They are using the strength and dar- 
ing of the Russian Empire and the strength and daring of the 
British Empire, in order that all races and coimtries, both in 
the West and the East, shall be free to develop their intellect, 
their traditions, their art, their religious faith, unpersecuted 
by German science. 

"If when the war is over the Russian Empire and the British 
Empire, or one or the other of them, were to use their victory 
to force Anglo-Saxon ideas or Slavonic ideas upon races that 
were neither Anglo-Saxon nor Slavonic — upon the Teutonic 
states, for example — it would be the duty of the other Allies, the 
duty of France and Japan and Italy — if Italy joins in — to see 
to it that the great complex Idea, which they all share in com- 
mon, was not thus narrowed and perverted. 

"No, this is not a war between Europe led by Germany, and 
Asia led by Russia and England; it is a war between the 
mechanical efficiency of Germany and the instinct of self-pres- 
ervation of the rest of the world. 

"Let Russia give more liberty to her Polish and Finnish and 
Jewish subjects; let England give more liberty to Ireland and 
to India. Let both of them refrain from imposing their ideas 
upon Teutonic people. Then it will be perfectly lawful for 
Russia to snatch Slavonic races from the grip of Germany and 
for England and France to liberate Danes, Flemings, and Gauls. 

"If the result of the war, upon Germany herself, is to destroy 
the new Bismarckian Empire, and throw her back upon her 
ancient free states, no German who loves real Grerman culture 
need regret it." 

I need dwell no longer upon this point. 
Both duty and self-interest should lead America to make 
sure at whatever sacrifice that German militarism does not 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 361 

in the outrageous war which it has precipitated, triumph 
over the democratic ideaJs for which little Belgium has 
almost laid down her national existence, for which — under 
whatever nominal form of government — the Allies are 
valiantly fighting, and for whicli we as well as they should 
be ready to make any sacrifice of life or treasure that may 
be needed. 

I believe that: 

"As theocracy, or the attempt to make men righteous by 
force failed in the New England colonies; as serfdom and 
slavery, or the attempt to make men industrious by force, 
failed in Russia and the United States ; as feudalism, or the 
attempt to make men loyal and chivalrous by force, failed in 
England; and as the spirit of materialistic revolution, or the 
attempt to make men liberal-minded and intellectually free by 
force, failed in France — so the doctrine of Maohtpolitik, the 
attempt by Germany to impose a civilization upon humanity by 
force; must fail — must he made to fail." (221) 

Dr. Abbott, the venerable and respected editor of the 
American weekly, which expressed this view, was obviously 
still of the same opinion nearly five months later. He 
quotes Prof. Ostwald, a German chemist, who had recently 
said: (332) 

"Do you ask me what it is that Germany wants? Well, 
Germany wants to organize Europe, for up to now Europe has 
never been organized. Germany wishes to adopt a new course 
for realizing her idea of co-operative energy or social efficiency. 
How does Germany propose to realize this project of social 
efficiency in the west of Europe? She demands that the Ger- 
mans and the French shall have an equal welcome in their 
respective countries, and that they shall be permitted to work 
and to acquire wealth on exactly the same terms in either 
country. ... In eastern Europe Germany will create a 
confederation of states, a sort of Baltic confederation, which 



362 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

will include the Scandinavian countries, Finland, and the Baltic 
provinces. Finally, she will tear Poland from Russia, and will 
make of it a new independent state. The moment has come, I 
believe, for remodeling the map of Europe. . , . We, or 
perhaps rather the Germanic race, have discovered the factor 
of social efficiency. The other peoples of the world live yet 
under the regime of individualism; we Germans under the 
regime of organized co-operation. With us everything tends to 
draw from the individual a maximum of that service which is 
most useful to society. In this idea we Germans find liberty in 
its highest form." 

Dr. Abbott replies : 

"If it is the purpose of the leaders of Germany in this war, 
as I am bovmd to believe it is from the testimony of their 
own words, to impose their ideals of political and social virtue 
upon Continental Europe, and if they are successful in achiev- 
ing that purpose, then the United States and the three great 
republics of South America will be the only great nations left 
to cherish and protect the ideals of intellectual freedom and 
individual liberty for which our fathers struggled in the Amer- 
ican Revolution with the aid of such Germans as Steuben, and 
in our Civil War with the aid of such Germans as Carl 
Schurz and Franz Sigel. You remember the noble fight which 
Cavour made for democratic institutions in Italy against the 
despotism of Metternich; you remember his death-bed words, 
'Ghiesa libera in stato libero,' which may be paraphrased. Free- 
dom of conscience in a free country. Social efficiency based on 
force cannot exist in a country whose citizens believe in free- 
dom of conscience and political action. 

"I am aware that in this war some Frenchmen are actuated 
by a spirit of revenge, that some Englishmen are actuated by 
a spirit of jealousy, that some Russians are actuated by a 
spirit of aggrandizement. But, on the whole, I believe the 
Allies are fighting the battle for the liberty and the free 
development of the little state and of the unimportant indi- 
vidual. They are therefore fighting my battle. I believe it 
may be said in a very real sense that a victory of the German 
militarists will destroy the German people, and that a victory 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 363 

of the Allies will save them. I am not at all sure that it is 
not the moral duty of the United States, which stands for the 
principles of Cavour, Mazzini, and Garibaldi, of Grotius, Carl 
Schurz, and Gottfried Kinkel, of John Hampden, George Wash- 
ington, and Abraham Lincoln, to take some public and out- 
spoken position against the purpose of the German militarists 
to remake the map of Europe on the lines so graphically laid 
do^vn by Professor Ostwald. For who knows but that such a 
map made in such a way would mean the remaking of the great 
chart of human civilization? And in that chart the people of 
this country have a very profound and living interest." 



CHAPTER XVI. 

What is the Effect of the Official Attitude, Past and Present, 
of This Country on (a) Americans; (b) Other Peoples? 

a. Americans, I hope and believe, are becoming increas- 
ingly restive under existing conditions. 

As they look back, they are, so far as our present unpre- 
paredness is concerned, confronted by the opposing ideals 
of Woodrow Wilson and George Washington : (223) 



"We are at peace with all the 
world. No one who speaks 
counsel based on fact or drawn 
from a just and candid inter- 
pretation of realities can say 
that there is reason to fear that 
from any quarter our independ- 
ence or the integrity of our ter- 
ritory is threatened. Dread of 
the power of any other nation 
we are incapable of. We are 
not jealous of rivalry in the 
fields of commerce or of any 
other peaceful achievement. We 
mean to live our own lives as 
we will, but we mean also to 
let live. We are, indeed, a true 
friend to all the nations of the 
world, because we threaten 
none, covet the possessions of 
none, desire the overthrow of 
none. Our friendship can be 
accepted and is accepted with- 
out reservation, becaiise it is of- 



"I cannot recommend to your 
notice measures for the fulfil- 
ment of our duties to the rest 
of the world, without again 
pressing upon you the necessity 
of placing ourselves in a condi- 
tion of complete defense, and of 
exacting from them the fulfil- 
ment of their duties toward us. 
The United States ought not to 
indulge a persuasion, that, con- 
trary to the order of human 
events, they will, forever, keep 
at a distance those painful ap- 
peals to arms, with which the 
history of every other nation 
abounds. There is a rank due 
to the United States among na- 
tions, which will be withheld, if 
not absolutely lost, by the repu- 
tation of weakness. If we de- 
sire to avoid insult, we must be 
able to repel it. If we desire to 
secure peace, one of the most 



(364) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 365 

fered in a spirit and for a pur- powerful instruments of our 

pose which no one need ever rising prosperity, it must be 

question or suspect. Therein known that we are at all times 

lies our greatness." — President ready for war." — President 

Woodrow Wilson to Congress, George Washington to Congress, 

Dec. S, 1914. Dec. 3, 1793. 

I select one of many communications to the papers that 
voice the widespread feeling of unrest and dissatisfaction: 
(224) 

"Many loyal Americans feel deeply himiiliated at the position 
in which our Government now stands with regard to the war 
which is devastating Europe. When the German Kaiser ap- 
pealed to our President — personally and publicly — he gave him 
not only the opportunity but made it incumbent upon him to 
protest publicly and in the name of justice and humanity 
against the contraventions of all the laws of nations of which 
the Germans already stood convicted. If these acts had been 
committed by France or by England, it would have been equally 
the duty of our Government to protest against them, and a 
dignified and forcible remonstrance made then might have had 
its influence without affecting our neutrality or endangering 
our peace; in any case we would have freed our souls from the 
blood-guiltiness of silence, and from an indelible stain upon our 
history as a nation. 

"While we continue to send shiploads of food to the Belgians, 
let us also with fearless uprightness speak our minds to those 
who are starving them, exacting from them the last loaf of 
bread, the last pound of flesh, and the uttermost tribute that 
can be wrung from their distress! Cannot our countrymen 
realize that those who are left of this heroic people, with their 
King beside them in the trenches, that the French, changed be- 
yond all belief from their old pleasure-loving lightheartedness, 
that the very flower of the manhood of Great Britain, aye, and 
even the half-civilized peoples from steppes of far Siberia are 
battling desperately not only for themselves and their countries, 
but for us and for all that we hold sacred? Is our President 
so blinded by his hope of being one day chosen to sit in the 
'seats of the mighty' as arbiter of the destinies of nations that 



36G A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

he cannot or will not see that, if we now fail to make a stand 
for righteousness, there will be later no one so poor as to do us 
reverence? If we are afraid now as a nation to express any 
sympathy or to show any prejudice for right as against might, 
or to protest without fear or favor against injustice, from 
whom can we look for aid or even for moral support when our 
time of trial comes?" 

I have received in MS. from Mr. Herbert Armitage 
Drake, a paper entitled "The Prevention of War. A Con- 
tribution to World Peace," which he has kindly given me 
permission to use, as an expression of opinion from another 
American. It is valuable and interesting in itself, and 
equally significant as an indication of the views which I 
believe are now those of a considerable and influential pro- 
portion of our people. 

Mr. Drake objects to a "Federation of Nations" with an 
international police to enforce its decrees, because, as here- 
tofore planned, it would be made up of incongruous ele- 
ments, and would be half monarchical and only half demo- 
cratic. 

He says : 

"Suggestions for the prevention of war so far made are 
likely to remain suggestions only for a long time to come. The 
Federation of Nations is a dream to be realized only in the far- 
distant future. The organization by the nations of a constabu- 
lary or world police in support of the Hague Tribunal, to give 
force and sanction to its decrees, would develop weaknesses 
similar to or more disturbing than those of the confederation of 
the thirteen independent nations which formed the United 
States prior to the Federal Constitution. It would be made up 
of elements from sources too incongruous to serve any united 
purpose; from weak states and powerful states, from small 
nations and great nations, from neutral states and belligerent 
states. 

"A valuable suggestion of this character recently appearing 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 367 

in the New York Evening Post, with the form of a constitution 
worked out for an association of all the great powers, has a 
weakness conunon to all of them. The entente or alliance con- 
templated would be composed of monarchies committed to au- 
tocracy and conquest; and of democracies committed to peace 
and the rights of man. As was said by Lincoln, of our nation 
before the war, that it could not remain half slave and half 
free, so the proposed organization could not be realized, and 
become purposeful and effectual, half democratic and half mon- 
archical. 

"Appertaining to monarchical states, there is no rule, no 
law, no regulation for declaring or inaugurating war. There 
is no means for the enforcement of such a rule, if it existed; 
and it is not likley to exist while irresponsible monarchs have 
their way. Monarchs are those who rule the people of the 
nation, but who are not ruled; those who are entirely without 
responsibility to the people. As remarked by The Nation at the 
time, the outbreak of the present Avar owes its inception to three 
emperors, one of whom is senile, one of whom is subject to 
periods of melancholia and the other of whom has given evi- 
dence of disturbed mental balance. The declaration and pre- 
cipitation of this war was a perfect example of violent anarchy. 
The 'confusion worse confounded' which has succeeded it, in the 
war zones of Europe and in the countries involved, is an ex- 
ample of chaos. Law, rule, order, the concomitants of civiliza- 
tion, are non-existent. Barbarism, brutalized tenfold, is substi- 
tuted. The anarch who is responsible for this social and eco- 
nomic cataclysm, deserves superhuman condemnation. No mat- 
ter who, or how many are responsible with him, he could have 
scotched the wicked monster. 

"Monarchies, of which Austria, Germany and Russia are illus- 
trations, declare war without the permission of their legisla- 
tures. They have just done so. Their legislatures are not 
supreme. Their ministries are not responsible to their legisla- 
tures or to the people. Their monarchs in the matter and 
manner of declaring and precipitating war, are responsible to 
nobody. They are imcontrolled, intolerable, insufferable an- 
archs. In the words of Byron, written of Mark Antony and his 
congeners, they are 'Imperial anarchs, doubling human woes; 
God! was Thy globe ordain'd for such to win and lose?' 

"That there should be some rule, law or regulation, some- 



368 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

thing civilized controlling the declaration and inauguration of 
war, is beyond question. A plebiscite in democracies may and 
should be provided, so that the men and women who are to 
carry on and suffer by war, may say whether there shall be 
war or arbitration. The nation that goes to war without a 
referendum to the people, should be made to await the refer- 
endum of its combatant and required to submit to arbitration, 
if this referendum so decides. 

"The late Herbert Spencer, in his first great work, 'Social 
Statics,' demonstrated a fundamental social principle. The 
substance of it is that the 'Liberty of each, limited by the like 
liberty of all, is the rule in conformity with which society must 
be organized.' A formal and explicit statement of this 
principle is that 'Every man has freedom to do all that he 
wills, provided he infringes not the equal freedom of any 
other man.' This fundamental principle is no less applicable 
to nations than to the citizens who compose them. It will then 
read, 'Every nation has freedom to do all that it wills, provided 
it infringes not the equal freedom of any other nation.' 

"As the citizen must preserve order and uphold civilization, 
and arrest the law breaker caught in the act of infringing the 
freedom of another citizen, so should peace-loving, civilized na- 
tions uphold the freedom of weak, small, neutral nations, vio- 
lently infringed by the imperialism of a great power having 'its 
roots not only in the ambition of a single monarch, but in the 
soaring will to power of the nation itself.' ( See Lichtenberger's 
"Germany and Its Evolution in Modern Times," p. 175.) 

"Democracies, the nations which are committed to peace, 
and the nations in which nationality exists, but in which hu- 
manity is superior to and above nationality and imperialism, 
the nations in which the legislatures, the representatives of the 
people, are supreme, and the people and the rights of man are 
dominant and the state is servient, these only are the nations 
qualified to form an alliance to make rules and regulations 
appertaining to the inauguration and conduct of war, its pre- 
vention and suppression. 

"An alliance that can be realized and become effectual would 
be composed of democracies, committed to Magna Charta and 
its affirmations in the English constitution, to the principles 
of our own Declaration of Independence and to the spirit of 
the French Revolution; committed to uphold in its integrity 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 369 

the government of each autonomous and homogeneous nation, 
undisturbed; to control and abolish militarism; to prevent and 
suppress wars of conquest; to end anarchy among irresponsible 
rulers of monarchies in declaring and precipitating war; and 
to subject the inauguration of war to an ante-bellum period of 
six months between its declaration and the commencement of 
hostilities. 

"There would, of course, be many details of this alliance to 
be . worked out. These allied democracies could establish for 
their purposes an international court ; but they would be a law 
unto themselves, as to the extent of their own land and naval 
forces, because only by force could they exact and enforce the 
end and purpose of their alliance? And let it be remembered 
always, that a navy alone is not an arm of conquest. It is a 
peace establishment, except only when used in conjunction with 
and in support of over-sea armies of invasion. A military es- 
tablishment of each democracy in support of that alliance, 
because committed to peace, would be necessary and justified. 
But a cnishing military establishment, such as France has been 
obliged to maintain in self-defense, or as we should be obliged 
to maintain to defend ourselves singlehanded against a war 
of aggression, would be necessary. (See Cliapter XIX). 

"Here is a great opportunity for diplomacy, for the new diplo- 
macy, the diplomacy of candor and sincerity, diplomacy for the 
service of the people. 'For after all,' as Sir Henry Jones re- 
marks in his 'Idealism as a Practical Creed,' 'our salvation 
must come through the state.' Contemplate for a moment the 
magnificent achievement of the diplomacy of France in nego- 
tiating the Triple Entente — in committing autocratic Russia to 
the armed support of the Liberty, Equality and Fraternity of 
the French Republic. 

"The states representing democracies should at once, by their 
diplomatic representatives, facilitate an approach to and a 
formation of an alliance on the lines, or on some of the lines, 
here indicated. It is not known how long this war will last. 
It is not too late to begin now. It would be the very depth of 
stupidity for us to sit still and listen to the deceiving words 
of Germans and Pro-Germans — to attend to Pan-Germanic 
falsehoods while we lie supinely at ease, jeopardizing civiliza- 
tion and the world's interest, for which France and England and 
Belgium are pouring out their lifeblood to-day. The United 

24 



370 A TEXT-BOOK OE THE WAR 

States, Brazil, Argentine, Chili and Venezuela in the Western 
Hemisphere; Norway, Sweeden, Denmark, Holland, Italy and 
Portugal in Europe and China and Siam in Asia, or some of 
them, could be formed into an alliance at once to stop this war 
of conquest. We could offer to equip and send volunteers to the 
firing line. It would b^ voluntary on the part of these men 
and patriots to fight for what their forefathers were forced to 
fight for and for what France aided them to fight for in 1776 — 
to fight for what Great Britain is fighting for now. 

"What if, as is rumored, Russia should fail to keep her prom- 
ise to make peace only when her allies are ready to make peace, 
and unite with her, and should cease war before Germany's mili- 
tary power were crushed? Civiliaztion would be in jeopardy. 

"But our assistance, and the assistance of the South Ameri- 
can Republics already named, need not extend to sending our 
own youth to the front. Our moral support and commitment to 
the side of order and civilization need not extend any further 
than preventing the importation of food and petrol into Ger- 
many through Holland and Sweden j than releasing with our 
navy the navies of France and Great Britain from the police 
duty now imposed on them ; than the sending of our troops to do 
colonial garrison duty for France and Great Britain, thus re- 
leasing those soldiers to go to the Western war zone. 

"Let us consider Germany, with her Nietzsche, glorifying 
power in man as the supreme end of life; with her Treitschke, 
magnifying her power as the most desirable and formidable in 
all the world, and favoring its expansion; teaching, with her 
Bernhardi, the 'biological necessity of war to social develop- 
ment; with her remarkable ability in adapting to her economic 
uses and triumphs the world's access to power in the face of na- 
ture, i. e., the scientific and philosophic achievements of the nine- 
teenth century; with the great advance in business and social 
position of her middle classes until, with them, an aristocracy 
of wealth and success is competing for ascendency, with the 
traditional and titled aristocracy of the Prussian squire; sup- 
pressing their help with long hours and bribing them with so- 
cial insurance which the employees largely pay for; claiming 
more markets for their wares and more ports through which to 
trade (see Lichtenberger's Germany and Dawson's 'Social In- 
surance' passim) ; is it any wonder that the spirit of conquest 
overcame all opposition and that the soaring will to power con- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF TlW WAU 371 

verted her into a hotbed of world hatred? This cultivated 
German world hatred supports and encourages a doctrine the 
direct contradiction of the irrefutably fundamental national 
rights, (as obligatory as any treaty), above set forth, viz: the 
doctrine of aggressive Grerman world power, by and under which 
weak and neutral states have no rights which a great Power is 
bound to respect. 

"The war spirit 'preached to the children at school, firmly 
implanted in the hearts of the soldiers during their service in 
the regiment,' prevailed, 'so that the cult of the army had few 
infidels in Germany' before the war was ever declared. (See 
Lichtenberger's 'Gennany,' p. 142.) Besides all these causes 
and influences, the war cult was 'carefully fed by numberless 
patriotic associations throughout the country.' ( Lichtenberger, 
Ibid.) Hence associations ought to be formed in this country 
to promote the end and purpose of the proposed alliance and its 
realization. 

"If we were as alive to our duty to-day as the Germans are 
to theirs as they see it; if we were as loyal in our love of peace 
as the Germans are in their love of war; if we were as strong 
to-day in our opposition to conquest as the Germans are strong 
in their support of it; if we saw, as clearly as we should see, 
that with Gennan success in this war the spirit of the French 
Revolution and the principles of our own Declaration of Inde- 
pendence will be put in jeopardy and a depleting war of our 
own would be necessary to uphold our civilization and its prin^ 
ciples as we know them, for ourselves; if we could realize that 
France and England are fighting for the same rights of man for 
which we fought in 1776, and as valiantly; if our heralding of 
Lincoln's Gettysburg speech as one of the beacon lights of civili- 
zation were more to us to-day than a hollow pretense, we should 
ally ourselves with and with all our might, fight for Belgium, 
France and Great Britain, 'so that government of the people, 
by the people, for the people shall not perish from the earth.' " 

Mr. James M. Beck (225) in a connnunication correct- 
ing a report of a speech recently delivered (p. 481) says 
that what he then did say was: 

"That we could and should ( 1 ) protest against acknowledged 



S72 A TEXT'BOOE OP THE WAR 

violation of the rules of civilized war, and (2) call a confer- 
ence of the neutral states of the world. 

"I pointed out that this moral protest, although we could 
not enforce it with an army and na,vj, would not be a mere 
futility, but that on the contrary, if our country should voice 
the public opinion of the world, it would have its effect. . . . 
"What I said was nothing more than that the neutral states 
of the world might, if the war continued to desolate the entire 
world, consider whether by concerted action the termination of 
the conflict might be brought about, either by persuasion or 
force. The force which they could exert might be economic as 
well as military. 

"The organized neutral states of the world, exclusive of China 
and the Balkan States, have a population of nearly 250,000,000. 
Including China, but excluding the Balkan States for obvious 
reasons', the inhabitants of the neutral states, having the form 
and potency of organized government, would be over 600,000,000. 
The whole world is suffering from this conflict. After another 
year of fighting, it may be clear that the contending forces 
have reached a military stalemate or impasse and that neither 
side can defeat or exhaust the other. In that case, if the neu- 
tral states were reasonably agreed as to the cause of the quarrel 
— and I freely acknowledge that that is a very large assumption 
— or if from considerations of the highest self-interest they 
were tmwilling that the whole world should continue to suffer , 
indefinitely for the quarrels of two groups of European states, 
then it is not impossible that these neutral states, acting in 
harmony and with the United States as a leader, could virtually 
compel a termination of the war. . . . 

"I cannot understand how humane people can view the 
methods of the present war without an abhorrence that must 
at times find expression in vigorous language. It is no answer 
to reply, 'This is war and war is hell.' Wars in modern times 
have been accompanied by a certain chivalry which gave to them 
a sort of dignity and moral beauty. A war, however, in which 
powerful warships bombard unfortified coast towns of no stra- 
tegic value and shoot down school children on their way to 
school, and in Avhich Zeppelin airships pass over sleeping vil- 
lages and kill babies in their cradles, has no resemblance to the 
other wars of modern times. The destruction of whole cities, 
because of the irresponsible acts of a few infuriated civilians. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 373 

is also a new and lamentable departure in the malignity of war. 

"A striking illustration of this is that General Gage's army, 
when, on the retreat from Lexington and Concord, it was fired 
upon by justly incensed farmers, who, however, were civilians, 
did not wreak its vengeance upon the town of Boston or kill its 
leading citizens. This method of vicarious punishment was re- 
served for the 20th century. 

"I share with many Americans an intense regret that the 
United States cannot as a nation protest against the continuing 
destruction of the ideals of civilization. Our silence might be 
explained if we had consistently refused to intervene in the 
affairs or quarrels of any other nation; but such is not the fact. 
The present Administration was so shocked by the alleged com- 
plicity of President Huerta in the cowardly assassination of ; 
Madero that to show its detestation it broke the back of the only | 
stable government in Mexico and thus gave it for the last two | 
years to anarchy, and the result has been the enthronement of ^ 
the unspeakable Villa. 

"If we were thus prepared to voice our protest as a great 
moral force against a mere incident of the chronic anarchy in 
Mexico, it seems strange that we can view with silence and with 
an. averted eye the violation of those regulations of war which 
were formulated in The Hague Convention and the obligation 
of which our nation, in common with forty other nations, guar- 
anteed. 

"Our silence as to the moral aspect of the war is somewhat 
emphasized by the fact that this country has twice made a 
formal protest, in each case the subject of the protest being the 
interference with our shipments of merchandise to foreign mar- 
kets. Conceding that these protests are just and necessary, yet 
it ought to bring a sense of humiliation to thoughtful Ameri- 
cans that all that we can find in this gigantic moral cataclysm 
to make the subject of a protest is any interference with our 
opportunity to make money out of the situation. 

"All this can have but one inevitable result, whichever of the 
two groups of combatants may ultimately win, and that is a 
substantial impairment of the moral authority of the United 
States." 

If we can do no more, I would perforce be content with 



374 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Mr. Beck's programme, because if it were politely — or im- 
politely — ^^ignored, as it probably would be, it would result 
in crystallizing public sentiment in this and in other coun- 
tries, and could not fail to work for right and justice. 

In the same issue (226) a temperate letter on the sub- 
ject of Mr. Beck's speech, likewise urges a "protest," but 
thinks I was "foolish" on this occasion (p. 481) in 
going beyond that and urging actual interference. The 
difference does not seem to me to be as great essentially as 
upon the surface. The writer goes on : 

"The two recent attacks upon English unfortified towns, one 
by the sea and the other by the air, and in distinct opposition 
to the agreement which Germany signed, 'not to bombard un- 
fortified towns,' and this last attack by Zeppelins are as brutal 
as the raids the Indians in this country used to make, thereby 
killing women and children. Such a method of warfare has 
always been considered as barbarous, and is in poor keeping 
with the claims of advanced civilization. 

"Is this country to sit quietly by without a word? In the 
name of true civilization and in the name of outraged decency I 
say that we should as individuals and as a united country, 
while still declaring our neutrality as far as legal warfare is 
concerned, protest against any and all barbarous and brutal 
acts." 

If I saw a bully beating a child or a woman, (and as 
between Germany and Belgium the comparison is not over- 
drawn) , and "protested," and no attention was paid to my 
protest, could I stand still or go quietly away, with the 
feeling that I had done all "that may become a man?" Or 
should I feel obliged to take some personal risk to help the 
victim ? If the latter is the natural and proper course, for 
a nation as for an individual, it is probable that the differ- 
ence between "protesting" and "interfering'* is only that of 
taking one step instead of two to reach a given goal, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 375 

The time to protest was at the outset, at what may be 
called the "psychological" moment, (though I have come 
to detest the term, as used by Professor Wilson and Pro- 
fessor Miinsterberg) ; it might conceivably have delayed the 
outbreak of hostilities, and even a short delay might have 
resulted in the avoidance of war. 

I must again call attention to the fact that I am not 
alone in my advocacy of interference. In support of my 
contention that there is "a steadily increasing and strength- 
ening trend of public opinion" in favor of the necessity 
and propriety of some form of intervention on behalf of 
the Allies, even if it is only to give them our official moral: 
support, I have been tempted to quote from many personal 
letters which, since the appearance of my pamphlet on 
the war, have reached me from various parts of the coun- 
try. 

I have been deterred by the impossibility of making 
such a series of quotations serve my purpose without, at 
the same time, seeming to magnify the importance of the 
work I have done, which is unfortunately insignificant. 
I may venture, however, to give a few extracts from 
such letters. They were all obviously written with no 
idea that they would appear in print. I have, therefore, 
had to omit the writers' names, and have mentioned merely 
their places of residence. My correspondents have repre- 
sented an entirely fair average of non-hyphenated Amer- 
icans, ranging in position from a Justice of one of the 
highest Courts in the land, to clerks, mechanics and work- 
ing men. I have endeavored to omit, as far as was con- 
sistent with intelligibility, all that was personal, and to 
select only expressions that bore upon the point I am mak- 
ing. That point is, to reiterate, that the American people 
are, in the main, in sympathy with the views I have upheld, 
and that now, even those who are not in favor of actual 



§76 A TEXT-BOOK OF, THE WAR 

intervention are eager for unqualified official expression of 
sympathy with the Allies, and of condemnation of Ger- 
many. It must be remembered that while the pro-Ger- 
mans are organized, officered, and untiring in the dissemi- 
nation of their views, the pro-Allies, while vastly superior 
in numbers — and intelligence — ^have heretofore trusted to 
the righteousness of their cause and the common sense of 
the whole people. 

The citations from the letters follow : 

"I fully agree with you that this country has now a profound 
interest in the question that is being fought out. Should 
Germany succeed, the United States would either become her 
vassal, as by that time Europe would be, or else would have to 
enter upon a gigantic struggle to preserve her place and insti- 
tutions in the world." (Philadelphia, Pa.) 

"Fifteen years ago I heard and saw in Buenos Ayres im- 
mistakable evidence that the German Government had marked 
the Argentine for its own, and in the near future. Had it not 
been that England tacitly stood behind the Monroe Doctrine, we 
should have been at grips with Grermany long since — and now 
we haven't enough sense to know when our own battle is being 
fought for us. ( Philadelphia, Pa. ) 

"Isn't our government at Washington the most despicable 
thing that can be imagined? Without protest it lets Germany 
violate our treaties and perform all sorts of uncivilized acts, 
and protests to England because a cargo of contraband is de- 
tained and entails a loss of a few dollars." ( Wallingf ord, Pa.) 

"No American can remain true to the ideals and principles 
of America, and at the same time not be opposed to Germany. 
Meanwhile, what can we think of a President who so little 
understands his people that he can find it possible to tell them 
that 'This has nothing to do with this country.' Who passes 
the Belgian outrages in silence, and whose first important ac- 
tion is one that adds to England's difficulties? Who lets go the 
one great opportunity to unite the two great branches of Eng- 
lisih-speaking peoples, and who tells us that Mexicans should 
be left alone to secure freedom by cutting each other's throats, 
after he has himself meddled with their internal affairs, and 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 377 

done so in a perfectly futile manner, and in a way to plant in 
Mexicans the belief that we are governed by a set of old 
women; and that first, last, and always, we will seek peace and 
avoid war at all costs? 

"I trust that these things do not cause you the continuous 
sense of nausea that they bring to me." (Boston, Mass.) 

"I am not — at least not yet — prepared to support active 
intervention by the United States, nor do I believe it will be 
needed; but I believe anything short of that is fully war- 
ranted by the late, fully planned international burglary. 

"It is time for strong men strongly to express strong views 
regarding this latest recrudescence of Csesarism." (Philadel- 
phia, Pa.) 

"While I do not follow you so far as advising that the United 
States immediately take a part in the conflict, I believe, rather 
than that England be sacrificed and France destroyed, that it 
will be the duty of our country to prevent such a disaster by 
every means in its power." (Philadelphia, Pa.) 

"I often hear people say that this war is being fought for 
the existence of this or that race, but I think that it is in fact 
being fought for an ideal, and is a struggle between two prin- 
ciples, that of free self-government by the people, and that of 
despotic power centered in an hereditary ruler and a military 
clique." (Philadelphia, Pa.) 

"There are many people who think like you. Now is the time 
for America to repay to England and France the debts we owe 
them. She should stand behind them with men and m.oney. I 
am an American of the fifth generation of unadulterated Ger- 
man blood, and I feel and I know that Germany is striking at 
liberty and has assumed the role of a gigantic freebooter. I 
have a neighbor whose father came from Prussia, whose grand- 
father was a Prussian officer, who tells me, as his opinion, that 
Germany should by right be crushed to the earth, even if 
America should have to help to do it." ( Kimberton, Pa. ) 

"I am exactly of your way of thinking, although I am a warm 
peace advocate, and am estopped from openly avowing my fear 
and abhorrence of present Teutonic status by reason of Presi- 
dent Wilson's plea for neutrality and my cloth." (Aikin, 
Maryland. ) 

"I can't see how anyone could acknowledge himself so men- 
tally debased as to say he was pro-German. 'Twould be the 



378 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

same as declaring in. favor of a society led by lies, deceit, cow- 
ardliness (putting women and non-combatants in front of an 
advancing line ) , hypocrisy and false pretense, whereof the Ger- 
mans have been proved guilty. Long ago I felt that I wished 
the United States would line up imreservedly with the Allies, 
but I hardly had the courage to say it out boldly. I was like 
Artemus Ward, who said he was enthusiastically willing that 
his brother-in-law should go to the war. Now, were it possible, 
I'd go in a minute." ( Wallingf ord, Pa.) 

"I am heartily in accord with your views. I think the stand 
our Government has taken, under the guidance of the President, 
is cowardly. England and her allies are making a battle which 
is not only essential for our preservation, but for what is also 
of as much, if not greater importance, the preservation of rep- 
resentative democratic government. Knowing the traditions of 
the Hohenzollern family, their great success in literally steal- 
ing the lands of other countries, and the enormous military 
machine at their command, I have had ever since this war be- 
gan the greatest anxiety about the outcome of it. The tmder- 
lying greed and vaingloriousness that is at the bottom of it, 
shocks every sense of international right and natural justice 
which I have been taught from my youth up to respect. If the 
Germans should succeed in this war, it will seriously injure 
modern civilization and relegate us toward barbarism, probably 
to be followed by a century of warfare. 

"We announced the Monroe Doctrine to prevent the establish- 
ing on this continent of absolutism in government. If Germany 
succeeds, that doctrine will become a dream of the past. If it 
. is worth fighting for, now is the time to fight for it. It was 
mere child's play for our Government to become a party to the 
Hague Conventions and then make no effort to maintain them. 
We certainly have a right to make a formal protest against such 
flagrant violations of the provisions of those conventions as 
Germany has committed in this war. Having protested, we 
should back the protest up in every way in our power by assist- 
ing in punishing that government, which, after becoming a 
party to them, has flouted us by disregarding them. I am glad 
to find from your book, and from conversation with others, 
that there are more and more of our people taking this view 
every day. As circumstanced, we could not do very much in a 
forceful way. Our Army is too small to amount to anything, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 379 

and President Wilson is going to see to it that it does not 
become any stronger. Our Navy could be of material use. The 
mere fact, however, that we had joined in with the Allies in 
this war would, in my opinion, cause all the now hesitating 
neutral governments in Europe to cast in their lot with the 
Allies, and that soon would not only put an end to this most 
unjustifiable and unrighteous war, but would also make an end 
of Prussian militarism and the bullying of small nations which 
had not the strength to protect themselves. 

"I cannot help but believe that this will finally be the out- 
come of the war; but why should we not help to bring it about 
and thereby save many human lives and valuable property that 
otherwise will be destroyed and wasted?" (Philadelphia, Pa.) 

"I have already read your pamphlet with great interest and 
with almost entire agreement; I could omit the 'almost' except 
for the fact that I think intervention by us now, or in the near 
future, is hardly possible, by reason of the fact that our unpre- 
paredness is so marked. I do not believe that there is any 
danger of Germany's emerging victoriously for a long time to 
come, if ever, and I feel that six months or a year could very 
well be spent by us in getting the military and naval forces 
of the country into some kind of shape, when we would be in a 
position to command attention to any remonstrances that we 
might address to Germany. I feel that our position is one 
which may well cause us anxiety. I have no doubt whatever 
that the country is full of German spies and secret agents, and 
I feel that all our ships and military stores should be guarded 
with extreme care and vigilance." (Philadelphia, Pa.) 

"Permit me, though an entire stranger to you, to express my 
cordial sympathy with, and acquiescence in your views regard- 
ing our right attitude and duty as a nation in this present 
war." (New York, N. Y.) 

"I think you have done a real service in bringing together 
in one place facts which speak for themselves. It seems abso- 
lutely incredible that in a civilized world we should have the 
spectacle of America sending supplies to Belgium in conse- 
quence of Germany's devastation, while at the same time Ger- 
many is taking away from Belgium what little she has left." 

(Philadelphia, Pa.) 



380 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

I submit that, if my statements as to the character of 
the writers of the above paragraphs, and as to their geo- 
graphical distribution are accepted as truthful, and if I am 
furthermore believed when I say that they could be multi- 
plied many times over from other letters sent me spon- 
taneously, they must be given some weight in estimating 
the present state of American public opinion. And they 
are entitled to still more consideration when it is remem- 
bered that I am a single inconspicuous citizen of this Ee- 
publie, without official or public position, and by no means 
well known, even by name, to the vast majority of my 
fellow-citizens. 

In further support of my assertion that I am not alone 
in my advocacy of interference I am permitted to publish 
here a poem by a young lady, Miss Laura Armistead Car- 
ter, of Baltimore. I am greatly mistaken if the fire and 
pathos of her verse do not voice the sentiments of tens of 
thousands of Americans yet unheard from. 

N^EUTEAL. 

"Washington, J). C, August 5, 1914. 
"Whereas a state of war unhappily exists * * and 
whereas the laws and treaties of the United States * * 
impose the duty of an impartial neutrality. 
Therefore" — 

"We have no pretext for declaring war." 

!N"o pretext — ^trne, but America ! 

There is a Cause — ^thy cause as well as theirs 

Who fight thy battles for thee oversea ! 

Dost thou do well to draw thy garments clear 

The while the very things thou standest for 

Are trembling in the balance ? Shall the earth 



* * 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 381 

Eemain the gainer for the centuries 

Of toilsome groping upward — Justify 

Him, Who created? Shall Democracy, 

Gazing men frank and fearless in the eyes. 

Still lead her peaceful cohorts down the years 

To ever widening freedom ? Shall our Chiefs 

Be Prophets, Sages, Servers of their kind — 

'Gainst pestilence and ignorance our wars — 

Our meed of victory — the Common Good? 

Or shall the shadow of the Iron Hand 

Blacken the earth? Shall Mediaeval night 

Engulf our dawn ? — Torn from a Lister's hand 

The knife goes hack to Cain ! — shall all we piled, 

Stone after stone for painful centuries, 

Fall crashing into chaos, while the guns 

Eoar sullen requiem? Earth an armed camp- — 

"Might" once more "right !" — O Country of the Free 

Is this no cause of thine ? 
And think not that thyself shalt so escape ! 
The ashes of Louvain that cry to God, 
The blood of "neutral Belgium," falling bomb, 
And floating death that blocks the ocean lanes. 
With treaties violate and oaths forsworn 
Bear ominous witness to that prophet voice : 
*'Thou art the next in line !" Look, look, beyond ! 
As Tie had looked, who gave that liberty 
Thou dost imperil. Judge as he, then rise 
As he, far-sighted, wise, deliberate 
Were he on earth to-day would bid thee rise ! 
Unfurl the silver stars ! — ^unsheathe the sword ! — 
And ii/ the spirit of thy Washington 
Join hands with England! Up ! then — Kot in hate. 
And with no shout of martial ecstasy. 
But in the name of Him, the Prince of Peace, 



383 A TEXT-BOOK OF, TEE WAR 

Whose kingdom totters — stern and sorrowful, 

Facing the issue — ^while the balance sways — 

To arms ! Columbia ! — Lest a world be lost !" 

And, again from a young lady, Miss Helen Gray Cone 

(227), I may quote the last stanza of a poem entitled 

"A Chant of Love for England :" 

"Shatter her beauteous breast ye may ; 
The Spirit of England none can slay! 
Dash the bomb on the dome of Paul's, — 
Deem ye the fame of the Admiral falls? 
Pry the stone from the chancel floor, — 
Dream ye that Shakespeare shall live no more? 

Where is the giant shot that kills 
Wordsworth walking the old green hills ? 
Trample the red rose on the ground, — 
Keats is Beauty while earth spins round ! 
Bind her, grind her, bum her with fire. 
Cast her ashes into the sea, — 
She shall escape, she shall aspire. 
She shall arise to make men free; 
She shall arise in a sacred scorn, 
Lighting the lives that are yet unborn; 
Spirit supernal, Splendor eternal, 

England !" 

There are many of us who are called "anglomaniacs" 
in these days. But if to believe in the clean hands of Eng- 
land in this war, to feel that she and the Allies are fight- 
ing the battle of democratic civilization against a military 
autocracy that has thrust the fight upon them and has 
conquest for its purpose, to be profoundly convinced that 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 383 

they are as truly fighting our battles as if we all were parts 
of the same republic^, is to be an angiomaniae I am glad 
to be so classed. And furthermore, apart from the ques- 
tions of right and wrong involved, I deeply sympathize 
with the sentiment that, when displayed, is apt to elicit 
the term as one of reproach. I am not ashamed of a feel- 
ing that I know is shared with innumerable Americans, 
the feeling that, after Independence Hall, the most prec- 
ious edifice in the world to Anglo-Saxons, is Westminster 
Abbey. It was long ago said that to see an American 
enter it for the first time was to witness an unconscious 
display of profound reverence. Great Britain is filled with 
shrines of scarcely less significance to our people. 

Knowing what we now know of the fate of Louvain, of 
Eheims, of Dinant, can any American read with indiffer- 
ence the open threat as to the destruction of "the nest of 
hypocrisy on the Thames"; the boastful assertion by a 
"learned man" (in the employ of the Berlin government, 
of course,) that they would show "no respect for the tomb- 
stones of Shakespeare, ISTewton and Farada/'? 

When the war began this would have been regarded as 
the excited vaporings of an irresponsible. In the grim 
light of what has been we should all realize what would 
be if the war gave Grermany the power to execute her 
threats. 

This, it seems to me, is no time for hair-splitting. It 
is no time for Americans to aid the Germans by recalling 
every ease of difference of opinion between us and Great 
Britain. It is no time for reviewing arid balancing the 
evidence as to the justice of our respective claims on each 
occasion. All this is now to give help and comfort to the 
pro-German conspirators, whose chief hope is to awaken 
or to produce an anti-British sentiment. It all ignores 
the vital, the basic facts of the present situation. It is 



384 A TEXT-BOOK 0F> THE WAR 

ungenerous and unworthy; and it is no reply to that 
statement to point out instances when Great Britain has 
acted ungenerously or unworthily. If I believed that in 
every case when her and our views had differed and when 
there had been friction between us, we were absolutely 
right and she was entirely in the wrong, it would not have 
a feather's weight of influence upon my present attitude. 

Either the Allies are imperiling their very existence in 
the defense of principles which we are, in times of peace, 
proud to call "American," or they are not. Those who 
believe they are not, are, of course, at liberty to base their 
speech and actions on such belief. 

Buit those who agree, as do practically all Americans to 
whom the issue is squarely presented, that what they are 
fighting for includes the essentials of what this country 
stands for, should not lessen the effectiveness of their sup- 
port by being drawn into discussions of the war of 1812, 
or of the Canadian boundary line. If they heartily dis- 
approve of the official attitude of our present administra- 
tion they should not be deterred from saying so by the 
fear of being called "unpatriotic." And if their sym- 
pathies are with the Allies, including Great Britain, they 
should be as outspoken as it is their nature to be regard- 
less of the feeble and really meaningless accusation that 
they are "anglomaniacs." 

If, as to the indications to-day, I misinterpret the spirit 
of America, if I am wrong and my critics, who advocate 
only a protest, are right, let us in Heaven's name, with a 
dozen adequate reasons staring us in the face, at least 
protest. And if we cannot do it through our official rep- 
resentatives at Washington, let us do it individually or 
collectively, through whatever channels may be open to us. 
If ever America had cause to be grateful to a free press 
it has been in the last six months. There will be no sup- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 385 

pression of candid opinion, no matter how "spare and 
bare and lean and mean" the ideals of neutrality held at 
Washington. 

Mr. Paul Fuller, in an article entitled "Legal Neu- 
trality Vei'sus Moral Neutrality" (238), has most clearly 
and convincingly set forth the principles involved in our 
neutrality and likewise the widespread sentiment of re- 
gret that the government has failed so lamentably to realize 
and act upon its highest duty. He begins by noting that 
neutrality is not in itself a virtue ; it is not a condition to 
be proud of ; rather does it require explanation, not to say 
apology. It is, he says, "at best a counsel of prudence, 
never a counsel of perfection. lago was strictly neutral 
when he mused on the coming encounter of Cassio and 
Eoderigo: Vhether he kill Cassio, or Cassio him, either 
way makes my gain.' " They were neutrals of whom St. 
John write : "Because thou art lukewarm and neither cold 
nor hot I will spew thee out of my mouth." He gives various 
definitions of neutrality and shows beyond peradventure 
that under the strictest of them there is nothing to war- 
rant the absurd request of the President that our neu- 
trality be extended to "thought as well as action," a re- 
quest;, I may note, that has excited, as a rule, either de- 
rision or resentment. He says, quoting a writer on inter- 
national law, "Neutrality is not the synonym of indiffer- 
ence. 

"A state may have lively sympathy for one of the belliger- 
ents, and give frank expression of its dissatisfaction with the 
actions of the other, and yet remain neutral. To have and 
express an opinion upon the justice or injustice of a cause or 
of a line of political conduct is not to take part in the war; 
and this expression is not an infraction of the duties of neu- 
trals." 

25 



386 A TEXT-BOOK OF, THE WAR 

He calls attention to the impossibility of compliance 
with Mr, Wilson's request;, and adds : 

"Every day of repression simply concentrates the luiexpressed 
sentiment and forebodes an explosion. We appeal to the Presi- 
dent to look over the field again, to consider anew the baleful 
influence upon the cause of peace, upon the enlightenment of 
nations, upon the mitigation of the horrors of war, of such a 
proceeding as the invasion and subsequent devastation of an 
unoffending covmtry. . .• . 

"He will find that it overshadows all other considerations 
concerning this war. There may still be differences of opinion 
as to whether civilization and advancement are best to be 
served by the European hegemony of a vast military organiza- 
tion, or by the unimpeded progress of such democracy and rep- 
resentative government as rules in England or in France; but 
he will find throughout the breadth of the land no apology, no 
tolerance for the act of tyrannical assault by which the war 
was initiated and the territory of Belgium made the unwilling 
field of the most devastating conflict of all time. , . . 

"The country must not be silent, cannot be silent, with honor 
— in fact, it has already spoken. But it would be glad to have 
its scattered voices concentrated in the voice of the chief mag- 
istrate, that the world may know unmistakably how America 
stands with reference to respect for the noblest dictates of inter- 
national justice." 

Once again he punctures the bubble of Presidential 
fancy, the idea that by doing nothing and saying nothing 
(except when it is a question of dollars) he will be chosen 
as arbiter of the destinies of Europe and of the world when 
the peace parleys begin. Mr. Fuller says : 

"If any one harborsi the delusion that closing our eyes to ad- 
mitted repudiations of international law will enhance our in- 
fluence with the contestants in the day when peace will follow 
exhaustion, let him study anew the parleys that closed the 
Franco-Prussian war of 1870, and be convinced that the unre- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 387 

buked violator of neutral Belgium will admit of no outside 
counsels as to the distribution of his spoils. 

"On tlie other hand, what right have we to expect that the 
Allies will in the day of their blood-bought triumph turn for an 
impartial judgment and for a wise balancing of the arguments 
regarding the compensation due to Belgium, to the great demo- 
cratic republic which paralyzed its own conscience and looked 
with dumb indifference upon the unexcused violation of her 
soil?" 

Mr. Fuller is just one among millions of Americans 
who sadly realize that Mr. Wilson, by his futile and un- 
worthy efforts to choke back opinion upon all the great 
moral issues of the war, combined with his insistent 
declarations, inquiries and protests upon all the commer- 
cial questions raised, has hopelessly damaged, not only his 
own reputation — that might be borne philosophically — ^but 
also, alas, the reputation of this country as a defender and 
upholder of liberty and of international rights. 

Normal Angell says: (229) 

"If there be any truth in the English view . . . that this 
war is the outcome of a national philosophy in Germany which 
is the work of half a dozen writers and a dozen university pro- 
fessors — and I think that there is something at least in that 
view, however much it may have been exaggerated — what serv- 
ice may not an equivalent number of writers and professors in 
America do for their country and for the world at large, by 
exposing the fallacies of the false philosophy and giving to the 
active minds of their country the foundations of the true phil- 
osophy? Could an American ask for a better place for his 
country in the future history of this period than that it should 
be said: 'The philosophy which played so large a part in pro- 
voking the world war of the twentieth century came mainly 
from the universities of Germany; but the philosophy which 
played the largest part in the world peace which mankind has 
since enjoyed came mainly from the universities of America.' " 



388 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

A letter written by an American living abroad (230) 
expresses the feeling of tens of thousands of Americans 
living at home: 

"As several of your correspondents have pointed out, the 
attitude of the United States baffles ordinary comprehension, 
especially considering the fact that the sister Republic of 
. France, and even before — America will never forget Lafayette — 
was their old ally. Putting all questions of Great Britain aside, 
as may well be done, here was the spectacle of a long premedi- 
tated, wholly improvoked attack on two democracies — the 
crowned republic of Belgium, and France — by a Power which 
since 1860 has acted as the bully of Europe, with hopes of en- 
larging its sphere of tyranny and rapine to embrace the whole 
world. The Belgian representatives went to Washington to 
report on the outrages of the Gtermans in Belgium. They were 
kindly received, and the spokesman of the States read them a 
little homily about justice in the abstract — and that was all! 
The heart of the American people is with the victims of the 
brutal regime at Berlin, but the politicians talk mildly of the 
virtues of neutrality ! It is unf ortimate, indeed, that the really 
representative men of the great Republic are not in a position 
to assist their coimtry to play the part destined for a Power 
which has ever stood forward as the champion of the oppressed. 
"Six months ago Belgium was one of the happiest and most 
prosperous countries in Europe. Now it is a ruin; its people 
have been murdered, driven into exile and brought to poverty — 
a country this of free institutions, a land where learning and 
civilization, material advance and enlightenment have marched 
together. The States are pledged by the honor of their name, 
their past traditions, apart entirely from treaties, to which 
their signature has been appended, to stand for the Right of 
Humanity — the common right to live and work. That right 
has been trampled in the mud. The criminal hooliganism 
clothed in nauseous hypocrisy which is the main characteristic 
of the German policy has affronted every code on which the 
American power is based, and America, through its repre- 
sentatives of the day, talks of neutrality and stands aside! 
America keeps its Ambassador in Berlin! Berlin has outraged 
every moral sense, every canon of truth, every law — human 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 389 

and divine. There can be no confusing of the issue. Appar- 
ently America would have looked on with supreme impassiv.e- 
ness if France — France which has held the torch of civilization 
high through past ages, when the rest of Europe was plunged 
in barbarism — had been crushed under the iron heel. 

"Maybe there is yet a mighty rSle for America to play, not 
as presiding genius at the Peace, for the Allies will stand in 
no need of outside assistance. It is late, indeed, but even the 
Saturday in the week of the world is good for action, though 
the opportunity has been dallied with. The real occasion wa8 
in the days of last summer, when the crime of all time was 
perpetrated, when a little nation was fighting — fighting for 
what ? Just the right to live, to guard its own, to be at peace. 
And when the arch-impostor who has brought the German 
name to ignomy and has disgraced a dynasty, first threw his 
armies at his little foe, that was the time when America might 
have spoken with a voice which would have roused the entire 
world, declaring the infamy of the crime of the Hohenzollern 
crew. It might not have stopped the war, but it would have 
curtailed the chances of mischief on the part of the criminal 
dolts of the Wilhelmstrasse. It would have shown to all who 
pass down the world's highway that the honor of America is as 
high now as in 1898, when it freed Cuba. There is yet time. 
Or is it to be written down finally in the annals of history that 
America could not do its duty because another did not stand 
in the place of power?" 

A very significant illustration of American feeling as 
to the administration's attitude is afforded in the follow- 
ing account of the proceedings at a meeting of the Demo- 
cratic Club of Philadelphia. (231) Mr. Cadwalader is one 
of the leading citizens of Philadelphia, a distinguished 
member of the bar, a life-long Democrat, and a former 
ofiicial representative in this city of a Democratic president : 

"John Cadwalader last night, at a meeting of the Democratic 
Club, after a denunciation of the German nation and of Em- 
peror William, asked the club to express to President Wilson 



390 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

by a resolution its deep regret that he should have sent Em- 
peror William the congratulations of the American people on 
his birthday. 

"In the course of his speech Mr. Cadwalader said that in 
his opinion the German nation had withdrawn completely from 
the family of civilized nations and had rendered all friendly in- 
tercourse impossible by its attitude in regard to its treaties. 
Germany had served notice on all nations that in the future it 
would follow as its guide, not its honor and sworn Avord, but ita 
inclination and advantage which it was pleased to call 'its 
necessity.' No nation in the future could make a treaty with 
GJermany except under the assurance that when Germany 
pleased it would disregard such treaty. Emperor William was 
the representative of the German nation, and in congratulating 
him President Wilson was congratulating the embodiment of 
the spirit which was responsible for the most hideous way in 
history. 

"Every right-thinking American would deplore the fact that 
the American people, he said — for this was not a personal con- 
gratulation, but a congratiilation from the American nation — 
should congratulate the trampler of Belgium that another year 
had been added to his life." 

As this page is written the latest important interna- 
tional occurrence is the pTomulgation of an order by the 
German Admiralty declaring the waters around the Brit- 
ish coasts "a war zone." It is not necessary here and now 
to discuss the extraordinary and unprecedented character 
of this action. It may have been revoked, modified, or 
denied long before this goes to print. But — I am seeking 
an answer to the query as to the effect upon our people of 
the official attitude of this government on war questions. 
I, therefore, quote here (233) part of a letter from Mr. 
Samuel Dickson, one of the leaders of the Philadelphia Bar, 
and all his life a Democrat of national reputation: 

"It is to be hoped that the State Department at Washington 



1 TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 391 

■will not tamely acquiesce in the amazing proclamation by the 
German Admiralty, Frederick R. Coudert, of New York, has 
very, very justly said, that it could be considered an act of hos- 
tility, and that there can be no justification for this action. 

"From the beginning the United States Government always 
maintained the right to treat the open sea as a public highway, 
and refused to acquiesce in one attempt after another to estab- 
lish a ma/re clauswm. It refused to submit to an imposition of 
the Sound dues by Denmslrk, or to recognize the Baltic as a 
closed sea. It refused to pay tribute to the Barbary Powers 
for the privilege of navigating the Mediterranean, and gave 
notice to Russia that it would disregard the claim to make the 
North Pacific a mare clausum, so that Mr. Wheaton, in sum- 
ming up the discussion maintains : 'In order to establish the 
claim of a particular nation to a right of property in the sea, 
that nation must obtain and keep possession of it, which is im- 
possible, and, in any event, the sea is an element which belongs 
equally to all men, like the air; consequently, as it cannot be- 
come the exclusive property of any nation, the use of the sea 
remains open and common to all mankind.' (Lawrence's 
Wheaton, p. 341.) 

"No one has ever pretended to assert a claim to control the 
navigation of the North Sea, and Germany has no more right 
to plant mines in the open sea between Great Britain and Bel- 
gium and France than she would have to do so in Delaware Bay, 
or than a property owner, who was annoyed by automobiles, 
would have to plant torpedoes in a turnpike. 

"The right to plant mines as a defense to a harbor, from 
which all vessels might lawfully be excluded, is one thing, but 
to destroy the use of the open sea as a highway, by sowing 
mines which might indeed destroy British ships, but might also 
destroy American ships, is an act of hostility which, if persisted 
in, would constitute a casus helli, and if we had Mr. Webster, 
or Mr. Mareey, or Mr. Evarts in Washington as Secretary of 
State, prompt notice would be given that for any damage done 
Germany would be held responsible." 

I have not time to look far afield for expressions of 
American opinion on this latest example of German ruth- 



392 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

lessness, and, I think I may add, of blundering. The ques- 
tion comes up at the same time with that of the use of 
the American flag by belligerents. The latter is one, of 
which either of two views may perhaps be taken and up- 
held. The former, the "war zone" order, is, in purpose and 
intent and therefore in possibility, to be classed with the 
invasion and destruction of Belgium, on the plea of "mili- 
tary necessity." But after all it is, from the perverted 
German standpoint, logical. If the houses, and shrines, 
the people and property, the women and children of one 
neutral may, without the expressed disapproval of all neu- 
trals, be destroyed, why not the ships, the mails, the pas- 
sengers, of another neutral ? 

Our government's action in this case has at last put on 
the semblance of a firm stand for the rights, at least of 
our own citizens. 

It is to be hoped that the insulting comments of the 
German press (pp. 395, 400-01), and the insolent intima- 
tion of Count Eeventlow (the German "naval expert"), that 
our government in case of trouble would not find a united 
people behind it (p. 397), will only stiffen its resolution. 
It is also to be hoped that Count Eeventlow's opinion is 
based on the same sort of reports from German spies, hire- 
lings, emissaries and "diplomats," as those which led Ber- 
lin to believe last July that the outbreak of war would be 
followed by serious trouble between England and Ireland, 
between England and her Indian subjects, between Can- 
ada and the United States ! 

In spite of mass meetings, resolutions, swaggering 
threats, and insidious attempts at pro-German legislation, 
in spite of the fact that up to this time our German- 
Americans have been publicly represented only by those 
who are Germans at heart, I still hope that as they come 
to know the situation, to understand the real Germany of 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 393 

to-day, to differentiate between the autocratic ideals of 
Prussia and those which embody the genuine and lasting 
welfare of the German people, they will be found — should 
a break come — ^lined up on the side of their adopted coun- 
try. There are reasons for doubt (see Chapter X), but 
no reason for hopelessness. 

I subjoin two editorial expressions which are in line, 
so far as I can now learn, with what is being said in every 
part of this country. (233) 

"A familiar passage in Scripture tells how Agur, the son of 
Jakeh, acknowledged himself baffled by the mysteries of exist- 
ence. The record runs: 

" 'There be three things which are too wonderful for me, yea, 
four, which I Ivnow not: 

" 'The way of an eagle in the air, the way of a serpent upon 
a rock, the way of a ship in the midst of the sea and the way of 
a man with a maid.' 

"Had he lived until this time he might have added a fifth 
marvel — the way of Germany in making war. That is a system 
which defies logic and mocks at understanding. The newspapers 
of the empire now admit that the world's opinion is hostile to 
it, but the acknowledgment is less singular than the air of sur- 
prise with which it is made. Germany is amazed, as well as 
incensed, that other countries have not recognized the rape of 
Belgium as an evidence of the highest civilization and the most 
exacting morality. 

"But the most recent development of the German grand 
strategy seems to be quite irreconcilable with governmental in- 
telligence. The imperial decree making all of the waters sur- 
rounding the British isles a 'war zone,' and threatening to 
destroy ships and crews found therein after February 18th, 
whether they be English or neutral, is surely the maddest pro- 
posal ever put forth by a civilized nation. 

"Earlier in the war other peoples would have been shocked by 
the declaration that enemy merchant ships would be torpedoed 
and sunk, and their crews drowned, in defiance of the plainest 
rules of warfare. But other procedure has prepared the world 



894 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

for the purpose genially outlined by the Kreuz Zeitung, of 
Berlin : 

" 'England and France cannot claim from us in all circum- 
stances and without exceptions the benevolent treatment which 
we hitherto have accorded merchant ships. As England has not 
hesitated to strew the North Sea with mines, so shall we not 
refrain from torpedoing English merchant ships simply be- 
cause the lives of a few are thereby endangered.' 

"This excessively efficient method of warfare, however, is one 
that most concerns England and France. The interest of the 
United States lies in the fact that the threat is aimed emphat- 
ically at neutral shipping. The decree says: 

" 'Neutrals are Avarned against further entrusting crews, pas- 
sengers and wares to such (English and French) ships. Their 
attention is called to the fact that it is advisable for their ships 
to avoid entering this area, for, even though the German naval 
forces have instruction to avoid violence to neutral ships in so 
far as they are recognizable, in view of the misuse of neutral 
flags ordered by the British government, and the contingencies 
of naval warfare, their becoming victims of torpedoes directed 
against the enemy's ships cannot always be averted.' 

"As plainly as words could state it, this is a warning that 
American and other neutral vessels may be sunk by German sub- 
marines under 'misapprehension,' and that Germany will repu- 
diate responsibility therefor. She might regret such contin- 
gencies, but intimates that 'military necessity' outweighs any 
rights of neutrals — as she has already shown in other notable 
instances. 

"Neutral nations were loath to accept this sinister meaning 
of the order when it was first published; but five days later the 
intent was emphasized by Herr von Jagow, the imperial minis- 
ter of foreign affairs. In a formal statement to the Associated 
Press, he declared,: 

" 'Neutral ships, even without taking into account the un- 
avoidable accidents of war, run the risk of being mistaken for 
hostile merchant ships and of falling victims to attacks intended 
for these ships. Neutral ships, therefore, are urgently warned 
again, as in the earlier announcements, to avoid the indicated 
war zone until further notice.' 

"Still more frank is Bismarck's old organ, the Hamburger 
NacMrichten: 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 395 

" 'Beginning on February 18th everybody must take the con- 
sequences. The hate and envy of the whole world concern ua not 
at all. If neutrals do not protect their flags against England, 
they do not deserve Germany's respect.' 

"The misuse of the American flag is annoying to this country 
as well as exasperating to Germany, but no government in its 
senses would seriously threaten to make that an excuse for pi- 
ratical operations. A merchant ship has a right to fly any flag 
the skipper has in his locker, particularly if thereby he can de- 
ceive an, enemy and evade capture. The custom is as old as 
maritime warfare, and has been resorted to numberless times 
by every nation. 

"To go no further back, Sigsbee, in 1898, reported that he had 
hoisted the Spanish flag on the converted cruiser Yale in order 
to get close to a Spanish prize. And it was only a few months 
ago that the German cruiser Emden, flying the British colors, 
penetrated the harbor of Penang and sank a Russian ship lying 
at anchor, a feat which all Germany acclaimed. 

"Even a warship may adopt this ancient ruse, provided she 
showsi her true colors before opening attack. Much less was it 
an infraction of international law or of the rules of the sea for 
the Lusitania to run up the Stars and Stripes on her dash for 
Liverpool, particularly as she carried American passengers, 
American mails and American property. 

"The device was rather silly, in the ease of the huge liner, 
but it was neither unlawful nor unfriendly to this country. 
The unauthorized use of our flag would become obnoxious only 
if it were made general; it is on this- ground that the United 
States has very properly warned Great Britain that further 
employment of the American colors would not benefit her, and 
might endanger American vessels, and therefore, will not be 
tolerated. The justice of this position is recognized by so in- 
fluential a journal as the Manchester Guardian, which says: 

" 'If many of our merchant liners were to do the same, the 
result would be to diminish the value of protection given by the 
American flag. Not only would that be undignified in us and 
unworthy the nation which rules the seas, but it also would be 
unfair to the United States.' 

"But this issue is trifling compared to the German effort to 
exclude neutral shipping from an arbitrarily decreed 'war zone.' 
It is oflScially admitted that this does not comprise a formal 



396 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

blockade, but it is clear that Germany is attempting to achieve 
the benefits of a blockade without its heavy responsibilities. 
Says the Kolmsche Zeitung, organ of the admiralty: 

" 'It is sufficient that the facts be told to those concerned. 
The consequences must then be borne by the skippers them- 
selves, if they venture into the mine field. In the same way the 
announcement that the German submarines blockade the Eng- 
lish coast must suffice.' 

"It requires something more than imperial decrees and fear- 
some threats, however, to establish a blockade. Such was the 
method employed by the nations in the jSTapoleonic wars; they 
repeatedly declared blockades which were hardly more than 
diplomatic fictions. But this feature of strategy was formally 
regulated by the Declaration of Paris, in 1856, and its provi 
sions were ratified by actual enforcement in the Russo-Turkisli 
war, our Civil war and the Spanish- American war. 

"There are three absolute requirements for a recognized 
blockade. First, reasonable notice must be given; this Ger- 
many has done. Second, the blockade must be effective. And 
third, a neutral ship can be seized only upon attempting an 
actual breach of the blockade. The vital point is that the 
blockade must be uninterrupted; if it be raised temporarily, 
for any cause, new diplomatic notice must be given. And it 
'must be maintained by a force sufficient really to prevent access 
to the blodvaded coast.' 

"The penalty provided for the captured blockade-runner is 
seizure. But the law, as interpreted even by German authori- 
ties, is explicit upon the point that no lives must be destroyed. 
Even merchant ships belonging to an enemy may be sunk only 
in cases of 'pressing necessity,' and 'before such destruction the 
persons on board must be transferred to a place of safety.' The 
same rules apply, but of course with greater emphasis, to neu- 
tral vessels. 

"A lawful blockade by means of mines and submarines is 
therefore an utter impossibility, for two reasons. First, they 
cannot exert the required 'continuous force'; and second, their 
use would necessitate the sinking of captured craft, without 
provision for saving passengers and crews. 

"This is exactly what Germany threatens, explicitly in the 
matter of English vessels, and as a possible result in the case 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 397 

of American ships. Her war upon merchantmen therefore be- 
comes a frank reversion to piracy. 

"It is understood that she has a perfect right to hold up and 
search neutral ships in her declared 'war zone,' and to make 
prizes of such as carry contraband. But it is the possession of 
this very right which forbids the inhuman policy she proclaims. 
She cannot plead ignorance of a vessel's identity, or attack it 
unless it refuses to stop when signaled. The burden of proof 
is upon the submarine, and to torpedo a vessel on suspicion 
merely would be unredeemed piracy and murder. 

"This is distinctly a case in which the convenient doctrine of 
'military necessity' is not to be invoked. Nor would an occa- 
sional misuse of a neutral flag by belligerent vessels, as a ruse 
of war, justify a mistaken act of destruction. If every British 
merchantman approaching England flew the American colors, 
that would not excuse the torpedoing of one American ship. 

"These facts are stated with convincing clearness in the offi- 
cial protest sent from Washington to Berlin. We do not know 
who framed this document, although it bears distinct literary 
marks of revision by President Wilson. But whoever the men 
actually responsible for it, they produced a state paper which 
is a model of terseness, lucidity, dignified courtesy and force, 
an irrefutable presentation of the relevant principles of inter- 
national law and justice. No loyal American wants trouble, 
but the blood of the most pacific citizen must move a little 
faster on reading the German decree and the restrained but per- 
fectly straightforward reply sent by our government. 

"German newspapers scoff at the protests of neutral nations 
against the imperial threat. Count von Reventlow, an eminent 
naval expert, writes in a Berlin journal: 

" 'We have always expected American outbursts, and we ex- 
pect some even more vehement. The German government is 
fully conscious of all the possible consequences of its action, 
and the German people stand united behind their government. 
It may incidentally be questioned whether the people of the 
United States would do the same in all circumstances.' 

"Despite this and like fulminations, we believe there will be 
no clash. There must be some remnants of sanity among the 
statesmen who have brought upon Germany the condemnation 
of the world. 

"She 'hacked her way' through Belgium because that was 'the 



398 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

easiest way,' and made her own treaty 'a scrap of paper.' But 
she has notice now that there are rights which are superior even 
to the 'military necessities' of a belligerent, and a flag that is 
somewhat more than a scrap of bunting. And back of the 
American government in this declaration. Count von Reventlow 
to the contrary notwithstanding, stand the American people." 

Another paper makes more specific allusion to the case 
of the "Wilhelmina/' now pending. (234) 

"If there were any doubt as to the purpose of the German 
declaration of a 'war zone' around the British Isles, the tenor 
of the German Ambassador's communication to the State De- 
partment would remove it. Count von Bernstorff bluntly as- 
serts that his government means to protect the food supply at 
any cost; that Great Britain is exceeding her rights in holding 
up the Wilhelmina or other neutral vessels carrying foodstuffs 
to German ports ; and that if the United States submits to such 
interference, the warfare against British commerce will be un- 
dertaken by Germany without any regard for neutral rights. 
This setting forth of the German position is emphasized by a 
threat from the German Legation at The Hague, to the effect 
that neutral vessels within the war zone after February 18th 
will run the same risks as if they laid a course between com- 
batants in a naval battle. That is to say, no attention will be 
paid to the American protest against the German repudiation 
of the principles of international law. 

"Assuming that this is a correct statement of the attitude of 
the Government at Berlin and that its representatives at Wash- 
ington and The Hague speak by the card, the embarrassment 
created for the State Department becomes obvious. The Wil- 
helmina case is now complicated to an extraordinary degree 
with grave questions of public policy. Germany is endeavoring 
to use the rights of the United States as a neutral as a weapon 
of defense. Great Britain asserts her own rights as a belliger- 
ent in justification of her interference with neutral trade. The 
United States is bound to protect itself against both. If that 
were all, the course of the State Department would be compara- 
tively simple. But the circumstances under which the Wilhel- 
mina sailed from an American for a German port raise peculiar 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 399 

difficulties. The department informed the owners at the time 
that foodstuffs were not contraband if intended for civilian use. 
A few days later came the German proclamation commandeering 
all the food supplies within the Empire, whereupon Great 
Britain announced that she would have to consider shipments 
of food supplies to German ports as consigned to the German 
Government. This, of course, altered the status of the Wilhel- 
mina's cargo. 

"The ship is now in a British port, and the question of the 
disposition of the cargo is under consideration. There is no 
question of confiscation. The case really hangs upon the good 
faith of the German Government in giving assurances that the 
cargo of the Wilhelmina and other cargoes of a similar nature 
would not be taken for military purposes, but would be reserved 
for exclusively civilian use. Great Britain can hardly be 
blamed for distrusting such assurances; but is not the United 
States bound to accept them ? Since, however, the weight of au- 
thority is against the German contention that an embargo on 
foodstuffs is illegal, it is difficult to see how the United States 
can consider the seizure of such cargoes an unfriendly act, espe- 
cially if they are paid for and the shipper suffers no loss. At 
all events, it is plain that no dispute between the United States 
aad Great Britain over the Wilhelmina's cargo would equal in 
seriousness one between the United States and Germany over 
the sinking of an American ship or the loss of American lives 
through the act of a German war vessel. 

"The recent notes of the State Department have been so cor- 
rect in form and in substance that there is every reason to be- 
lieve it will keep its head in the midst of these perilous episodes. 
But the decision it now has to reach is perhaps the most mo- 
mentous of all." 

The current German newspaper comment, in so far as it 
has yet reached this country, seems to show two things: 
the real feeling of Germans toward America, and the coun- 
sels of desperation that prevail in Germany at this time. 
This is made clear by the subjoined extracts from leading 
German dailies: 



400 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

" 'When something does not suit the Yankees,' says Die Post, 
'they are accustomed to adopt as threatening and as frightful a 
saber-rattling tone as possible. They reckon that the person 
thus treated will let himself be frightened and give in. If this 
does not come to pass, however, if the person thus treated and 
threatened with the strongest expressions pays no attention and 
shows that he is not scared and will not let himself be driven 
into a state of fimk, the swaggering Yankees calm themselves 
soon and quiet down.' 

"Count Ernest Reventlow, the naval expert, in an article in 
the Tages Zeitung, declares that the request of the United 
States that ships be searched before further action is taken 
against them shows 'that the people in Washington do not or 
will not comprehend the meaning of the German measure.' 

" 'We have so often demonstrated,' Count Reventlow con- 
tinues, 'the impossibility of search that we can merely refer to 
our earlier remarks. Washington must know this, and therefore 
the demand of the note for a search and the establishing of the 
identity of neutral merchantmen amouints de facto to non- 
recognition of the German declaration respecting war terri- 
tory.' 

"Count Reventlow repeats the German order, the declaration 
of which he declares is a considerate warning, and adds: 
'Whether it is regarded or protested against is of secondary 
importance.' 

"Count Reventlow also says that 'the American Government's 
request for assurances that its ships and citizens will be sub- 
jected only to search, even in the war zone, is utterly out of 
the question.' 

"The Hamburger Naohrichten says that 'the threatening sen- 
tences in the American note are quite unimpressive, and po- 
litely turned expressions do not counterbalance too evident par- 
tisanship for our enemies.' 

" 'One cannot escape the conclusion that President Wilson 
and Secretary Bryan in their communications with the Mexican 
pretenders and rebel leaders have accustomed themselves to a 
tone that is not suitable for communications with the German 
Empire.' 

"The Vossi^che Zeitung says that while the searching of ships 
for contraband previously has been the acknowledged procedure. 



. A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 401 

the entry of the submarine denotes a new factor in naval war- 
fare. 

" 'The submarine,' says the newspaper, 'runs a risk against 
armed merchantmen. England has both armed its merchant- 
men and advised them to carry false flags. The result is that 
the submarine which undertakes the search of a supposedly neu- 
tral ship runs the risk of being damaged, or even destroyed, by 
an English ship sailing under a false flag. 

" 'Shall Germany in the face of such treacherous measures 
throw down her arms because an American ship might possibly 
be wrongly torpedoed? The American note demands nothing 
else.' 

"The Lokal Anseiger makes the erroneous statement that only 
the United States among all the neutral countries has protested 
against the German declaration of a naval war zone. It admits 
the friendly nature of the note, but says: 

" 'All this cannot alter the fact that we must characterize 
the standpoint of the note as a mistaken one.' 

"The Kreuz Zeitung declares that Germany's course will not 
be influenced by the American note." (235) 

Let the upholder of Germany's 'Tmmamty/' of her "af- 
fection and friendliness for America/' of her general 
benevolence and righteousness, consider this "war zone" 
proposal so that he will know exactly what it means, read 
the above extracts as to Germany's attitude toward us now 
that we are neutral, read also (pp. 217-18) the attitude of 
the same papers toward us when we were ourselves a 
belligerent, and reach his own conclusion. There must 
be some pro-Germans who are still open to conviction. 

But it is impossible to dismiss this matter without con- 
sidering it in relation to the other, which at this writing 
divides with it the chief attention of the American public, 
and apparently the time and energy of the Administration. 
The German "War Zone" decree, and the retaliatory British 
"Order in Council," should be discussed together. I do not 
pretend that it is possible for me to view these occurrences 

26 



403 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

in a frame of mind that could properly be called "judi- 
cial." Indeed, I am sorry for the American who can read 
the story of the undoubted and unquestioned events of the 
war up to this date and remain in the cool, calm, impartial, 
unbiased mental condition that is supposed to be habitual 
with the judiciary. 

At any rate, to me it seems that the two proposals are 
illustrative respectively of the methods and manners of the 
two nations chiefly involved. 

Germany has notified us, and other neutrals, that any 
vessel found after a certain date in the waters surrounding 
the British Isles, — ^the "war zone/' — is liable to be de- 
stroyed and its crew possibly drowned, or, it might be, 
burned to death. The notification applies not only to the 
merchant ships of the other belligerents. She takes pains 
to say that "owing to the contingencies of naval warfare," 
it may not always be possible to prevent the ships of neu- 
trals 'Taecoming the victims of torpedoes." This is, as 
has been said, "unrestrained piracy and murder." 

The British "order in council," called forth by the Ger- 
man "decree," is the act which, on account of that rela- 
tionship, should be contrasted with it. This order is 
neither more nor less, in essentials, than the "blockade" 
with which the world, in some form or other, has been 
familiar for at least a century and a quarter. In 1793 a 
similar, indeed in effect almost an identical proclamation, 
was made by England against France, and was acquiesced 
in as correct by every European country except Denmark. 

Then, as now, and on many intervening occasions, it was 
designed to close the ports of the enemy to all incoming or 
outgoing commerce. 

It is not open to question that this is the intent of the 
order, and that it is no more inhumane than was our own 
blockade of the Southern ports during the Civil War. It 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 403 

is objected to because it is new in form, but it is no newer 
than was Mr, Lincoln's order when it was issued and for 
many months after, as that did not conform to the princi- 
ples of the Declaration of Paris. 

Any blockade involves some discomfort and some loss 
to the neutrals whose commerce is affected. But again, it 
is well to remember that our blockade of the Southern 
States brought suffering, distress and hardship to tens of 
thousands of the very persons in England who, neverthe- 
less, stood most steadfastly for the cause of the North and 
of freedom. 

The fact that foodstuffs intended for Germany will be 
seized under this order is denounced by the Government 
as "inhuman" and "murderous." When we read this we 
should remember that two German Chancellors, Bismarck 
and Caprivi, had defended such seizures of foodstuffs forci- 
bly, specifically and comprehensively, that Germany has 
never, so far as I know, disavowed the procedure, that she 
employed it inexorably and savagely during her siege of 
Paris, and that "Bismarck indulged his humor by talking 
of the starving Parisians 'eating babies' while he was at 
Versailles." 

As to the rigors of the proposed blockade, every possible 
assurance has been given concerning the careful protection 
of lives and property wherever interference becomes neces- 
sary, and in one respect it is, as far as my knowledge goes, 
the very mildest blockade in history, because, out of regard 
for the interests and the sensibilities of neutrals, the right 
of confiscation has been waived. 

As to the asserted abandonment of customary form, our 
own State Department has voluntarily conceded that 
"methods of modem warfare may make the former means 
of maintaining a blockade a physical impossibility." But, 
in regard to this alleged departure from established prece- 



404 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

dent I prefer to quote the opinion of an American who is 
an acknowledged expert in international law, Mr. Frederic 
Coudert. He says, of the Order in Council : 

"This is nothing in the world but the simple, old-fashioned 
blockade, the object of which was to shut the ports of the 
enemy to all commerce going in or coming out. . . . We 
have no more reason for protesting than Great Britain had for 
protesting against our governmental regulations as to blockade 
when goods in British ships bound to neutral ports were seized 
during our Civil War. . . • 

"It would seem that the orders in council are fairly within 
the spirit of blockades as they existed in our history and in that 
of foreign nations. . . . The only question that could fairly 
be raised under recognized rules would be as to the effectiveness 
of the blockade; and this question is one of fact, as our courts 
have held, and would have to be raised in each case. 

"The two measures (the Allies' blockade and the German 
war-zone decree ) are so different in character as to be altogether 
incommensurate and incomparable. The one is a fair develop- 
ment and application of well-established rules and precedents 
of international law; the other is a measure of ineffective sav- 
agery, for which we can find no precedent since Grotius first 
wrote his great work on the law of nations." 

I make no pretense to familiarity with the ways of diplo- 
mats or statesmen. But I confess to having had a feeling of 
marked vexation when I learned that, even in the light of 
the facts above set forth, it was thought necessary for our 
Government to discuss the possibility of securing a with- 
drawal or a modification of the Order in Council on condi- 
tions formulated by Germany. These were to the general 
effect that she would suspend her piratical operations if 
England would "allow her to import all the food she needs, 
through agencies whose names would be communicated to 
the United States, and who would hand it over to licensed 
dealers for consumption by the civil population only/* 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 405 

In endeavoring to understand this proposition it should 
now be recalled that a previous Grerman decree had placed 
all imported grain and flour under government control; 
that undoubtedly in the eyes of the German autocrats the 
needs of the army would take precedence of all other 
needs; that the idea that Americans would or could be 
permitted to supervise the distribution of food through- 
out Germany is so impractical as to be absurd; and that 
Germany has from the very beginning of this war pleaded 
"necessity'' as an excuse for the most outrageous violations 
not only of treaties and conventions but of international 
laws and morals. 

With these facts in mind it seems to me obvious that 
Germany has followed her ^'bluff" as to the "war zone," (a 
scarcely appreciable fraction of one per cent, of the Allies' 
shipping has thus far been affected), by an equally 
clumsy diplomatic trick, which has failed, as it should fail, 
to deceive anyone. 

If the questions as I have stated them above, and I be- 
lieve I have done so accurately, were regarded as mere 
business propositions would be regarded, i. e. on any com- 
mon-sense basis, — practicability, precedent, morals, the rela- 
tive value of the statements or promises of the opposing 
parties — the "protests" and "suggestions" that now make 
demands on our governmental energy and ingenuity and 
engage national attention would disappear. 

If the discussion were, for example, among individuals, 
say A, G, and E, A might with entire justice say to G, 
"It is now a matter of record that your word is not to be 
depended upon, that your motives are open to suspicion, 
and that your morals, at least until you atone for your 
recent brutal treatment of an unoffending neighbor, are to 
be regarded with extreme disapproval by your former ac- 
quaintances. I prefer not to act for you, or to transmit 



406 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

your messages, or to do anything that would seem to miti- 
gate my intense detestation of your conduct. These feel- 
ings, I may add, are not lessened by your recent threat to 
disregard, in pursuance of your own aims and interests, 
the lives and the property of members of my family, espe- 
cially as you have already, in at least one instance, illegally 
endangered the former and destroyed the latter." 

And to E, A might well say : "You and your associates 
ha;ve earned my confidence and that of other persons of our 
class. Your present dispute inconveniences me greatly 
and will perhaps subject me to some loss. But there are 
obvious compensations. Moreover, you stand at this crit- 
ical time for everything in which I believe and I do not 
propose to be fooled, cajoled, or bullied into adding to 
your burdens. I would like you to be as considerate as you 
can of my interests and my property at this time, but I 
recognize that you have already shown such consideration 
and accept unreservedly your statement that it will con- 
tinue. I want you to feel that you have my earnest and 
wholehearted sympathy, and that I realize that disaster to 
you and your affairs now would ultimately mean calamity 
for nie and mine." 

Of course, if A acted with the bravery and generosity of 
which we like in imaginative moments to think ourselves 
capable, he would go further. But I shall stop there and, 
dropping allegory, dismiss this subject with the words of 
the London Times, which after speaking of the misery, 
almost the famine, brought about in England by our Civil 
War blockade, involving the whole population engaged in 
one of the chief of English industries, continues : 

"But Lincoln's Government appealed for toleration and for 
indulgence, and the appeal was not in vain. Under the guidance 
of men like Bright and W. E. Forster, who understood the great- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 407 

ness and tlie value to mankind of the ideals for which the North 
was fighting, the British democracy did not scrutinize too 
closely the acts of a kindred people struggling for its life. 
Therein they showed the large wisdom and the large generosity 
of their race. 

"May they not hope to-day, when they have been plunged 
against their will into a conflict yet more deadly, for aims 
which are not less high, that America will do unto them as, in 
the day of her visitation and of her trial, they did unto her?" 

I have, I think, already sufficiently indicated what, in 
my opinion, has been the effect upon this country of the 
governmental attitude at Washington. The combination of 
official neutrality as to matters involving the destruction of 
a friendly fellow-neutral and of insistent emphasis upon 
one side — ^however just it may be — of a difference as to a 
commercial matter (a difference which means dollars to 
us, but conceivably life or death to England), has not 
met with the approval of the country. A representative 
paper, usually friendly to the President, says, apropos of 
the dispute as to the right of search (236) in conjunction 
with his insistence upon the ship-purchase bill : 

"What is the purpose of the Administration in pressing the 
ship-purchase bill at a time when every consideration tells so 
strongly against it ? From the point of view of foreign policy it 
is dangerous; from the point of view of domestic policy it ia 
mischievous. The Dacia episode already justifies the declara- 
tion of Senator Lodge that the bill 'would bring the United 
States within measurable distance of war' with four Powers. 
For, with every disposition in the world to be on friendly terms 
with the United States, none of the Allies could be expected 
to look with indifference upon the wholesale transfer to the 
American flag of the German ships now interned in American 
ports. That this would be in effect an attempt to avoid the con- 
sequences of the enemy character of the vessel is morally if not 
legally certain. That it would be favoring Germany at the ex- 
pense of the Allies, and so be a covert if not an open breach of 



408 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

neutrality, is also clear. And if the object of the bill is not 
the purchase of German ships, what earthly good can it accom- 
plish? . . . 

"The protests of a few exporters of contraband who fear for 
their profits surely cannot be the cause of this apparent deter- 
mination to go on fishing in troubled waters. Even if this 
method of aiding American commerce had more to commend it, 
there would still be a lack of generosity, of good feeling, in 
pushing what is at best a minor issue at the moment the nation 
nearest akin to us is fighting for its life. Nor is this merely 
a sentimental consideration. Belligerents and neutrals occa- 
sionally change places, and the friendship of Great Britain 
is a valuable asset, as we discovered during the war with 
Spain. It is inevitable that Englishmen should remind 
us now of the injury which our Civil War did to their trade — 
an injury much greater than any which has befallen our trade, 
and which we must bear with patience, as they did. That the 
case of the Dacia alone will create any real breach is well-nigh 
unthinkable. But if it were multiplied a hundred times by the 
addition of the great German ocean liners, the dispute, however 
settled, would create a bitterness of feeling which, among other 
more important results, would leave the United States com- 
pletely unqualified for that role of arbitrator that the President 
so plainly is eager for it to play." 

I do not want to over-estimate the importance of cur- 
rent journalistic literature, but there is much of it at this 
time that shows great American unrest and profound dis- 
satisfaction with the course of the administration. Indig- 
nant citizens write to the papers to express their opinion 
that 

"seeking a renewal of its tenure it is playing an unscrupulous 
game of politics." 

Another view, scarcely less antagonistic to the admin- 
istration, is voiced, though not actually endorsed, by a 
careful and conservative journal, (337) which usually 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 409 

gives the President its support, even when in the opinion 
of some of ns he does not deserve it: 

"There are no more loyal citizens in America than the great 
bulk of those born of foreign parents. Nevertheless, there are 
Irish- Americans who would be glad to excite American hostility 
to Great Britain, and German-Americans who would be glad to 
secure American support for Germany. We do not vouch for 
the report that the Shipping Bill has been secretly pushed upon 
the Administration by certain German-American and Irish- 
American interests, but we do know that if those interests were 
represented by men both shrewd and unscrupulous they could 
not easily invent any better way of provoking hostility between 
the United States and Great Britain than is afforded by the 
Shipping Bill." 

The editor of still another influential paper (338) says: 

"We are pacific, but we undertake some duties which imply 
maintenance of a moderately competent apparatus of force. 
The Monroe Doctrine, that is part of our accepted foreign 
policy, is maintained not so much by us as by the navy of 
England. We see Germany, her vast efficiency in military mat- 
ters, and the curious obsessions and aspirations to which the 
minds that control her are subject. We know that Grermany 
has yearnings that conflict with our continental policy, and 
that Avhat chiefly stands between them and us is England, now 
fighting for her life. We don't think England will be con- 
quered, but if she should be, what have we got to back up such 
an answer as we should wish to make to a proposal from Ger- 
noany that she should be allowed to improve the culture of 
Mexico or South Brazil? And there is Japan, whom we love 
considerably, and who we doubt not, is fond of us, but who will 
think no less kindly of us for having due shot in our lockers-, 
and being not only polite and considerate, but able-bodied." 
(239) 

I must, for the present, leave this side of the subject, 
not for lack of material but for economy of space. The 



410 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

press of this country and its volunteer correspondents 
have expressed similar views from one end of the land to 
the other. 

My own feeling as to the attitude of our present national 
administration was, in reply to a request for my opinion, 
summarized by me recently, as follows: (240) 

I have since seen no reason to change my mind, but I 
am hoping, almost against hope, that one will present 
itself. 

"For the nation, I would earnestly desire an Administration 
. . . that would realize our shameful unpreparedness to 
protect in time of aggression, our most elementary rights; that 
would not, in face of convincing evidence to the contrary, de- 
pend for such protection on futile and meaningless agreements; 
that would not allow to slip by, tmheeded and ungrasped, a 
precious opportunity to make this country the real moral 
leader of the nations by earnest and instant disapproval of a 
threatened international wrong; and finally that, having lost 
this rare chance, would not later, when the cause of human 
freedom is hanging in the balance, try to raise by over-emphasis 
a merely vexatious and petty commercial question into one of 
great international importance, obviously for the sake of im- 
pressing voters already evidencing disgust." 

My dislike of the secrecy of a pretendedly frank ad- 
ministration is re-echoed in the following editorial (241) 
from a paper that nsually supports the President. It 
here refers to the "ship-purchase" bill: 

"Since all those best qualified to judge have condemned the 
bill as an economic measure, too, entirely apart from its inter- 
national aspects, there must be some particular ground, aside 
from an obstinate adherence to his personal opinions, which 
justifies the President in his own mind for pressing it upon 
Congress regardless of the serious perils attending its passage. 

He has one of the keenest intellects of his generation, and he 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 411 

must know, as well as Senator Lodge, what international com- 
plication will arise if he has his way. He has talked so much 
about neutrality, he has been so anxious not to stray a step 
from the path of absolute impartiality, he has dwelt so often 
upon the moral influence which the United States will exercise 
when the time for making peace comes if it has the confidence 
of the belligerents, that only a very powerful motive, it must be 
assumed, could lead him into a course M'here so many pitfalls 
exist. He has set forth with candor enough the economic fal- 
lacies by means of which he hopes to enlarge the American 
merchant marine ; but he has said nothing to throw light upon 
the attitude of the Administration in throwing this fresh apple 
of discord into an already sufficiently sharp contest over the 
exercise of the right of search." 

This so-called "Ship-purchase bill/' an administration 
measure which the President strove by every means in his 
power to force through a reluctant Senate, brought forth 
a torrent of objection from every part of the country. 
Many of the editorials and letters show that, apart from the 
economic fallacies of the bill, the bitterest opposition was 
arouse'd by the possibility, officially undenied, that it was 
the intention of the administration, if the bill passed, to 
buy the Grorman ships now interned in our ports. 

The sympathy for Great Britain and the dislike of Ger- 
man aims and methods were conspicuous in every instance. 
Although the bill is now apparently permanently shelved, 
its resuscitation is possible; and in any event the illustra- 
tion it affords of the administration's policies and methods 
and of the popular reaction to them is important. I, 
therefore, give a few examples, taken from papers conven- 
iently at hand. It will be seen that the assumption has 
been that the intention of the administration was to pur- 
chase the German ships. 

Mr. William D. Winsor, at the beginning of an excel- 



412 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

lent article written from the practical economic standpoint 
(242) says: 

"All indications point to the intention of the Government to 
purchase vessels from the fleet of German steamers now interned 
in the various ports of this country. 

"Leaving out entirely the question of international complica- 
tions, which would undoubtedly arise in the event of such 
purchase and operation by the Government, and looking at the 
matter entirely from a practical business point of view," he 
finds it indefensible. 

In an article entitled: "Is President Wilson Pro-Ger- 
man?" (243) Mr. Curtis Guild reviews the statements 
of some of the disputants and continues : 

"Meantime the President has not been idle. His extraordi- 
nary partisanship on the side of Germany has, save in a single 
instance, been unbroken. He opposed a loan to France by J. P. 
Morgan & Co., though such a loan by a private banking house is 
not merely perfectly legal, but usual. At the time of the Civil 
War German bankers lent to the North and English bankers to 
the South. During the Japanese-Russian war our bankers lent 
money to Japan. The loan to Russia now by American bankers 
is perfectly justifiable and not a violation of neutrality. Why 
did the President prevent a loan to France by private bankers 
as a private enterprise? 

"The American ship Aryan, built in Massachusetts, owned in 
Massachusetts, the last of the clipper ships, was tied up in Syd- 
ney because the British Government refused to allow an Ameri- 
can ship to carry wool, not to Germany, but to the United 
States for the use of the American people. The State Depart- 
ment spent four weeks in explaining why nothing could be 
done. Senator Lodge in five minutes of unofficial conversation 
with the British Ambassador cut the Gordian knot and the 
ship sailed. Wool is not contraband of war. The Administra- 
tion put forward a note against the interference by England 
with cargoes and contraband of war, but promptly backed down 
with an offer to insure goods in advance to prevent annoyance 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 413 

to the Alliesi. The Administration has successfully pushed 
through a bill, not so bad in time of peace, dangerous in time of 
war, making it easier to transfer ships from a European to 
an American register. What is the result? The open admis- 
sion in the public press on January 24 that the United States 
cannot prevent the seizure of the Dacia. 

"At the outset of the war the Dacia, owned by Germans, 
was flying the German flag. The Administration made it pos- 
sible for her to shift her registry to the American flag. She 
is loaded with cotton, not a contraband article, destined for 
Germany. Of course, thanks to the Administration, having 
changed her flag during war, she is liable to be seized by any 
ship belonging to the Allies and her future depends on a prize 
court of the country whose vessel captures her. 

"The President's shipping bill is even worse. It proposes to 
take 30 or 40 millions out of the public treasury by taxation 
of the American people and to transfer it through the pur- 
chase of German ships to German bankers, who in turn can use 
it for a new German war loan. This act is suggested by the 
same President who disapproved a private war loan to France. 

"If this is not an act of war by the United States against 
the Allies, what is it? If the ships which happen to be the 
ones available were English it would equally be an act of war 
against Germany. 

"Our merchants have the same international right, however 
productive of hatred, to ship cartridges, guns, uniforms, etc., 
to the belligerents that England had when her subjects at their 
own risk fed the Confederacy with material of that kind. The 
United States, however, cannot support its citizens or protect 
them if they choose to take the risk of selling articles that are 
contraband of war. 

"The Declaration of London was assented to by every great 
Power, though we have not ratified it. It does, however, 
squarely declare the international tmderstanding of what is and 
what is not *non-contraband,' and American shippers of such 
goods are entitled to protection by their Government on such 
goods, and only on such goods if shipped in vessels that have 
not defied all law and cvistom by changing their flags during 
hostilities." 



414 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Americans, when this was written, were beginning to 
wonder if the sympathy suggested by Mr, Guild's caption, 
could conceivably be at the bottom of the '"'Ship-purchase" 
bill. In that ease the secrecy as to administration motives 
would have been easily understood, although the theory 
was distasteful to and was not accepted by the majority of 
either press or people. 

A "Native American" sends the following politically sig- 
nificant letter (244), which I quote here, because the most 
valuable evidence that Americans generally are not in 
sympathy with the course of the administration is that 
which comes from members of the President's party : 

"My father, grandfather and great-grandfather of my name 
were native Americans and two generations before them lived 
in this land. On my mother's side was a still longer line. My 
forefathers and relations on both sides took part with the 
Colonies in the Revolutionary War. We 'Native Americans' 
by long descent may claim at least as much right to be heard 
when the honor and interest of our country is at stake as any 
German, Irish or other hyphenated American; and heard we 
intend to be. I believe that the authorities in Washington or 
elsewhere who listen to the clamor of those who, whether by 
reason of commercial interest, affection for Germany, or dis- 
like of England, would seek to embroil us with the latter 
country, have no idea of the depth of the feeling of sympathy 
with the Allies in the present war on the part of the vast 
majority of native Americans of all conditions; and the press- 
ing by the present Administration of the Ship-purchase bill 
during the past few weeks has — by reason of the greatly 
increased risk of serious friction with Great Britain which 
would inevitably occur should the bill become a law — affected 
the political affiliations of a number of people of my acquain- 
tance who have no complaint of the President's tariff policy. 

"For example, I and five of my sons living in different parts 
of the comitry voted for President Wilson. Talking with two 
of them a few evenings ago we found that all three of us, with- 
out any previous consultation, had decided that, if he were a 



A TEXT-BOOK OP, THE WAR 415 

candidate at this time we would not support him. On every 
hand among the old American stock, rich and poor, you hear 
voiced the opinion quoted by 'Native American' to the effect 
that the Allies are fighting our cause, the cause of constitutional 
government and liberty." 

Again^ as to the "Ship-purchase" bill : 

"The theoretical policy of the United States, spread broad- 
cast by the Administration, has been neutrality. If neutrality 
means anything, it means absolute impartiality toward the 
countries at war. Now, what is the effect of this questionable 
purchase on England, the protesting nation, and Germany, the 
beneficiary? It puts into the latter's hands large sums of 
money immediately available for war purposes, or at least for 
maintenance, money, which otherwise it could not secure. It 
relieves her of all danger of capture of the vessels by the English 
navy and of loss resulting therefrom. It helps to nullify Eng- 
land's supremacy on the ocean. It gives direct aid and comfort 
to Germany at the expense of her enemies., nations with whom 
we are on cordial terms. And to what end ? That we may profit 
by the preoccupation of our friends and capture a share of the 
■world's commerce which, prior to the war, we were too indolent 
or too inefficient to obtain. 

"Apart from the question of abstract justice and from the 
close adherence to both the spirit and the letter of our vaunted 
neutrality, is that of the inadvisability of submitting a test 
question to a friendly nation, at a time when she is engaged 
in a struggle for her very existence, a struggle, moreover, in 
which our interests are one with hers. I am not asking that 
we join with her in her fight for humanity, though something 
may be said on that point. I am not asking that we insist upon 
the preservation of the integrity of Belgium, crucified to Ger- 
man lust for power, or that we use all of our strength to punish 
the wanton and unforgettable violation, of that suffering 
country. I am asking that we refrain from placing upon Eng- 
land's already overburdened back a strain which may bring it 
to the breaking point, or at least furnish a casus differenticB 
if not a casxis belU. 

"The ship purchase bill raises in larger form every question 



416 A TEXT-BOOK OP THE WAR 

brought up by the case of the Dacia. It encourages every Amer- 
ican -whose greed is greater than his appreciation of fair play, 
to go and do likewise. The word 'ghoul' is ordinarily applied to 
one who robs the dead and dying on battlefields or at scenes 
of great disaster. So great is the disgust and reprobation in 
which such practice is held that the penalty, even in time of 
peace, is death. How much better is the position of the man — 
or the country — who sanctions and encourages taking advantage 
of friendly nations, unable for the time to maintain a commerce 
secured by their own industry and business acumen. If the bill 
is passed, millions of dollars will go into the German Treasury, 
to be used in the prosecution of the war. Each one of the 
Allies is a party in interest. Each one will suffer from this 
nation's breach of faith and disregard of honor." (245) 

Mr. William D. Howells, in a letter to The Bun 
(346), has satirically and amusingly summed up the 
general situation as it seems to his class — the best class 
— of Americans. TTie Sun has, it must be understood, 
been most strongly and effectively "pro- Ally." - Mr. 
Howell's protest against the Sun's position is pretended 
and ironical: 

"To the Editor of The 8wrh— Sir: Will you allow me to 
express a mild surprise, and some pain, at the part you have 
taken against our possible entente with Germany in a certain 
event ? 

"You seem to think that if we get into trouble with France 
and England, not to mention Hussia and Japan, by our resis- 
tance of the Allies' right to search our German-American ships, 
we shall certainly be beaten unless we range ourselves definitely 
on the side of the Kaiser. You seem to see neither honor nor 
profit for our democratic commonwealth in the friendship of a 
cultivated despotism. You do not or will not look forward to 
the triumph when we shall be conformed to the German ideal 
in our civic life; yet it ought to be clear to you that this bless- 
ing is what we may confidently hope for. The system which 
combines the functions of the schoolmaster and the drill 
sergeant is surely something to be desired by every patriotic 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 417 

American; and have you no longing for lese majestg, for uni- 
versal conscription and an iron-sided military staff? Can you 
see no advantage for American youth in the teaching of such 
German professors as have taken it for granted that we could 
not know our minds, or had none to know, on questions of inter- 
national morality or of mere humanity? Can not you forecast 
a distinct gain for our posterity by our renouncing, now and 
forever, under the tutelage of these gentlemen the notions of 
our political nonage? Shall we not unquestionably enrich 
ourselves by exchanging our Anglo-American literature for the 
German, and having that language taught in our schools, as 
it is in those of Alsatia and Poland, instead of the native 
speech? Do not you know the superiority of the romantic 
sculpture of the Sieges-Allee over the liberality of the French 
art which we have hitherto studied? Would not you your- 
selves much rather print The Smi in Gothic type than in the 
barbaric Roman characters which you now use ? 

"In a word, can you imagine nothing noble in a voluntary 
Belgium ? 

"The questions crowd upon me, but I will ask only one more : 
Suppose the Allies should triumph in the battle which they 
believe they are fighting for free men and free minds, for 
justice and honor among the nations, for peace and good will 
on earth, will not it be a good thing for us to remeriiber that 
we once did our worst to embarass them, since nothing could 
discourage them?" 

&. What has been the effect of onr official attitude upon 
other countries ? 

There seems little doubt that, for a time after the out- 
break of the war, there was a general feeling that America, 
as the most powerful of the neutral nations, with high 
and truly democratic ideals, would ultimataiy be called 
upon as the natural guide and counsellor when the time 
for peace-making arrived. 

It was thought "big enough and courageous enough to 
be discreet without being dumb, to be neutral without 
being neuter." 

27 



418 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

I had gathered examples intended to show the gradual 
change of opinion that has occurred in foreign countries, 
but the following editorial utterance of one American 
newspaper summarizes the whole matter so admirably that 
I prefer to quote it, in accordance with my purpose to 
express my views, when possible, through the writings of 
other Americans rather than by my own. (247) 

In a previous editorial the paper in question had said: 
"The eagerness they (the warring powers) once showed to 
capture favorable opinion in this country has evaporated 
and the foreign press is decidedly antagonistic to sugges- 
tions of an American peace tribunal." A correspondent 
has called this a "gratuitous invention" and reminds the 
editor that he had earlier quoted utterances from foreign 
newspapers applauding the detachment of the United 
States and intimating that we would eventually be called 
upon to guide the distracted powers toward peace. The 
editor replies : 

"This is quite true. It was from such foreign expressions, 
no doubt, that the administration leaders derived that fluttering 
expectancy which even the president cannot conceal, and which 
has interfered seriously with the performance of the govern- 
ment's duty. 

"It was natural that in the first alarm of the great upheaval 
the countries involved should look with trust and friendliness 
to the United States. They recognized this as the greatest of 
the neutral Powers ; they knew that its people held high ideals ; 
they regarded it as big enough and courageous enough to be 
discreet without being dumb, to be neutral without being neuter. 

"One of the leaders at The Hague conferences, a consistent 
advocate of peace and international justice, a scrupulous 
observer of treaty obligations, America was confidently expected 
to perform her part with fidelity — to preserve the most exact 
neutrality and to act as custodian of the rights of neutrals and 
of civilization as a whole. There was not the remotest sugges- 
tion of a duty of intervention; but there was very clearly 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 419 

implied the obligation to speak when it was necessary and to 
keep the record straight for presentation to the court of nations 
that some day will sit in judgment upon the war. 

"But this hope, which seemed widely held, was soon extin- 
guished. One by one the conventions of The Hague, to which 
the name of the United States had been signed, were torn to 
fragments. The nationality of Belgium was struck down ; sleep- 
ing non-combatants were slain with bombs from the midnight 
sky ; cities were laid under tribute and put to the torch ; deadly 
mines were strewn in the ocean paths of commerce, so that 
peaceful merchantmen by the score were destroyed and their 
crews flung mangled into the sea; and even the neutral waters 
of this hemisphere were arrogantly invaded by the belligerents. 

"But none of these things extorted so much as a word from 
the government of the United States. Argentina and the other 
Latin republics literally dragged it into acquiescence in a 
declaration of the rights of neutrals as paramoimt to those of 
belligerents; while to this day not a whisper of protest, com- 
plaint or regret has been uttered over the deliberate repudia- 
tion of agreements to which this country was a party. 

"Now what was the duty of the American government? The 
estimate of Theodore Roosevelt has some authority, since it was 
he who, as president, caused this country to join in the con- 
ventions that have been dishonored by the belligerents and dis- 
regarded by Washington. In the Independent he writes: 

" 'I took the action on the theory and with the belief that 
the United States intended to live up to its obligations. If 
I had supposed that signing these conventions meant literally 
nothing beyond the expression of a pious wish, which any 
Power was at liberty to disregard with impunity, I would 
certainly not have permitted the United States to be a party 
to such a mischievous farce. 

"'Either The Hague conventions meant something or else 
they meant nothing. If, in the event of their violation, none of 
the signatory Powers were even to protest, then, of course, 
they meant nothing, and it was an act of unspeakable silliness 
to enter into them. If, on the other hand, they meant anything 
whatsoever, it was the duty of the United States, as the most 
powerful, or, at least, the richest and most populous neutral 



420 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

nation, to take action for upholding them. There is no escape 
from this alternative. . . .' 

" 'To violate these conventions is a dreadful wrong. But it 
is really not quite so contemptible, it does not show such short- 
sighted and timid efficiency, and, above all, such selfish indif- 
ference to the cause of permanent and righteous peace, as has 
been shown by the United States (thanks to President Wilson 
and Secretary Bryan) in refusing to fulfill its solemn obliga- 
tions.' 

"Some Americans think the former president goes too far, 
because of a distinct reservation made that the United States 
should not interfere in the policies of foreign nations. And a 
mere protest, they say, v/ould have been worthless; it would 
have to be backed up by armed force. 

"From this view we dissent. The most extravagant reason- 
ing could not put upon this country the burden of making 
war to uphold the conventions. But Colonel Roosevelt is 
exactly right when he charges that we defaulted when we did 
not file formal protest at The Hague. That course would have 
kept life in the international agreements which are now mori- 
bund, and would have saved the written word of the United 
States from becoming a mere 'scrap of paper.' 

"Our particular inquiry now, however, is as to the effect 
of our negligence upon American prestige and upon the part 
that this government is to play in restoring peace. For months 
the Wilson administration has been agitated by the prospect of 
mediating among the Powers. Its refusal to protest against 
the dishonoring of the conventions of The Hague was not due, 
we think, to a 'cult of cowardice,' as Colonel Roosevelt says, 
but rather, to a tremulous fear lest such action might offend a 
belligerent and so avert the glory of acting as world arbiter. 

"Yet this policy of silent acquiescence in wrong has not 
enhanced Eurepean respect for our idealism. Germany, for 
example, is not one of those nations which, in President Wil- 
son's words, is going to turn to America and say, 'You were 
right and we Avere wrong; may Ave not look to you for counsel 
and assistance?' The semi-official Cologne Zeitung said 
recently : 

" 'Despite all friendliness toward America, Germans must 
recognize that America cannot be the arbiter between Great 
Britain and Germany. American neutrality has been favorable. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 421 

on the whole, to Great Britain, and we cannot have in America 
the confidence we ought to repose in an impartial arbitrator.' 

"The Hamburger Fremdenbl<itt denounces the 'humbug and 
hypocrisy of American public opinion,' and adds: 

" 'In any case, the people of Germany need not bother them- 
selves in the least about what the Americans think or say, 
so long as the German arms win. That is all that matters, 
for the American is a thorough opportunist and never has any 
sympathy with the side that is beaten.' 

"There could hardly be a clearer reference to the attitude 
of Washington on the spoliation of Belgium. But, of course, 
says the hopeful American, we have a better standing with 
Great Britain, even though our only protest in the whole war 
has been about some delayed cargoes. We find one answer 
in an Austrian imperialistic paper: 

" 'President Wilson has been intimating what he is prepared 
to do as a peacemaker. However, he must realize that this is 
a fight to a finish. We will not tolerate any third-party enter- 
prise. When the time comes to clear up the final tangle there 
will not be any need for the assistance of any peacemaker. 
There will be no doubt as to who has won.' 

"The London Olole is less arrogant and more explicit: 

" 'Let us say frankly that the United States have already 
disqualified themselves for the assumption of judicial functions. 
They have seen every Hague convention to which American 
statesmen set their hands violated, clause by clause, and have 
not even protested. We do not blame them. They are judges of 
their own consciences and their own interests; but their silence 
proves they have set those interests in front of all other con- 
siderations.' 

"More significant is the utterance of the London Chronicle, 
chief organ of the Liberal government: 

" 'It has been the consequence of the American attitude that 
The Hague conventions have not only been infringed, but killed, 
and killed beyond visible means of resurrection, let alone exten- 
sion. No State is going to let itself in for siich a deception 
again. 

" 'Nor is it possible to deny that the moral position of tne 
United States has been appreciably weakened. The American 
note regarding contraband — a perfectly fair, legitimate and 
well-inspired document of which we make no complaint — would 



423 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

impress the world rather differently if it had been preceded by 
notes in other quarters regarding the violation of Belgium, 
massacres of non-combatants, illegal and merciless money fines, 
bombardment of defenseless towns and the scattering of long- 
lived mines in the open sea.' 

"The humiliating fact is, not only that we have lost caste 
because of our failure to make good even in form our pledged 
word, but that, as one of the nations which laid the basis of 
written international law at The Hague, we have defaulted as 
a trustee of civilization." 

To this may be added a moderate and well-reasoned edi- 
torial on "America's Silence" from a London paper: (248) 

"Between the peoples of Britain and the United States the 
traditional feelings of kinship have been intensified by this war. 
And Englishmen set a high value on America's sympathy and 
goodwill. On the other hand, the Government of the Union 
has not been always included in this estimate. It has been criti- 
cised for a lack of the valuable quality which should have spur- 
red it on to protest with energy against the violation by Ger- 
many of international law. It is not enough to be neutral only 
in terms of negation. Something positive is also expected. No 
country set greater store by The Hag-ue Conventions than Amer- 
ica. She professed to regard them as the safeguards of civiliza- 
ation. And now Germany has broken them deliberately, sys^ 
tematically, and ruthlessly, without evoking the faintest pro- 
test from Washington. Nay, there has been no inquiry insti- 
tuted. Law, morality, humanity, have been trodden under foot, 
yet the humane President who withlield his recognition from 
Huerta because Huerta's hands were bloodstained evinced no 
interest in the punishment or condemnation of some of the most 
heinous crimes ever perpetrated, 

"It is to be regretted that such criticisms should be uttered 
or provoked. They cannot do good. People are apt to lose 
sight of the circumstance that the United States Government, 
if it had a policy at all, would doubtless choose a humane one 
in harmony with the sentiments of the bulk of the people. What 
it has are interests mainly mercantile, and these it furthers to 
the best of its power. And to find fault with America for pro- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 423 

moting her mercantile interests and postponing the vindication 
of public law would be an impertinence as breezy as to insist 
that because of this reserve she should be allowed to arbitrate 
between the Allies who are fighting to uphold international law 
and the Teutons who have outraged it without calling forth 
one vigorous protest from the neutrals. The attitude of the 
American Government throughout this disastrous war is preg- 
nant with far-reaching consequences in the moral issues which 
it has raised or left without solution. It has implicitly acqui- 
esced in the abolition by Germany of the public law of nations 
and in the worthlessness of treaties. The conception of a neu- 
tral State like, say, Belgium and Luxemburg has been disem- 
bodied. The hope of establishing an equilibrium of political 
forces on the basis of international agreements has been 
definitely dispelled. Henceforth might owes no allegiance to 
human or divine law, it is a law unto itself. Any belligerent 
who likes can invade the territory of its law-abiding neighbor, 
slaughter its unoffending citizens, take hostages for their good 
behavior, and shoot these if its own drunken soldiery com- 
mits excesses and lays the blame on innocent civilians. For 
the lofty hopes raised by America's initiative in the reform 
and enforcement of international law there is no longer any 
place among the implacable realities which her silence has 
tolerated and encouraged. The far-reaching changes in the 
political framework of Europe which this quiescence renders 
indispensable will, when the time comes to embody them, be 
carried out without the need of active co-operation on the part 
of the Government of Washington. It will be the ingathering 
of the harvest by those only who sowed the seed." 

If we investigate German opinion, as expressed in their 
papers, we find it, on the whole, justly unfavorable to us 
as possible arbitrators, and, whether Justly or not, equally 
unfavorable to us as a nation. (349) The Kolnische 
Zeitung, in an article from which I have already quoted, 
says: 

"Despite all friendliness toward America, Germans must not 
allow themselves to be deceived, and must recognize that Amer- 



424 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

ica cannot be the arbitrator between Great Britain and Ger- 
many. 

"American neutrality, on the whole, has been favorable to 
Great Britain. In view of all this, we cannot have in America 
the confidence which we ought to be able to repose in a Power 
which would act as an impartial arbitrator in regard to an 
arrangement for peace. 

"We cherish no feeling of irritation against America because 
she is friendly to Great Britain. Such a feeling is only natural, 
as Great Britain is the American motherland, but it is just for 
this reason that we fear prejudice, and we must in a friendly, 
but firm, manner reject America as an arbitrator." 

"Count von Reventlow, writing in the Berlin Tages Zeitung, 
claims that America is hopelessly prejudiced in favor of Eng- 
land, and states that this is clearly shown in the way that 
America handles questions of contraband: 

" 'Shipments whereby only the Allies benefit, and which con- 
stantly strengthen the military efforts against Germany 
actually work out in practice as a support of one belligerent 
to the detriment of another, and are contrary to the spirit of 
neutrality.' 

"What has particularly irritated German opinion is the tone 
of the American press, and this is very evident in a paragraph 
quoted by the London Times from the Kolmsche Zeitung, which 
says: 

"'What has happened, in the most widely read and in the 
majority of American newspapers, in the way of odious attacks 
upon Germany, abuse of the Emperor, and insulting pictures, 
has hardly been surpassed by the dirtiest London gutter 
journal, and the great majority of the American people, how- 
ever highly we may honor a respectable minority, have found 
pleasure in this attitude. 

" 'There is further weighty consideration that while, upon the 
whole, the American Government has preserved strictly an out- 
ward neutrality, it has again been seen that there are different 
wuys of being neutral, and America's neutrality has, upon the 
whole, favored England.' 

"Quite a contrary view on the stand of the American papers 
is expressed by Dr. Ludwig Stein, the editor of that influential 
organ of Jewish opinion, Nord und Siid, who, writing in the 
Berlin Vossische Zeitimg under the heading 'The Change of 



A TEXT-BOOR OF THE WAR 435 

Opinion in America,' says that public opinion here is swinging 
in favor of Germany and claims that — 

" 'An especially happy achievement of Count von Bernstorflf 
is that he succeeded, during a visit to William Randolph Hearst, 
the American newspaper king, in capturing this sovereign and 
over six hundred American newspapers for the German cause. 
To capture Hearst is equivalent to a battle won. Since the 
visit of Count von Bernstorff to Mr. Hearst, the whole Hearst 
press has come out openly for the German cause. 

" 'Any ally is welcome to us in these grave times. The peace 
societies, which are very powerful over there, have at their 
head Andrew Carnegie, who has remorsefully renounced his 
early accusations of misbehavior against the Kaiser and is 
beginning to move tremendously in our favor. 

" 'This spirit from below is being met more than half way 
by willingness from above. Secretary Bryan, despite the fact 
that his son-in-law is an English officer. Captain Owen of the 
Royal Engineers, is known throughout the country as the 
'Prince of Peace' and the 'Angel of Peace.' President Wilson 
himself is quietly preparing for his future role of arbiter mundi. 
It gratifies the self-consciousness of Americans indescribably 
once more to be chosen to play a great, world-historic mediatory 
r61e.' 

"The Hamburger Fremdenblatt, however, does not believe in 
American sincerity, and gives prominence to a violent tirade 
against us from the pen of a correspondent who is described as 
'a partner in a great German firm in New York.' It runs, in 
part: 

" 'One factor is the general humbug and hypocrisy of Ameri- 
can public opinion. Religion, virtue, abstemiousness, candor, 
and honor are the stock phrases with which Americans are 
stuffed on every possible occasion. In any case, the people of 
Germany need not bother themselves in the least about what 
the Americans think or say as long as the German arms win. 
That is all that matters, for the American is a thorough oppor- 
timist and never has any sympathy with the side that is 
beaten.' " 

There is another point of view, different in some re- 
spects from mine — especiall)^ in its estimate of the present 



426 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

national administration — ^but worthy of consideration. It 
is admirably expressed in the following letter, written to 
a London weekly by a Philadelphian, who, as the letter 
shows, is uncompromisingly on the side of the Allies 
(250) 

"Bom and bred an American, I am, by every circumstance 
of descent, association, and inclination, not only for the Allies, 
but pro-British to the core. When in England last autumn 
I was most anxious as to where the sympathies of my country- 
men would be placed. This was caused by what I read in 
your newspapers, and by my knowledge of the imperfect weld- 
ing of so many races into our citizenship. To me, and many 
like me, therefore, with getting home came the unexpected relief 
from this anxiety and much gratification. For where we feared 
lukewarmness or downright animosity we found enthusiastic 
understanding and sympathy for the Allies — and increasingly so 
it is wherever I go. Frankly, however ( and this is why I write 
to you), the tone of many English newspapers, aa well as pri- 
vate letters, becomes very trying. There seems to be growing 
among you a feeling that our national neutrality should be 
more sympathetic. The neutrality of a nation ccmnot be sym- 
pathetic, and to be neutral it must be just and fair. Many 
of us wish we were young and were allowed to help to fight 
your battles. Everywhere I go I find women knitting for your 
soldiers and working men sending from their scant savings 
to help your sick and wounded. But of a necessity all this 
must be individual, or if collective, certainly not national. I 
do not agree with the President's policies, and I am not of his 
party, but I respect and believe in his honest wish to be neutral ; 
and if I believe his desire to purchase ships to be an economic 
error, I certainly think that his one object is to serve his 
country best. Remember that a vast number of our people 
are of German birth or extraction, and my only wonder is that 
they are so comparatively passive under the tremendous burst 
of enthusiasm for you and your allies. Remember, too, the 
three generations of Roman Catholic Irish who have been 
absorbed into our population. One thing only have they 
remembered of the old country, and that is how to hate England 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 427 

and the English. Surely America is not responsible for the 
way they hate you. And with all this, can you wonder that, 
as a nation, we are bound to be cautious and just in our neu- 
trality, regardless as to where the sympathies of the vast 
majority of American individuals are placed? I think this 
ought to be plainly said and plainly understood between friends. 
Surely it is a great deal that the embittered relations between 
England and her thirteen colonies are forgotten, and that we 
no longer hold in remembrance the cold comfort that came out 
from England in those awful days of our Civil War, when our 
national existence, too, was at stake. The people of this nation 
— this English country beyond the seas — ^now thrills with you in 
your joys and in your sorrows; it mourns with you for your 
dead; your heroes will become the heroes of our race; and 
we each one of us try to aid in softening the horrors of the 
war, for in understanding, in brotherhood, in fellowship, we 
are of the English make. The position of a neutral nation, 
however, is hard enough. Do not make it bitter." 

A paper which has been one of the stannchest and most 
powerful of the supporters of the Allies in this country- 
takes up, in a leading editorial, under the caption of "A 
Word With Our English Friends," this subject of the 
expressions of discontent from them and others. While 
I am personally in sympathy with the "emotional" views, 
which it rejects, I appreciate its clear and cold presenta- 
tion of the situation as it sees it: (351) 

"Assurances of American sympathy with the English cause 
do not meet the hopes of all the English people. From Can- 
ada, from Australia, and from England itself we have received 
expressions indicating disappointment at our attitude of neu- 
trality. Something more helpful than sympathy, something 
more partial than neutrality, protests against the doings of 
Germany, and in some quarters policies not distinguishable 
from actual intereference in aid of the Allies, seem to have 
been expected. In its most widely prevalent form this feeling 
is based upon the belief that in the general interest of neutral 
Powers now and hereafter we ought to have protested under the 



43S A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

terms of The Hague Convention against the violation of Bel- 
gium's neutrality, against the destruction of precious monu- 
ments of architectural or sacred interest to the whole world, 
against the laying of mines, and even against atrocities which 
have never been proved. In another form, and less frequently 
manifested, there has been a feeling that we ought to interfere, 
and with force, because England is really fighting our own 
battle, the battle for deliverance from the spirit of military 
conquest and Avorld domination which, we are reminded, unless 
it now be crushed, will ultimately endanger our own peace and 
perhaps our national existence. 

"These views are not those of men in authority. Official Eng- 
land knows very well that they are unreasonable, that the theory 
of international action to which they correspond could not be 
defended either in law or in morals. They are largely of emo- 
tional origin, due in some part to the passions of war, and to 
the perfectly natural disposition in times of trial and danger 
to turn for help to any source from which men can persuade 
themselves that help ought to be expected. . . . The Eng- 
lish vieAV then" [in our Civil War] "was perhaps an 'exclu- 
sively commercial' one, but no American now has the least 
desire to recall those bygone matters in any spirit of resent- 
ment or retort. The cause for which England fights, the cause 
of the Allies, has the sincere sympathy of all the American 
people save a part of those whom ties of blood bind to the 
German cause. For the German people we have feelings of 
friendship and admiration; it is the ideals, the spirit, and the 
purposes incompatible with freedom, with peace, and with the 
deeper interests of humanity which a militaristic imperialism 
has forced upon them, that we find totally unacceptable. To 
those ideals and purposes we are opposed, from them we with- 
hold our sympathy, and nothing can shake our faith in the 
justice of the cause in which the allied forces are arrayed. 
With that our English friends must be content. We know that 
in sober reason they do not and cannot expect any other demon- 
stration of our friendliness and moral support than has already 
been plentifully given. It is only because in times of great 
psychological disturbance the suggestions of the emotional and 
the thoughtless may find too wide acceptance and lead to mis- 
understandings that we have felt it well to call attention to 
the matter." 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 429 



Mr. Harold Begbie, writing from New York to a Lon- 
don paper (353), says, and I agree with him, that the 
American press voices the attitude of the nation with 
greater certainty than the government at Washington, and 
adds, speaking of the end of the war, that: 

"When that day comes, will not America gratefully recollect 
that, although its Government had no word but neutrality and 
sat throughout the struggle with hands carefully folded, the 
honest newspapers, loving democracy more than the exigencies 
of politics, made it sufficiently clear to the nation of freedom 
that America was not upon the side of aggression, militarism, 
and a despotism of the divine right? I dare to say that the 
newspapers of America have saved American honor." 

Mr. James Davenport Whelpley, a well-known American 
publicist writes (353) that: 

"When America realizes how deep are the issues involved, a 
frank abandonment of neutrality, as an effort to secure peace, 
is more than a possibility. 

"It has not yet fully dawned upon Americans just how deeply 
they are and will be affected by this struggle-at-arms in Europe, 
for the political and economic changes now begun are absolu- 
tely international in their full meaning. A stronger realization 
of these things will come soon; there are already signs that it 
is on the way, and then these much-discussed questions as to the 
blame for the beginning of trouble or for subsequent destruc- 
tion and the sufferings of the civil population will be dismissed 
from the American mind, for the time at least, and the greater 
question, one upon which the entire nation will be as a unit — 
how to aid in bringing about peace — will absorb all thought and 
energy." 

I have never had letters that were more gratifying than 
those I have received from England and from Prance, in 
the last few weeks. Their expressions of appreciation of 



430 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

what I had tried to do, when read in comparison with the 
little I had succeeded in doing, often made me feel 
ashamed. 

And yet, among them, there was one, from Griasgow, 
which, while kindly as to my individual efforts, went back 
to the Napoleonic era for the purpose of accusing this 
country of "ratting'^ at that time — ^whatever that may 
mean; and there was another — also complimentary to me 
personally — from Edinburgh, which takes me quite vio- 
lently to task for having inadvertently written "English" 
when the proper word was "British"; another (from 
Edinburgh), almost insulting as to my misuse of "Eng- 
lish"; and a fourth (from Gourock), which deals with me 
more politely, but very firmly, on the same subject. 

Those trivial incidents illustrate, in a way, the point 
made in the above letter. We must not, at this critical 
time, be diverted by non-essentials. We should not be led 
into the use of unkindly adjectives, or the employment of 
any form of unfriendly criticism that is at all avoidable. 
If ever there were a time when under-statement was de- 
sirable it is now. We have here an administration which 
is the official mouthpiece of the country and which has 
assumed a certain attitude and announced a given policy. 
What proportion of the American people it represents — 
so far as the war is concerned — it is just now impossible 
to determine. As to domestic matters, it was originally 
a minority administration; and I am of the opinion that 
it is even more so to-day in regard to foreign relations. 
Of course, it is true that, in a sense, it stands for "Amer- 
ica." For what it does, within limits, "America" will 
bear the blame or shame, or receive the credit or glory. 

It is difficult at times to dissociate in one's mind a 
country, a whole people, and those who for the time being 
represent it. So, when Americans, who would like noth- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 431 

ing better than to be standing shoulder to shoulder with 
the Allies, read sarcastic criticism of "America's" be- 
havior, it hurts, even though they realize that it is in fact 
criticism of a few persons who, largely by accident, happen 
just now to have great power. And it hurts all the more, 
I suppose, because in our own minds and hearts we feel 
that the criticism is not altogether unjustified. 

But when the distinction ca7i be made, it should bei 
made. ISTo lever for exciting anti-British feeling here, is 
left untouched by the unscrupulous engineers of German, 
policy. There is no use in putting new ones in their 
hands. 

It is difficult to say to others, even to kinsmen, "my 
country is wrong," although one may both think and say 
so at home. There is also an instinctive repugnance to 
having the correctness of such opinion demonstrated to 
the world by someone else. The individual with indepen- 
dence enough to do his own thinking much prefers, when 
possible, to do his own fighting. 

This does not mean that Great Britain should not defend 
with the utmost vigor every particle of right or advantage 
to which she is entitled. It is meant simply as a plea 
for such avoidance of bitterness in botli public and private 
comment as can be avoided by people fighting for their 
lives. I am disposed to think that as time goes on it will 
be found that the bitterness may safely be left to us. 
It is proverbially never absent from a family quarrel. 

It is only fair also, both to the administration, of whose 
attitude I do not approve, and to the real Americans — as 
distinct from the German-Americans — to call attention to 
the fact that the latter are, without reason, as much dis- 
contented with our official position as are we, who have 
good cause for discontent. Some of the expressions from 



4S2 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

our German-American press will make this clear : (254) 

"An interesting feature of the movement is the fact that the 
German- Americans feel that they have behind them the support 
of the- powerful Irish- American community. Thns, for example, 
the editor of the Denver Colorado Herold writes that he is pub- 
lishing an article, 'emanating from the German-Irish Legisla- 
tive Committee in Chicago,' which 'includes a call to every 
voter to write to his respective Congressman and Senator favor- 
ing this proposed law, and furthermore we will call the atten- 
tion of every Irish and German organization in the State of 
Colorado to this movement and urge them to work for the 
acceptance of same.' Senators Hitchcock and Works come in 
for a full meed of praise and receive promise of enthusiastic 
support in their campaign to stop this export of arms. The 
Milwaukee Gerinania-Herold writes : 

" 'These two Senators have their hearts in the right place. 
In their eyes every dollar gained in this xuiworthy weapon- 
trading is blood-money. They see in every implement of des- 
truction sold to England a testimony that this dirty lust for 
profit has turned us into a nation of hypocrites, which, while 
professing to work for the restoration of peace, is really only 
reckoning how much it can gain by a shameful traffic' 

"An almost universal feeling seems to pervade the German- 
American press that our neutrality is merely a name; a 'Dol- 
lar Neutrality,' the New-Yorker Herold calls it, and goes on to 
say that it is only invoked to the detriment of Germany: 

" 'All the powder- and gun-factories of the entire land are 
working at breakneck speed. For whom? From official circles 
comes the unassailable answer — For the warring nations of 
Europe. In reality it is more than this, for while the German 
Fleet is so situated that it can not drive such traffic from the 
high seas, unquestionably it is for the foes of Germany. So 
much for the official neutrality of the United States.' 

"In the bills now before Congress the Illinois Staats-Zeitung 
sees an admirable means of forcing the hands of the Administra- 
tion : 

" 'The Administration must show its colors and state whether 
it regrets having no means at hand to prevent the exportation 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 433 

of contraband or whether the lack of such means is welcomed 
asi an excuse to support England and her allies.' 

"The Staats-Zeitunff is not very hopeful, for it regards the 
President and his advisers as utterly prejudiced in England's 
favor : 

" 'Despite the wonderful successes of the Germans, the Presi- 
dent, as well as his pro-British followers, is still convinced that 
England's rule of the world can not be shaken and that the 
war must end in a defeat of the Germans.' 

A solemn warning for the future comes from the Baltimore 
Deutsche Correspondent : 

" 'It is a momentous question that the Congress of the United 
States has now to decide . . . what will our relations be 
with a Germany which has not been crushed, but has crushed 
some of its enemies — as the outcome evidently will be. Is the 
United States powerful enough to risk throwing away the 
friendship of a people who command the respect of the world by 
defending themselves against enemies who outnumber them five- 
fold? We should offend England, we are told, if we refuse to 
sell her munitions of war. Why should England be offended if 
Ave refuse to do something for which we took her to task after 
our Civil War?' 

"The German Socialist papers all take the same attitude, 
expressed by the Chicagoer Arheiter-Zeitung, which thinks that 
legislation is useless, and is very angry with Mr. Schwab and 
his fellows. It speaks bitterly of German capitalists who are 
so patriotic that they tumble over themselves to sell to Ger- 
many's foes weapons wherewith the German people may be 
destroyed." 

The outcry as to the trade in munitions of war con- 
tinues as this chapter goes to press. All the old argu- 
ments, all the accusations contained in the above extracts 
from the Grerman-American press are repeated again and 
again, wherever Americans can be got to listen. A bill is 
introduced in the closing days of the session of Congress 
authorizing Mr. Wilson "to lay, regulate and revoke em- 
bargoes on all ships and vessels in United States ports, or 
United States or foreign vessels, whenever in his opinion 



434 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

it is necessary, until fifteen days after the commencement 
of the next session of Congress." 

This may mean nothing, but it was introduced, "after 
conference with the President," and, unfortunately, to 
many Americans that is far from reassuring. The only 
editorial utterance on the subject I have now space tO' quote 
is as follows: (251) 

"We cannot give full credence to the report we printed the 
other day, that 'President Wilson is considering the advisa- 
bility of asking congress for authority to impose an embargo 
upon the shipment of all supplies to belligerent nations.' We 
cannot conceive of his adopting a course so unpatriotic, iSO 
dangerous and so immoral. Our reasons are found in some 
obvious facts which we purpose to state here in plain terms. 

"The demand for the congressional action described has won 
the support of a few heedless citizens, who deceive themselves 
with the theory that it would promote the cause of peace. But 
chiefly it is the propaganda of German- American agitators. 

"It is essentially a pro-German movement. The utmost 
efforts of its advocates cannot make an American project of it. 
Not only do their mass meetings seethe with execration of 
Germany's opponents in the war, but they express their true 
sentiments by hissing and hooting the American government 
and its highest officials. 

"Moreover, their most plaiisible arguments are hopelessly 
unneutral in implication. For example, they say that there 
was a precedent in the embargo upon shipment of arms into 
Mexico during the recent civil wars. Of course there was. But 
then the United States most emphatically was not neutral, for 
this government openly aided one faction by lifting the embargo. 
The advocates of Germany want the United States to do for that 
country, by shutting off the supplies of Germany's opponents, 
what it did for Villa by lifting the prohibition temporarily. 
It is their privilege to urge the action, but it is an unwhole- 
some pretense to call it an act of neutrality. 

"Another favorite argument is that their plan would 'hasten 
the end of the war.' They accuse this country of prolonging 



A TBXT-BOOK OF TUB -WAU 435 

the strife, of adding to tlie awful suffering and waste of life, 
by what Representative Bartholdt calls 'America's shameful 
traflSe in arms.' 

"But even in putting forth a humane plea they cannot coneal 
their real purpose. For Mr. Bartholdt's complaint is not that 
the traffic is 'shameful,' but that it 'makes us silent partners 
of the Allies' — a disgrace which he proposes to remove by 
making us the open partners of Germany. The official pro- 
German organ, the Fatherland, speaks even more plainly: 

" 'Were the war material from the United States withheld, 
the war would come to an end in sixty days or less. The size 
of the contracts placed by the Allies in this comitry is proof 
that they are without facilities for carrying on a contest on 
such a large scale. England finds herself in a difficult position, 
and could not go on enlarging her forces without the munitions 
being shipped to her from the United States. As for Russia, 
she would be immediately at the end of her resources were the 
American markets closed.' 

"Nothing could be more explicit than this. The war could 
be stopped — by American intervention, by this country's aban- 
donment of neutrality. It could be stopped in sixty days. — 
by the simple expedient of throttling the adversaries of Ger- 
many so that she might complete the subjugation of Belgium, 
France and Great Britain. It could be stopped — if the United 
States deliberately took the side of Germany and assisted her 
to crush opponents that would be left 'without facilities' — ^that 
is to say, unarmed. 

"These agitators, while campaigning openly in behalf of a 
foreign nation, urge that they are advocating 'true neutrality.' 
In the name of Americanism, they denounce the government 
and people of this country as dollar-grabbing hypocrites. By 
sheer vociferation, they seek to show that the American attitude 
is unheard of, an infraction of law, a defiance of morals, a 
dastardly participation in carnage for the sake of profits. 

"These charges are utterly and preposterously without found- 
ation. The legality of the supplying of arms to belligerents 
by neutrals is impregnably established by statutes, by judicial 
decisions, by proclamations, by the universal custom of genera- 
tions and by the unanimous consent of the nations of the world, 
including most emphatically Germany herself. 

"So far as the United States is concerned, we quoted the 



436 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

other day the official utterances of Jefferson, Hamilton and the 
FederaJ Supreme Court; and, for the rest of the world, the 
agreements signed at The Hague. As to this war, the American 
position, in compliance with the strictest rules of international 
law, was stated in the President's proclamation of August 4th. 

"That document reaffirmed that the laws of the United States 
do not interfere 'with the commercial manufacture or sale of 
arms or munitions of war/ and provide that 'all persons may 
lawfully and without restriction manufacture and sell within 
the United States arms and munitions of war and other articles 
ordinarily known as contraband of war.' 

"If, however, the advocates of an embargo want European 
authority for the American position, they can find it in the 
course of Germany itself, which supplied arms to both Japan 
and Russia in 1905; to both Turkey and the Balkan States in 
the recent wars, and at various times to every important 
country in the world. And when they hiss the name of Secre- 
tary Bryan at their meetings they should remember that he 
holds a note handed to him on December 15 last by the German 
Ambassador, which says: 

" 'The Imperial German Government agrees that under the 
general principles of international law no exception can be 
taken to neutral States letting war material go to Germany's 
enemies from or through neutral territory, and that the adversa- 
ries of Germany are authorized to draw from the United States 
contraband of war, and especially arms.' 

"But if the legality and propriety of the traffic are conceded 
and appeal is made against it on moral grounds, or in behalf 
of humanity and peace, the case is even more conclusive, for 
it is rooted not merely in the decisions of governments and the 
rules of international law, but in logic and the fundamental 
principles of justice. 

"The most obvious answer to the demand is that an embafgo 
would be a flagrant, inexcusable and malignant breach of neu- 
trality. In the beginning, in accordance with custom, the 
American markets were declared open to all the belligerents on 
equal terms; they are still, so far as this country is concerned, 
as open to Germany as to England or France. The reason Ger- 
many cannot now obtain American war supplies is that her 
adversaries bar the way through control of the sea. 

"For the United States now to reverse its declared position 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 437 

would be to nullify the advantages -won by England and France 
at the cost of many lives and vessels. By so doing this 
country, in effect, would confer on Germany the power of a 
great Atlantic fleet, for it would arbitrarily deprive her 
opponents of an advantage they have achieved through superior 
naval power. 

"The act would be not only unneutral in principle, an inter- 
vention in behalf of one group of belligerents against the other, 
but it would be an indefensible violation of an explicit provi- 
sion of one of the conventions of The Hague, to which the 
United States is a party: 

" 'The rules impartially adopted by the neutral Powers shall 
not be altered in principle during the course of the war by one 
of the neutral Powers, except in the case where experience 
shows the necessity for such action in order to safeguard a 
nation's rights.' 

"So far as the rights of the United States are concerned, they 
irresistibly demand strict adherence to the rule of free export 
of war munitions. Violation of it would not only be dishonor- 
able, but would create a precedent of the most perilous kind. 
No matter how distant may be the next war of the United 
States, the country is certain to be unprepared; and if it must 
then depend upon its own resources for arms and ammimition, 
the resiilt will be disaster. We keep no large war supplies on 
hand, and before American manufactories could meet the 
demand the nation would be at the mercy of the enemy. 

"This is precisely the reason why the nations are agreed that 
the selling of munitions by neutrals should be unrestricted 
except by the liability to capture on the high seas. As Profes- 
sor Albert B. Hart, of Harvard, says: 

" 'This self-restraint ( imposed by neutrality) , does not include 
the shipment of military stores, for an obvious reason: that 
some nations have not sufficient factories of small arms and 
ammunition, cannon and clothing for themselves. They could 
never indulge in war, even in self-defense, if they could not 
import these necessities both before the war begins and while 
it is going on.' 

"The most notable example now in view is Belgium, which 
is buying arms and ammunition in the United States. The 
Germans are operating for themselves the huge Belgian arms 
factories at Liege; and the German- American agitators, in the 



438 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

face of this, would have the United States help Germany to 
crush Belgium by refusing to sell to her the weapons needed 
for self-defense. 

"It is true that Germany is entitled to use the military 
advantage she has won in Belgium, just as the Allies are 
entitled to enforce their control of the sea. If the United 
States had refused from the beginning to permit the export 
of arms, it would be unneutral to reverse that attitude for the 
benefit of Belgium. But, having declared our markets open, 
and having supplied Germany with materials as long as she 
was able to transport them, we cannot justly close those 
markets to her opponents. 

"Most of the advocates of the embargo are frankly pro-Ger- 
man. But its pacificist supporters should realize that the plan, 
far from promoting peace, would be the strongest possible stimu- 
lus to militarism. Germany for years has had the greatest 
manufactory of arms in the world, and the changing of the 
rule that neutrals may supply weapons to belligerents woiild 
mean that every other nation would be impelled to adopt her 
system of piling up vast armaments in times of peace. 

"Those who urge the embargo as a measure of humanity and 
civilization are fatally in error. They ask that the United 
States should arbitrarily make new international law — ^not for 
the benefit of the world, but for the benefit of a single bellig- 
erent. What they demand would amount to active intervention 
in the war. It would be dangerous, destructive and dishon- 
orable. It would be neither justifiable nor effective. It would 
make us false to our obligations, false to neutrality, false to 
the duty of guarding our future security and false to the cause 
of peace." 

A review of the difficulties into which, America, de- 
scribed as "an unfortunate old gentleman" — ^"TJncle Sam" 
— has been plunged, in spite of — or because of — its neu- 
trality, has been made by the same paper. (256) It de- 
scribes the rigid technical attitude of the President, say- 
ing that he has carried passivity to such an extent that 
the moral influence of America has suffered partial 
eclipse, and continues : 



'A TBXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 439' 

"Tliis rigid attitude has been dictated largely by the Presi- 
dent's desire to be selected as mediator when the war ends. 
Events have shown that his purpose, as well as the interests 
of the United States and of humanity, would have been served 
better by an active than a passive neutrality. The low estimate 
of America held by the allied nations is due wholly to her 
failure to protest against violation of the conventions of The 
Hague. 

"But, aside from this, it was evident early in the war that 
strict neutrality would create special difficulties for the United 
States. Both sides strenuously wooed American public opinion 
through official and literary advocates, and each was hurt and 
surprised when Americans showed a disposition to give the 
other a hearing. Each belligerent group charged the enemy 
with unbridled atrocity and perfidy, and this country's disincli- 
nation to enter the quarrel mystified and exasperated both. 

"It was so perfectly clear to Germany that the war had been 
wickedly forced upon her, and that Belgium was a treacherous 
foe of civilization, that she bitterly resented American condem- 
nation. France was chilled by our official aloofness. And 
England, although gratified by evidences of moral sympathy, 
has not failed to admonish us that our attitude would have 
been more worthy of a great nation if it had been the same 
in all respects as her own. 

"The reason is obvious. Nations at war are naturally in an 
abnormal state of mind. Fighting for their very lives, neu- 
trality becomes to them inconceivable; moral sympathy only 
exasperates them, and, as an eminent German has remarked, 
'foreigner means enemy.' 

"We have already quoted many influential persons and news- 
papers to the effect that American mediation is impossible. 
Some further expressions will be enlightening as to European 
opinion of this country. 

"Let us take Germany first. Ten days ago the Cologne 
Oazette said it was 'boiling with rage at England's despicable 
conduct,' and added: 'Some neutral countries, too, including 
the United States, have forgotten what fair play means.' A 
week later it remarked that 'American neutrality is only a 
thin curtain behind which zealous, loving service to England 
conceals itself.' 

"Public feeling is turning strongly against the United States,' 



440 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

reports the Berlin correspondent of a Copenhagen paper. And 
the head of the German branch of the Standard Oil said the 
other day that Americans had shown themselves 'pitiful weak- 
lings.' 

"French opinion is more polite or more effectively censored, 
but former Premier Clemenceau has bitterly condemned Amer- 
ican favoritism toward Germany. As for England, we find the 
London Express complaining that the administration 'is ready 
to buy votes by a show of tail-twisting,' and the Morning Post 
charging that 'the only points on which the American govern- 
ment has officially expressed it itself are those in which the 
Allies stand to suffer and Germany to benefit.' 

"Even in this country the views of neutrality are in just 
as sharp conflict. Robert Bacon, a diplomat of experience, has 
declared that our policy touching the war is 'weak and unwise.' 
Another American charges that 'the administration has been 
the catspaw of German manipulation,' while Curtis Guild, w^ho 
was our representative in Bussia, criticises the 'extraordinary 
partisanship on the side of Germany.' 

"Meanwhile German- Americans are holding noisy mass meet- 
ings to denounce American 'subservience to England' and to 
demand their special kind of pro-German 'neutrality.' 

"So we see that our pitiful picture of Uncle Sam is not over- 
drawn. Europe mocks at his laborious efforts to maintain an 
attitude of official impartiality, and he is becoming more un- 
popular every hour among the excitable belligerents. The 
London correspondent of the Chicago Daily News has written 
to his paper: 

" 'Conversations with persons of force, representing the sen- 
timents of Great Britain, France, Bussia, Italy and Germany, 
compel the conviction that the United States is making no real 
friends in this war. The general charge against us is that we are 
displaying a shameless lack of idealism, chivalry, magnanimity 
and courage. ... It seems that the whole of Europe is 
hardening against America. One cannot doubt, as matters 
stand, that when peace comes the United States will have no 
hand in making it.' 

" 'We are going to be cordially detested by the whole world 
when this war is over,' says an American ambassador to one of 
the belligerent countries, according to the New York Tribune; 
and that paper adds: 'It is not inconceivable that even Germany 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 441 

and England may become friends before some Germans and 
some Englishmen forgive Uncle Sam for his middle course.' 

"Most of the criticism leveled against us is due to the inevi- 
table unbalancing effects of the war upon the minds of belliger- 
ent peoples. But much of it arises from our refusal to utter 
a word in behalf of the dishonored agreements of The Hague, 
to which we had pledged our support. There the United States 
has been faithless to its duty, and has lost the chance to gain a 
moral ascendency that would have been a powerful influence for 
peace and for the best interests of humanity. At a recent 
meeting to advocate the strengthening of international law, 
Earl Grey stated the case conservatively: 

" 'The neutral powers who signed the conventions of The 
Hague missed a great opportunity by not protesting against 
the violations of the international regulations that occurred in 
this war, and thereby promoting collective responsibility by all 
civilized nations for the maintenance and enforcement of inter- 
national law.' 

"But we have already discussed this question in detail. Our 
concern now is with the extraordinary difliculties of being a 
neutral. If there were nothing else, the shipping controversy 
in itself would afford striking evidence of this. All England, 
for example, was agitated by the hoisting of the American flag 
over a vessel purchased from a German firm; but a few days 
later all England exulted in the hoisting of the same flag over 
the Lusitania. 

"The fact is that Uncle Sam, who is actually losing sleep over 
his responsibilities, is suffering the proverbial fate of the peace- 
maker and the innocent bystander. The belligerents are never 
too greatly preoccupied to heave an occasional brick at his well- 
meaning head. 

"There really ought to be established an international course 
in this supremely difiicult profession of neutrality. Its subtle- 
ties are quite beyond the capacities of the American people. If 
some nations can spend untold millions to fit themselves for 
war, we could well appropriate a liberal sum to train ourselves 
for the intricate duties of keeping out of it. Senator La Fol- 
lette's resolution calling for a conference of neutral nations is 
a move that should be carried through. 

"For, after all, that proposal touches upon the biggest issue 
of the war. The world has seen, and is seeing every day, a con- 



44^ A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

stant extension and encroachment of the rights of belligerents. 
It is by no means too soon to prepare for a united declaration 
which Avill establish the rights of neutrals, whose task is to pre- 
serve the institutions of civilization, and which will be main- 
tained against the assumption of nations at war that military 
necessity justifies the violation of every principle of inter- 
national law." 

The whole question seems to me of much importance 
to both the material interests and the fair fame of Amer- 
ica. As we have seen widely diverse opinions upon it are 
held both here and abroad. Its reflex effect upon our do- 
mestic political conditions is fraught with such great pos- 
sibilities, that, for the benefit of those Americans who are 
concerned as to their country's honor, and for the instruc- 
tion of those whose votes will, within two years, uphold or 
condemn the administration to which that honor has been 
entrusted, I want to quote one more carefully considered 
and weighty editorial view of the situation. (257) Under 
the title "America's Duty and the Rules of War," it notes 
that we have been passing judgment on the governments 
of other countries in this time of war, says that it is about 
time we should form our judgment concerning the atti- 
tude of the government of our' own country, adds that war 
is a test of character, illustrating its meaning by the re- 
cent revelation of Belgium's "soul of heroism," and con- 
tinues : 

"How is the American nation standing the test of war? 
There are two judgments about America. One is the judgment 
which we Americans have welcomed : That America is the land 
of liberty, the land of justice to all men, of equal law for all, 
of brotherhood and comity. The other judgment is that which 
some foreigners have passed upon us : That America is the land 
of the dollar, the land of commercialism, of self-seeking, of the 
desire to 'get rich quick.' Which judgment is true? 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 443 

"Tlie answer is to be found not in what individual Americans 
think or say, nor even in what Americans as individuals may do 
in the way of generous giving to those who are suffering the 
privations of war; it is to be found in what our nation does as 
a whole, in its formal and official action and utterances. 

"It will help us to form our own judgment if we listen rea- 
sonably to that of others. Here is the judgment of one. It is 
expressed in the Toronto Globe: 'There is something morally 
wrong with the man, whether Canadian or American, who can 
picture the indescribable sufferings of the Belgian people with- 
out a sense of rage and indignation at those responsible for that 
ruthless and calmly deliberated crime. There would be some- 
thing wrong, cowardly, and criminal in the Canadian nation if, 
under the circumstances, Canada did not, at once and to the 
last power, strike for Belgium's defense and for the defense of 
innocence and the preservation of honor among nations. More 
than that. The civilized world "will convict the American Re- 
public of wrong and of cowardice and of complicity in the worst 
international crime since Napoleon's unpardoned offense if that 
free nation, itself the heir of all the ages of struggle for liberty, 
does not soon, and in terms the world will understand, make 
straight and solemn protest, in the name of international law, 
to the world's court of public opinion against Germany's vio- 
lation of international agreements to which the United States 
was a pledged party. ... A nation that loves righteous- 
ness is under compulsion to abjure iniquity.' 

"Let us listen to another voice — it is that of the London 
Spectator: 'Can it be wondered at that, even though we may 
be unreasonable, and though, of course, we ought to see the 
American case and so forth, we feel out of heart that America 
seems to reckon up the matter in cold dollars and cents rather 
than in terms of flesh and blood and human suffering?' 

"It is easy to resent such strictures; but resentment will do 
us no good. It is easy to say that these judgments are passed 
by those who are facing the perils and are stirred by the emo- 
tion of war. But the real question is whether they are true or 
not. And the way to find out whether they are true is not by 
answering back, but by looking the facts in the face. What do 
those facts show? 

"They show that the American nation, as a nation, has made 
its solemn representation to one of the belligerents, not on a 



444 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

question of flesh and blood, of humanity, of justice to the de- 
fenseless, but on a question of American profits in trade." 

The conduct of England in our time of great struggle 
over questions of human right and human liberty is then 
noted, and it is said that, as Americans judged England 
sharply for what she did then we should listen tO' the 
judgment of England on what America is doing now: 

"And it is not as if we had had no chance to make our voice 
heard regarding questions of honor and liberty and public law. 
We had our chance — ^a very great chance — even before the storm 
of war actually broke. To the rule that neutral territory 
should be kept free from invaders we had pledged ourselves by 
hand and seal. Every foreign nation as well as our own Gov- 
ernment knew that Belgium was in peril. We could have sent 
an identical note to every European nation that in case of hos- 
tilities this country expected Belgium's territory to be kept 
inviolate. We lost that chance when the first German soldiers 
passed the Belgium border. Still we might have spoken, even 
though our protest could not have prevented what the German 
Chancellor has acknowledged to be an international wrong. 
Morally we were bound to speak, and technically we still had 
the right to speak. But the time passed and we continued our 
silence. Six months have gone by. The only sign of interest 
which our Government has officially shown in the effects of the 
war has been an interest in copper, and cotton, and foodstuffs, 
and the like. 

"Has, then, all chance for setting ourselves right been lost? 
We are convinced that it has not. The true beliefs and inter- 
ests of the American people can still be voiced. The United 
States is not concerned solely with one violation of a single 
Hague Convention; it is peculiarly concerned with the mainte- 
nance of the whole spirit and purpose of the rules of civilized 
warfare." 

The article then recites some of the rules of interna- 
tional law and of The Hague conventions and continues: 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 445 

"The principles underlying these and the other rules are per- 
haps most succinctly stated by this one rule, numbered 68 : 

" 'Modern wars are not internecine wars in which the killing 
of the enemy is the object. The destruction of the enemy in 
modern war, and indeed modern war itself, are means to obtain 
that object of the belligerent which lies beyond the war. 

" 'Unnecessary or revengeful destrviction of life is not lawful.' 

"It is upon the principles embodied in this rule and exem- 
plified in the other rules that the Conventions at The Hague 
were based. It is because the nations of the earth which were 
civilized enough to observe laws for individuals within their 
borders recognized that there was also an unwritten moral law 
of civilization as between nations that they established those 
Hague Conventions. The violations, therefore, of the Hague 
Conventions are something much more serious than even the 
breaking of a pledged word. They are attacks upon this funda- 
mental law of civilization. Excuse for such violations cannot 
be found in any technical defense, for the fundamental law 
which those violations break is not based on any technicality. 
If any nation in the world is interested in maintaining the 
public law of nations, this fundamental law of civilization, it is 
the United States. To allow the violations of that law to pass 
unnoticed is to be unfaithful to civilization. 

"That there have been violations of this public law of nations 
in the war now raging there is no doubt. That law was violated 
in the invasion of Luxemburg and Belgium, and it is charged 
that that law was violated in Chinese territory. It has been 
violated in the dropping of bombs by airmen upon civilians and 
upon private property, whether the towns in which such civilians 
were killed and such property destroyed were defended or not. 
It has been violated in the deliberate bombardment of unde- 
fended towns and undefended districts in great cities. It has 
been violated by pillage, by the levying of illegal contributions 
upon at least one province and several cities, by the exaction of 
collective penalties for individual acts, by the demand for 
millions of dollars of merchandise from private parties. It 
has been violated in the needless bombardment and destruction 
of monuments of religion, education, and art. It has been vio- 
lated in the forcing of inhabitants of occupied territory to fur- 
nish information about the armies of their own nation. It has 
been violated in the laying of mines in the open sea. It has 



446 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

been violated in raids by sea and land, and by other measures 
whose only possible military consequence, and therefore whose 
evident object was to strike terror into the hearts of non- 
combatants. In addition to undeniable facts there have been 
official accusations Avhich go to show that in this war there has 
been exhibited time and time again a ruthless brutality that 
cannot be explained as the irresponsible action of individual 
soldiers, but involves the deliberate military policy of re- 
sponsible officers. 

"If there had never been a Hague Convention signed, the 
moral interests of the United States in these infractions of the 
public law of nations would still be plain. The fact that there 
are Hague Conventions and that the United States has signed 
and confirmed them makes all the more plain not only the in- 
terest of the United States in these infractions, but the right of 
the United States to say something about them. 

"In the face of these facts, how can the United States remain 
silent ? It is the plain duty of our Government, supported as it 
is by the public sentiment of our people, to let the belligerents 
know what the United States thinks about these 'relapses into 
barbarism.' To say that a protest issued by the United States 
on this subject would mean war, as some have said, is to ignore 
the fact that we have already undertaken a protest, and there 
has been no sign of our intending to take part in the war. The 
only difference is that the protest we have made is a protest 
about our pocketbook, while the protest concerning the viola- 
tions of the rules of war is a protest that concerns humanity 
and morality. 

"America's duty concerning the violations of the rules of civ- 
ilized warfare would, we believe, be fulfilled in part, if not in 
full, by a note addressed and sent to all the belligerents, if not 
to all civilized governments. Such a note should be drafted by 
at least as practiced a hand as that which prepared the recent 
statement concerning munitions of war and other matters affect- 
ing American neutrality. It should set forth the fundamental 
character of the public law of nations on which the rules of 
war are based. It should recount not only those rules of war 
which have been explicitly stipulated in writing by common 
agreement of the representatives of the nations, but also those 
rules which may be said to form a part of the international 
common law of war. It should recount the nature of the vio- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 447 

lations of those rules, and point out, at least as explicitly as 
the protest with reference to neutral trade, the character of the 
acts that have been a denial of civilization. Whether the guilty 
nation or nations be specified or not matters little or nothing. 
Whoever finds that the cap fits can put it on. 

"By such a protest we believe the American nation can yet 
do much to mitigate the war ; for no nation, however indifl'erent 
to public sentiment, will care to invite the condemnation of the 
American Government. If the United States is to have any part 
in determining the nature of the peace that is to follow this 
war, as President Wilson believes that it will, its influence will 
be determined largely by the course it now assumes; and if its 
influence then is to be for international morality, it cannot 
ignore international morality now." 

With this admirable, though to my mind too conservative, 
summary of the facts or principles bearing upon America's 
duty at this crisis, I must leave the matter with my read- 
ers, not, however, without the hope that the majority will 
agree that we should do something, — something definitely 
on the side of justice and decency, even if it is only a 
protest. 



CHAPTEE XVII. 

From the Confusing and Contradictory Reports from the 
Fields of War and from Other Information to be Gleaned 
Elsewhere, Are There Any Indications That Justify an 
Opinion as to the Final Outcome of the Struggle? 

I, of course, do not make the slightest pretense to abil- 
ity to answer a question as to whicli the experts of the 
world disagree. But it is of such interest that any rea- 
sonably intelligent person who thinks about the war at all 
— and who does not? — can scarcely refrain from specula- 
tion on the subject. It is probable that here, in America, 
the masses are better informed as to the whole series of 
events since August 1st, 1914, than are the people of any 
other country. Moreover, the field to be surveyed is so vast 
that to get a comprehensive view, a true perspective, re- 
moteness is essential. It was amusing in September and 
October to find how much more was known to the average 
American than to the German-Americans returning from 
Carlsbad, Berlin, or Munich, who disembarked in ISTew 
York eager to instruct and, if necessary, to convert their 
fellow-citizens. 

The failure to have definite views does not, therefore, 
arise from any relative lack of information on this side 
of the water, but from the essentially insoluble nature of 
the problem at this time. It must be admitted that, in 
considering it, my opinions are unavoidably influenced by 
my hopes. So far as the results up to this date — the end 
of March — are concerned, neither side seems to have 
gained any material nreponderance of successes. The 

(448) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 449 

losses in dead, wounded and prisoners, are estimated as 
nearly equal. The territory occupied by the Germans in 
France and Belgium, is about the same as that occupied 
by the Eussians in G-alicia. The expenditure in money 
appears to be in the aggregate approximately the same for 
the two sides. The losses at sea, although the balance is 
in favor of the Allies, are so far from being decisive that 
they might almost be ignored. 

The determination to fight to the bitter end is said to 
be equally inflexible in all the countries concerned. An 
American paper (358), a short time ago, reviewed the 
situation, which it described as a "gigantic deadlock," and 
said that in view of this : 

"It is interesting to recall some of the early predictions. We 
shall note them in chronological order. 

"In mid-October Paul Leroy-Beaulieu, a noted French polit- 
ical economist, estimated the duration of the war at seven 
months. At the end of November 'an officer of high position 
in General French's army' was quoted as follows: 

" 'The war will be over before June. Early in the summer 
Germany will be ready to make peace on the best terms she can 
obtain. This prediction is purely a military one, and leaves out 
of consideration what terms Germany will be able to obtain and 
bg willing to accept.' 

"About the same time an interesting forecast, attributed to 
*a military authority,' was published in Paris. It said: 

" 'He divides the war into six periods — two past, one present 
and three to come. The first was the German advance through 
Belgium and into France. The second was the battle of the 
Marne and the German retreat to the Aisne. The third is that 
of the fighting on the Aisne, continuing and developing into 
the effort to reach Calais. 

" 'The fourth period will be a German retreat and a battle on 
the Meuse. The fifth will be a further retreat and a battle on 
the Rhine. The sixth will be the march to Berlin, 

" 'He estimates that the battle for Calais will last well into 
December. He assigns five months to the battle of the Meuse — 

29 



450 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

till about May 1, 1915. Tlie campaign on the Rhine should last 
nearly twice as long — say until February, 1916. The march to 
Berlin and the negotiations should bring the war to an end in 
1917. He assumes that the operations will be steady, with no 
sudden collapse of either front.' 

"This, it will be recalled, is in harmony with Field Marshal 
Kitchener's estimate of a war of three years; recently he has 
been said to have remarked that 'the war will begin in May.' 
But while the French expert was laying out a struggle lasting 
until 1917, an American economic expert was telling us that 
it must end in a few months. Roger W. Babson said : 

" 'I care not how much the statesmen of the various nations 
talk about a long war, I can say authoritatively that the bank- 
ers of these nations know that it cannot be long. ... I 
have found bankers agreed that the attempt of either side to 
fight this war to a finish means financial bankruptcy for 
Europe. 

" 'It is all very well to talk about unlimited supplies of men ; 
but the nations cannot fight without huge sums of money. The 
rulers of Europe have gone crazy.' 

"Guglielmo Ferrero, the eminent Italian historian, gave his 
estimate as two years. He recalled the theory, once very widely 
held, that the deadliness of modern weapons and the colossal 
size of modern armies would make wars impossible; and said 
that not only had this idea been refuted, but that these factors 
had made a quick decision impossible. 'In proportion to the 
measure in which they have been perfected,' he wrote, 'armies 
have become less adapted to fulfill their mission.' 

"About the middle of December Hilaire Belloc, who is noted 
as a military writer, declared that no one could safely predict 
the duration of the conflict. But, he said, 'it will end within 
three months after the allied troops have obtained a firm foot- 
hold on German soil.' 

"Early this year a letter from a French officer told of a new 
French army of 1,000,000 men that would go to the front in 
February, preparatory to a decisive movement against the Ger- 
mans in March and April. 'The war,' he said, 'will last two 
years, at least.' 

"The military expert whose illuminating articles appear in 
the New York Sun and The North American wrote on Janu- 
ary 6th: 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 4S1 

" 'Neither Germany nor her enemies have destroyed the mili- 
tary power of their opponents. So far, it is a plain draw. 
. . . After five months of war there is not the slightest sign 
to be found anywhere of immediate peace. . . . The unmis- 
takable belief in neutral countries that Germany must ulti- 
mately lose is based on the conviction that she cannot forever 
match men and money with three great powers. . • . 

" 'Early in the war, Lord Kitchener fixed three years as the 
limit of the conflict. To-day the best witnesses in Europe agree 
that it will be longer rather than shorter.' 

"Thus the weight of opinion seems to be that the struggle will 
be long, bloody and incredibly costly. The most potent factor 
is»that neither side shows the remotest desire for peace. Ger- 
many still manifests extreme confidence of victory, while Great 
Britain, France and Russia have made solemn treaty to fight 
until Germany is subdued. Neither force has suffered suffi- 
ciently to make peace more attractive than the prospects of 
victory, however remote. 

"No conceivable settlement now would satisfy one group or 
the other. Peace must await the time when one has suffered 
crushing loss, or when general exhaustion compels a com- 
promise. 

"Wliat, then, are the chances for a decisive victory by either 
side? Competent observers see no probability of such a result, 
unless through a sudden collapse of the fighting spirit on one 
side, of which there are now no indications. 

"The amazingly stubborn contest along the western battle 
front certainly does not suggest it. -The swift advance of the 
invaders during August had a decisive look, but before mid- 
September the invincibility of the German army had become an 
exploded myth. Man for man and gun for gun, the forces of 
France and Britain and Belgium had proved themselves the 
equals of the best troops of the Kaiser. Paris was saved, the 
German march on Calais and Dunkirk was broken, and for 
nearly five months the hedge of steel has resisted every assault. 

"Action in the east has been more violent, but no more final. 
Austria's strength has been borne down, but the Germans and 
Russians have alternated as victors in East Prussia and in 
Poland. There is no likelihood that the British and German 
fleets will soon be engaged. The air raids on the east coast of 
England are but ghastly jokes. 



452 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"After nearly six months of war, Germany holds most of 
Belgium and a corner of France. Her colonies are gone, but her 
European possessions are intact, except for narrow portions of 
East Prussia and Alsace-Lorraine. It has been shown that she 
cannot break the Allies' strength in the West; and while she 
may preserve her Eastern frontier, her most brilliant victories 
will make no permanent impression on the hosts of Russia. 

"There is no reason to believe that the German armies will 
ever see Paris. On the other hand, to expel them from France, 
at the present rate of progress, would take years. And, in the 
event of a forced retreat, the Germans have three massive lines 
of defense prepared from the sea to the Rhine through Belgium ; 
while if they are thrust over the German border, the invaders 
will have to storm fortresses well-nigh impregnable. 

"From a military standpoint, therefore, it appears that Ger- 
many can be defeated only by a wearing-down process^ — by eco- 
nomic pressure and the capacity of the Allies to increase their 
military strength while hers remains stationary. The result 
depends upon the supplies and the handling of money, men and 
food. The theory is that Germany can be defeated by impover- 
ishment, by overwhelming numbers, or by starvation, or by the 
pressure of all three. Some figures bearing upon these points 
will be enlightening. 

"Just a year ago a director of the Deutsche Bank issued an 
elaborate computation of the national wealth of Germany and 
other countries. Leaving Russia and Austria out of considera- 
tion, it was shown that the wealth of France was $57,400,000,- 
000; of Britain, $61,125,000,000, and of Germany $75,000,000,- 
000, an excess for the Allies of $43,525,000,000. The yearly 
incomes were computed as follows France, $5,000,000,000; 
Britain, $8,750,000,000, and Germany, $11,250,000,000, an an- 
nual excess for the Allies of $2,500,000,000. 

"The 'Cost of the war can be expressed in figures, but they are 
so vast as to be almost beyond comprehension. Early in Oc- 
tober Yves Guyot, an eminent French economist, estimated the 
total loss to the world at $17,600,000,000 in the first six months. 
France's expenditures for the first six months have totaled 
$1,200,000,000. 

"On December 10th Dr. Julius Wolf, a Berlin expert, esti- 
mated the cost of the Austro-German armies at $15,000,000 a 
day and the armies of the Allies at $22,500,000 a day, a total of 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 453 

$37,500,000 eacli twenty-four hours. On January 1st the Berlin 
Vorwaerts declared the Allies were spending $24,962,000 daily, 
against $21,000,000 for Germany and Austria. 

"A careful estimate of the losses in men to January 1st shows 
the killed, wounded and missing of Germany and Austria to 
number 3,000,000, and those of France, Britain, Belgium and 
Russia about 3,130,000. Of those killed, the Germans and Aus- 
trians had lost 410,000 and the Allies 475,000. 

"Tliese are the stupendous forces that are to be taken into 
account in considering how long the war can last. Much em- 
phasis is laid upon the terrific drain upon Germany's economic 
resources. But it is just there that German efficiency tells, 
and the empire's leaders ridicule the idea that the nation can 
be 'starved' into submission. 

"The German Press Bureau in New York issued a statement 
recently computing a total army and recruiting strength in 
Germany of 12,000,000 men. Professor Usher, an American 
authority, insists that Germany, by making some sacrifices, 
can live on her own resources. Field Marshal von der Goltz 
said a month ago that Germany was prepared to fight 'for 
years.' Dr. Otto Appel, a German agriaultural expert now in 
this country, declares that supplies are so efficiently managed 
that the people will never lack food. A week ago Lieutenant 
General von Falkenhayn, the chief of staff, stated that Germany 
is ready to fight 'indefinitely.' 

"It is clear that the political and military leaders of Ger- 
many are relentlessly determined to carry on the struggle, and 
that economic efficiency is a tremendous force at their com- 
mand. Germany will fight until her citizens realize that the 
cause is hopeless. 

"And here lies the greatest obstruction to an early peace. 
Of all the peoples involved, those of Germany are the least im- 
pressionable by facts and conditions outside of their actual ex- 
perience. Their patriotism, in the first place, is an exalted 
passion, a veritable religion, the prime teaching of which is 
racial superiority and the certainty of Teutonic domination. 

"A rigid censorship and habitual veneration for authority 
lead them to accept implicitly the views of the government, and 
the official interpretation of events is never questioned. To this 
day no German, so far as is known, doubts that the war was 
forced upon them; that the invasion and laying waste of Bel- 



454 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

gimn were just nieasvires of defense, while Turkey is defending 
Western civilization against Asiatic barbarism; and that the 
German retreat from Paris was a subtle victory over the enemy. 
The capture of Calais is still awaited with cheerful expectancy, 
and the killing of a few civilians with airship bombs is hailed 
with joy as a terrific blow at the British Empire. 

"Those who look for a popular German demand for peace will 
have to wait a long time. Public opinion is not only unin- 
formed regarding the war, but it is disciplined; and it is in- 
spired by a devotion to national ideals which require the sur- 
render of all individual desires to purposes of state. 

"We see no indications that Germany can defeat her enemies. 
But so long as her armies are in Poland, in Belgium and in 
France and her people are self-supporting, what reason is there 
to- expect that she will yield ? If, then, her defeat depends upon 
a successful invasion of her territory, it is reasonably clear that 
we are discussing, not the approaching end of the war, but its 
real beginning." 

I am of the opinion of Powys, who says: (259) 

"They fight fiercely, these philosophers of the all-dominant 
state. And they fight fiercely because, as Miinsterberg says, 
'In the German view the state is not for the individual, but the 
individuals for the state' because 'the ideal state unit, which 
has existence only in the belief of the individuals, is felt aa 
higher and more important than those chance personalities 
which enter into it.' 

"But the Allies are ready to fight more fiercely still, because, 
from their point of view, there is something higher and more 
important than any state or any group of states ; because, above 
all state-craft and above all state-machinery, are the freedom 
and liberty of the human soul ; because the liberty of the human 
soul demands that no machinery, however disciplined and effi- 
cient, shall enslave it, and no strength, however formidable, 
shall narrow the largeness of its hope." 

The French Premier, with the unanimous and enthusi- 
astic support of the Chamber of Deputies, says : (260) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 455 

"France, acting in accord witli her allies, will not sheathe 
her arms until after taking vengeance for outraged right; until 
she has united for all time to the French fatherland the prov- 
inces ravished from her by force; restored heroic Belgium to the 
fullness of her material life and her political independence, and 
until Prussian militarism has been crushed, to the end that it 
be possible to reconstruct, on a basis of justice, a Europe regen- 
erated. . . . 

"In spite of a war which is shaking and impoverishing the 
world, the French banknote is accepted at a premium; the dis- 
counting of commercial paper grows daily, and the totals ob- 
tained from indirect taxation increase. All this is a manifesta- 
tion of the economic strength of a country which has adapted 
itself with facility to the difficulties arising from a deep-seated 
trouble and which declares before the entire world that the con- 
dition of its finances will permit it to continue the war until 
that day when the necessary compensation shall be obtained. 

"Gentlemen, the day of final victory has not yet come, and 
until it does our task will be one of great difficulty. The way 
may be long, and for this let us prepare our spirits and be ever 
courageous. We have inherited the greatest burden of glory 
that any people can carry. Already the country has agreed to 
make every sacrifice that this duty entails. 

"If this contest is the most gigantic ever recorded in history, 
it is not because the people are hurling themselves into warfare 
to conquer territory, to win enlargement of material life and 
economic and political advantages, but because they are strug- 
gling to determine the fate of the world. 

"Nothing greater has ever appeared before the vision of man. 
Against barbarity and despotism; against the system of provo- 
cations and methodical menaces which Germany called peace; 
against the system of murder and pillage which Germany called 
war; against the insolent hegemony of a military caste which 
loosed the scourge, France the emancipator, France the venge- 
ful, at the side of her allies, arose and advanced to the fray. 

"That is the stake. It is greater than our lives. Let us con- 
tinue, then, to have but one united soul, and to-morrow, in the 
peace of victory, we shall recall with pride these days of 
tragedy, for they will have made of us more valorous and better 
men." 



456 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

From England comes from innumerable sources, the 
same note of stern resolve, best perhaps shown by Lord 
Kitchener's grim but epigrammatic reply to the question: 
"When do you think the war will end?" "I don't know, 
but it will begin in May !" 

There is no scrap of authentic information from Eussia 
(p. 336), or from Japan, that does not indicate the same 
indomitable purpose, 

Sweden is said to be pro-German, influenced by her 
fear of Eussian aggression, I have had private letters 
from Swedes, living in London, in which — ^but regretfully 
— they confirm this view. 

As to Iforway and Denmark, a well-known Scandina- 
vian, Hanna Astrup Larsen, writes: (361) 

"The integrity of Norway is officially guaranteed by the In- 
tegrity Treaty of 1907, which England, Germany, France and 
Russia have signed for a period of ten years. Among these 
signatories, England is the one to -which Norwegians look as 
their especial protector against aggression from any other 
Power. It is true that they, in common with the Danes and 
Swedes, feel the warmest sympathy and the most intense admi- 
ration for the French people and for French culture, but France 
is too far away to enter into the political calculations of the 
North, . , , 

"Encroaching Germans have pushed the Danes back from the 
lands south of the Baltic which they once held — in the thir- 
teenth century, under Valdemar the Victorious — almost as far 
east as the site of Petrograd. In modern times they have been con- 
fined to the peninsula of Jutland and the adjacent islands, and 
fifty years ago Germany seized by force of arms Schleswig- 
Holstein, forming the base of the peninsula. In Schleswig, 
which the Danes still call South Jutland, the work of German- 
izing has been carried on ruthlessly. It is forbidden to sing 
Danish patriotic songs, to display Danish colors, and to hold 
meetings in the Danish language. Recently difficulties have 
been placed in the way of Danish-speaking citizens owning 
land or engaging servants. Geographical names have been 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 457 

given a German twist. At the outbreak of the war the custom- 
ary restrictions were sharpened; Danish newspapers were sup- 
pressed and the editors put into jail at the very moment when 
thousands of their kinsmen were fighting loyally in the German 
army." 

These seem significant words at this juneture, coming 
from such a source. 

So far as America is concerned, the opinion has been 
voiced over and over again that we cannot afford to per- 
mit a final German triumph. (See pp. 340-47.) 

One of the most influential of our papers (263) begins 
a most eloquent and informing editorial, as follows: 

"Germany is doomed to sure defeat. Bankrupt in statesman- 
iship, overmatched in arms, under the moral condemnation of 
the civilized world, befriended only by the Austrian and the 
Turk, two backward-looking and dying nations, desperately bat- 
tling against the hosts of three great Powers to which help 
and reinforcement from states now neutral will certainly come 
should the decision be long deferred, she pours out the blood of 
her heroic subjects and wastes her diminishing substance in a 
hopeless struggle that postpones but cannot alter the fatal 
decree. . . . 

"A million Germans have been sacrificed, a million German 
homes are desolate. Must other millions die and yet other 
millions mourn before the people of Germany take in the court 
of reason and human liberty their appeal from the imperial and 
military caste that rushes them to their ruin? 

"They have their full justification in the incompetence and 
failure of their rulers. German diplomacy and German militar- 
ism have broken down. The blundering incapacity of the Kaiser's 
counselors and servants in statecraft at Berlin and in foreign 
capitals committed Germany to a war against the joined 
might of England, France and Russia. . . . 

"Wilhelm II was wretchedly served at Vienna by an Ambas- 
sador blinded by Russophobia, at St. Petersburg by another who 
advised his home government that Russia would not go to war, 
and at London by the muddling Lichnowsky, whose first guesses 



458 A TEXT-BOOK OF TEE WAR 

were commonly wrong and his second too late to be serviceable. 
Germany literally forced an alliance for tbis war between Eng- 
land and Russia, two Powers often antagonistic in the past and 
having now no common interest save the curbing of Germany. 
The terrible misjudgment of the General Staff hurled Germany 
headlong into the pit that incompetent diplomacy had prepared. 
The empire went to war with three great nations able to meet 
her with forces more than double her own, . . . 

"The world cannot, will not, let Germany win in this war. 
With her dominating all Europe peace and security would 
vanish from the earth. A few months ago the world only dimly 
comprehended Germany, now it knows her thoroughly. So if 
England, France and Russia cannot prevail against her, Italy, 
with her two millions, the sturdy Hollanders, the Swiss, hard 
men in a fight, the Danes, the Greeks and the men of the Bal- 
kans- will come to their aid and make sure that the work is 
finished, once for all. For their own peace and safety the na- 
tions must demolish that towering structure of militarism in 
the center of Europe that has become the world's danger-spot, 
its greatest* menace. 

"The only possible ending of the war is through the defeat of 
Germany. . . . 

"We have aimed here to make clear the certainty of Ger- 
many's* defeat and to show that if she chooses to fight to the 
bitter end her ultimate and sure overthrow will leave her bled 
to exhaustion, drained of her resources, and under sentence to 
penalties of which the stubbornness of her futile resistance will 
measure the severity. We could wish that the German people, 
seeing the light, might take timely measures to avert the calam- 
ities that await them. 

"It may well be doubted that they will see the light. But 
have not the men of German blood in this country a duty to per- 
form to their beleaguered brethren in the old home ? Americans 
of German birth or of German descent should see and feel the 
truth about the present position of Germany, the probability for 
the near, the certainty for the remoter, future. At home the 
Germans cannot know the whole truth; it is not permitted 
them to know it. It will be unfraternal and most cruel for 
German-Americans further to keep the truth from them, or to 
fail in their plain duty to make kno-wn to them how low the 
imperial and militaristic ideal has fallen in the world's esteem. 



.1 TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 459 

and to biin^ them to understand that the enemies they now 
confront are bub the first line of civilization's defenses against 
the menace ,f the sword that forever rattles in its scabbard. 
The sword must go, the scabbard, too, and the shining armor. 
If the Germans here have at all the ear of the Germans there, 
can they not tell them so? They have come here to escape the 
everlasting din of war's trappings ; they have come to find peace 
and quiet in a land of libei'ty and law, where government rests 
on the consent of the governed, where the people by their 
chosen representatives, when there is a question of going into 
the trenches to be slain, have something to say about it. Have 
they ever tried to get into the heads of their friends in the 
Fatherland some idea of the comforts and advantages of being 
governed in that way? Instead of vainly trying to change 
the well-matured convictions of the Americans, why not labor 
for the conversion of their brother Germans?" 

Are there any indications that to-day justify the con- 
fidence thus expressed? 

I have a letter from a friend (263) setting forth some 
facts that seem to him, and to me, of possible significance. 
He writes in part: 

"My wife and I were immuned in Munich during the two 
weeks of the mobilization of the Bavarian Army, and we saw 
practically the whole of this splendid body of troops go to the 
war. My impression is that they first appeared at the front 
in the east of France, but shortly afterwards were shifted to 
Belgium where the dispatches constantly referred to them as 
bearing the brimt of the fighting against the English and Bel- 
gians. Some time in September there was published in the 
Philadelphia papers a telegraphic dispatch to the efl'ect that 
certain Prussian soldiers and officers had used insulting lan- 
guage in reference to the Belgian Queen, who is a Bavarian 
princess. Some of the Bavarian soldiers resented this, and a 
fight ensued. As a result some Bavarian soldiers or officers 
were courtmartialed and shot. Not a great while after this 
it was stated that the Kaiser had said that his greatest wish 
was that the English Army should encounter his brave 



460 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

Bavarians. Subsequently it was given out that the Kaiser 
had said that Dunkirk must be taken whatever might be the 
cost of men, and the men were said to be the Bavarians. Late 
in October or early in November there was a statement pub- 
lished that over two hundred Bavarians had revolted, but had 
been overcome and sent to Aix-la-Chappelle for trial. Nothing 
else has been heard about these men. About that time the dis- 
patches ceased to mention the Bavarians as opposing the English 
Army, but mention began to be made of the Prussian Guard 
opposing the English. Apparently the Bavarian Army had been 
destroyed. 

"About three weeks ago a statement came from Mimich to 
the effect that the chief of police of Munich had posted notices 
throughout the city to the effect that if citizens were found 
criticising the conduct of the war they would be subjected to 
a year's imprisonment. Last week there was published in the 
Evening Telegraph a statement alleged to have been made by a 
German gentleman who had traveled throughout Germany, that 
things were in a normal condition, and the people satisfied, 
except that in the cafes of Mimich there was much discussion 
of the unfair treatment to which the Bavarian Army had been 
subjected. 

"In to-day's Ledger there is a statement that ninety Bavarian 
soldiers, part of the garrison of Antwerp, had mutinied and 
were to be courtmartialed. Later I read that 'a dispatch to the 
Eomdelsblad from Antwerp says reports are current in Antwerp 
of a mutiny on the part of the Bavarian troops garrisoning the 
city. While the report is not confirmed, it is a fact that the 
Bavarian barracks have been closed to outsiders.' 

"Another report states that a number of Belgian prisoners 
have escaped from Brussels with the connivance of Bavarian 
troops, the latter having been influenced by their affection for 
their former princess, the Queen of Belgium. 

"Whatever may be the truth of some of the statements re- 
coimted above, it is very obvious that the Bavarian Army has 
been greatly exposed, and that the soldiers in its ranks and 
their friends at home have been aggrieved. It is possible that 
like Captain Uriah of old the Bavarians were put in the front 
by the Prussian Gteneral Staff to be slaughtered. The long po- 
litical antagonism of Bavaria to Prussia would furnish a 



A TEXT-BOOK OP TEE WAR 461 

ground, although not a justification, for such action by the 
military authorities in Berlin." 

All this, I admit, is vague, inconclusive, and possibly, 
as my correspondent knew and said, not even in accord 
witli facts. On the other hand it may be an indication of 
"the little rift within the lute," or, to change the simile, 
of a defect in* the casting, which might ultimately make 
evenj a Krupp siege gun a source of danger or death to 
its possessors. 

I note, also, that at this writing: (264) 

"Maximum prices for many metals have been fixed by the 
Bundesrath, such as alimiinimi, antimony, copper, and nickel. 
Another disturbing fact is the scarcity of saltpeter and other 
nitrogenous salts. The government is making every effort to 
prevent this situation from causing uneasiness in the public 
mind and recently suppressed an issue of its own organ, the 
Norddeutsche Allegemeine Zeitung, as well as one of the Berlin 
military journals, the Kreuszeitimg, for printing resolutions on 
this subject passed by the Brandenburg Chamber of Agricul- 
ture. One of these offending resolutions, as published in the 
Kreuszeitung, runs, in part: 

" 'A great danger for Germany lies in the fact that, in con- 
sequence of the war, Germany is deprived of the import of salt- 
peter. This is a serious danger, because a lack of nitrogen, such 
as exists at present, causes a considerable diminution in the 
yield of the harvest; and, secondly, because the production of 
the necessary quantities of ammimition and explosives may con- 
sequently be imperiled. It seems desirable, therefore, that the 
Imperial Government should take steps to assure permanently 
Germany's supply of nitrogenous salts." 

I also note that Die Oleichlieit, a Socialist woman's 
paper, published in Stuttgart, says: (365) 

"Like a child's soap-bubble, which bursts at a touch, so has 
the legend been dissipated that the war would be a short 'mill- 



463 A TEXT-BOOK OP THE WAR 

tary promenade' to Paris and Petrograd. We know tliat we are 
in the midst of a world-war which will last a very long time, 
and we must face the fact that Germany for many months to 
come will remain cut off from commercial intercourse with other 
nations, and will be compelled to feed her own people from her 
own reserves. . . . 

"Millions of women, children, aged parents, and people in 
weak health must henceforth rely for their means of existence 
upon the pittances they receive from public funds and 
charity. . . . 

"The cattle are fed — the poor man cannot buy food. 

"Millions are in want; millions more trembling before the 
menace of greater hardships still to come. In the hour of the 
greatest .danger ^speculators are profiting by the wretchedness 
of the poor. 

"These facts are officially confirmed. ..." 

An American, long domiciled in Germany, says: (366) 

"I have every reason to believe that the supply of gunpowder 
is caxising the General Staff the gravest anxiety. They lack the 
saltpeter and nitrates necessary for its manufacture. They 
carefully avoid giving direct answers to all questions on this 
subject, and prefer to turn them aAvay with some feeble excuse. 
When asked why they are using old ammunition they say, 'We 
wish to get rid of it.' 

"I do not mean to imply that there are not still immense re- 
serves of ammunition in the country, but from my inquiries 
I am convinced that, even on a scale vastly below that of the 
present time, they will, for this reason alone, be unable to carry 
on the war after next June. I am sure that the most vital 
considerations of this struggle are Germany's lack of copper 
and gunpowder, or the essentials necessary to make the various 
explosives now in use." 

Early in tlie war, Mr. Frederick William Wile denied 
the alleged "unity" of Germany, which was announced to 
include the four million avowed Socialists on the strength 
chiefly of certain votes in the Reichstag. This article 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 463 

(267) was prefaced by the following editorial statement 
as to its author: 

"At the outbreak of the present war Mr. Wile had a narrow 
escape from Berlin. Although an American, and well known 
at the hotel where he was temporarily staying, he was de- 
nounced as an English spy, roughly handled, taken to the police 
presidency, and was in peril of being shot, as Russians and 
French had been. He was released only upon the summary 
action of the American Ambassador, Mr. Gerard, and found safe 
exit from Germany only through the great courtesy of the 
British Ambassador, who permitted him to leave on the train 
on which he himself departed under safe conduct." 

Mr. Wile says : 

"There are sixty-six million Germans. Sixty-five million of 
them did not want war. The other million are the War Party. 
That their influence immeasurably outruns their numerical 
strength is evident from the fact that they not only wanted 
war but got it. The voice of the sixty-five million was as one 
crying in the wilderness. It has always been so in Prussianized, 
militarized Grermany. 

"No list of members of the War Party has ever been pub- 
lished. It has no official existence. But who compose it and 
what it has stood for are an open book. The Kaiser would deny 
the most vehemently of all that he is affiliated with the Kriegs- 
partei. Unfortunately, his speeches -are against him. He has 
talked too much and too often of his martial ambitions, has set 
the world too frequently by the ears with his blatant apotheoses 
of Mars and Neptune, to merit the diadem of a peace prince. 
William II's ebullient son and heir, the Crovpn Prince, is an 
avowed- adherent, almost the arch-priest, of the War Party. 
His fellow-members are, first of all, the corps of officers of the 
German army, a body of 40,000' or 50,000 spurred and epauleted 
martinets, who have never ceased to pray for war. These gen- 
tlemen of the goose-step, through their paramount position in 
German society, have infected the entire so-called upper class 
with their belligerent views. The War Party, therefore, in- 
cludes German uppertendom. It embraces the intellectuals of 



464 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

the empire — the professorial element at the great universities, 
the Delbriicks, the Wagners, the Schmollers, the Harnacks, 
and all the other super-patriots who tread in the path blazed 
by Treitsehke, the prophet of this, Germany's 'final reckoning' 
with Europe. 

"Following idolatrously in the trail of the political professors 
are the undergraduates of the 'varsities, or at least that over- 
whelming majority afiiliated with the Corps, Verbindungen, or 
BurschenscJiaften, the equivalent of our own fraternities. It was 
these youthful spirits who have had the sacredness of war 
drilled into their souls in classroom, who ran shrieking, Erieg! 
KriegP through Unter den Linden in the feverish nights pre- 
ceding the actual laimching of the Kaiser's thunderbolts on the 
East and West. In the War Party, too, are the Prussian Jun- 
ker in his thousands, the agrarian land barons of Pomerania, 
East Elbia, Brandenburg, and Silesia — the Germans who look 
upon themselves as the salt of the Teuton earth, the props of 
divine right, and the monopolists of power and position in mod- 
ern Germany. And last, but noisiest, are the armchair war- 
riors of the Fatherland, the retired generals and admirals and 
colonels and naval captains whose very names are a programme 
and a menace — Bernhardi, Breusing, Reventlow, Frobenius, 
Keim of the Army League, von Koester of the Navy League, 
and hundreds less notorious. . . . 

"If I thus far seem radical in expression and harsh, let me 
deal forthwith with the sixty-five mute, meek millions of the 
Fatherland who craved for peace. For years they have been 
excoriated by the War Party as a craven, corroding influence, 
destitute of patriotism, ignorant of 'the real foimdation of 
German greatness,' an element which was retarding the Father- 
land in the march to her predestined goal, attainable only by 
the employment of siege guns and dreadnoughts. 

"These mute and meek millions, I say, did not want war. 
They wanted peace and a continuance of the bounding pros- 
perity which had brought Gtermany to the pinnacle of economic 
might. They wanted their army and navy to be that which the 
Kaiser had grandiloquently boasted they were, and only that — 
bulwarks of peace, not engines of war. These were the senti- 
ments of the German public up to the very hour war descended 
upon their inoffensive heads. They cared not a fig for Sarajevo 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 465 

beyond the wave of human sympathy and horror which wanton 
murder always produces. They believed, many of them, that 
the question as to who should prevail in Europe, German or 
Slav, must some day find a sanguinary solution; but they did 
not look upon the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand 
and his consort as the occasion for forcing the solution. It 
M'^as only when the Austrian demands on blood-stained Servia 
brought Armageddon measurably near — ^made it, as we have 
seen, in fact, inevitable — that German public opinion, shrewdly 
molded, suddenly, reluctantly, came to the conclusion that the 
conflict between German and Slav might as well be fought out 
in this year of grace. 

"I make bold to proclaim that the Germans went into this 
bloody business with a heavy heart. I heard their reservists 
singing 'Die Wacht am Rhein' as they began their march to 
death and glory from city, town, and hamlet. I saw flaxen- 
haired Prussian maidens tossing roses to guards and Uhlans as 
they started for the front, from which thousands of them will 
never return. But everywhere and always I found bearing down 
the spirit of the G«rman, though only infrequently expressed 
by word of mouth, the sentiment that the war was unnecessary, 
cruel, unintelligible, that it ought not to have been." 

Another American, Prof. Maurice Parmelee, who holds 
the chair of Sociology and Economics in the College of 
the City of New York, has described (368) the impres- 
sion made upon him when in the late afternoon of July 
31, the Kaiser in person announced to the people of Ber- 
lin the critical situation. Prof. Parmelee was in the 
crowd that had awaited for hours in front of the royal 
palace. He says: 

"Finally, at about six o'clock the doors again opened and the 
Kaiser appeared upon the balcony. After the cheering had 
subsided, he read twice over in a loud, clear voice a short speech 
which he held in his hand. The substance of it was that he had 
tried to keep the peace, but had been deceived by the Czar, and 
now might God help the brave German army in the fight. After 
bowing again to the crowd, he disappeared. . . . 

30 



466 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"It is impossible to describe adequately this remarkable 
scene in writing, or indeed in any way. I might say that its 
principal impression upon me was that of its pathos. It was 
pathetic, in the first place, because of the trust and confidence 
these people displayed in their Kaiser. It was evident that they 
depended upon him to decide what to do. But it was pathetic 
far more because it was evident that they realized that their 
country was facing a very serious crisis, and this fact awed and 
probably frightened them. To keep up their courage they stim- 
ulated their patriotism by singing patriotic songs and cheering 
the royal family." 

One of the best known and most influential of American 
editors and publicists, Dr. Lyman Abbott, still made, 
after nearly sis months had elapsed, a similar distinction 
between the "leaders" and the "people of G-ermany." He 
said: (369) 

"This imposition by force of what she considers to be political 
and social virtue is exactly, it seems to me, the fundamental 
purpose of Germany in the present European war. I do not 
mean that the German people are conscious of this purpose ; but 
that the German leaders are conscious of it I think there is no 
question. One of the pathetic things about the war is that the 
mass of the German people have been convinced by their mili- 
tary leaders that they are fighting to defend their hearths and 
homes. They had to be convinced that they were on the de- 
fensive in order that they might be persuaded to make war at 
all, for the mass of the German people are lovers of peace. But 
the leaders of modern Germany wish to dominate Europe — the 
militarists for power's sake, the industrialists for the sake of 
commerce, and the intellectuals for the sake of imposing Ger- 
man ideals upon the world." 

After four months of war an American Socialist, Mr. 
William Walling, rejected the assumption of "absolute 
unity" and gave some of his reasons for believing it un- 
warranted. (370) 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 467 

He began with quotations from the German Chancellor 
and the German Ambassador to this country: 

"In this war social diflferences have disappeared; even the 
Social Democrats stand behind us." — Von Bethmarm-Holhjoeg, 
Chancellor of the Oermcm Empire. 

"It is one of the fundamental errors of American newspapers 
that this is a war of kings. Most emphatically it is a war of 
the German people. If any proof is needed for this statement, 
look at the attitude of the leaders of the German Social Demo- 
crats, who are loyally supporting the Emperor." — Oownt von 
Bemstorff, German Ambassador to the United States. 

He continued: 

"It is evident from these and many similar statements from 
the highest authorities that the German Government bases its 
case largely on the claim that the German people are unani- 
mously behind it in this war. 

"Unfortunately, the German Government, which has failed 
to impress the public of the neutral countries with many of its 
arguments, has apparently isucceeded in this instance. Hardly 
an important article, editorial, or opinion of the war fails to 
state or to assume that popular sentiment in Germany is, in- 
deed, unanimous. Whatever doubts existed seem to have been 
entirely removed as it became generally known that on August 
4th, when the war was already going on in France, when Bel- 
gium was invaded, and the German people were aware of both 
these facts, the Social Democrats in the Reichstag allowed the 
Socialist vote to be cast solidly for the war loan of five billion 
marks and permitted a declaration which said that they re- 
garded the war as a purely defensive struggle against Russian 
despotism. 

"But if we look into the events leading up to this action of 
the 4th of August; if we look closely into the councils of the 
party during the first days of the war; and, above all, if we 
take note of the position of the party organ, Vorwaerts, since 
the war began, we shall see indications that the German people 
are by no means unitedly for the war, and that the four million 
Socialists are split badly on the question. While admitting the 



468 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

undeniable fact that the Socialist majority did give its financial 
and moral support to the Kaiser, we shall discover that there 
is already a very large minority against the war. . . . 

"Even since the declaration of war, under the very eyes of the 
military censor, and in the presence of the terrors of martial 
law, Vonouerts has cleverly managed to continue its anti- 
military agitation. Frequent cables have shown the general 
recognition of the value of its work, and its anti-war trend has 
been widely recognized. On Monday, August 3rd, when the 
Social-Democratic group in the Reichstag decided to vote in 
favor of the war budget, Vorwaerts printed an article condemn- 
ing Grerman 'patriotism' and the 'patriots' who had suddenly 
become warriors fighting for 'freedom against Czarism.' 

"The article, which is entitled 'War Against Czarism,' ex- 
poses the fallacy of this so-called 'Russian peril.' 

" 'Russia to-day is no longer a stronghold of reaction, but a 
land of revolution. The overthrow of the monarchy and of 
Czarism is now the aim of the Russian people in general, and 
of the Russian workers in particular.' 

"The article points out that shortly before war was declared 
Russia was in the midst of a revolutionary blaze that was 
sweeping the country. This menacing general strike had spread 
until stopped by the declaration of war. The Czarism had been 
strengthened, then, not weakened, by the declaration of war. 

"When Germany entered Belgium, Vorwaerts said, signifi- 
cantly: 'Now when the war god reigns supreme, not only over 
the time but also over the press, we cannot say concerning the 
invasion of Belgium what we would like to say about it.' On 
August 30th it had the courage to declare that the Belgian 
peasants ought not to be 'punished,' as they had been, for 
defending their homes without uniforms, since the German 
Lcmdsturm was explicitly permitted to do the same thing ac- 
cording to the very words of the Prussian law (p. 301). The 
real purpose of this editorial, as of many others, was to call 
the attention of the German soldiers to the fact that they were 
fighting a war of aggression. In Germany it raised a storm. 

*'When it became a well-established fact that Italy had de- 
cided to break with the Triple Alliance, every 'patriotic' German 
cried out against Germany's former ally. But Vorwaerts, in- 
stead of condemning Italy, spoke enthusiastically in favor of its 
maintaining the position of neutrality. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 469 

"When the Socialist leaders Guesde and Sembat, with the 
unanimous approval of their party, became members of the 
French Cabinet, Vorwaerts pointed out that this proved that 
the French proletariat regarded it as a people's war, and that 
Germany would be able to conquer only by conquering the 
French proletariat. . . . 

"As to Sembat, Vorwaerts citesi his speech of the 2d of 
August, in which he defined the present war waged by France 
as one which was aimed neither at conquests nor at the destruc- 
tion of German culture. This leads Vorwaerts to remark: 

" 'The French nation is defending its existence, its unity, and 
its independence. 

" 'Our comrades did not refuse the grave responsibility of 
this momentous hour. They felt that the independence and 
security of the nation are the first conditions of its political 
and social emancipation, and they did not think it was possible 
for the^ to refuse their aid to that country in its struggle for 
life.' 

"Could this be plainer? German territory and culture are 
not even attacked, but France is struggling for existence. No 
wonder the Vormaerts office was mobbed by 'patriots' shortly 
after the printing of this editorial; 

"Surely this approval of the attitude of the French, Belgian, 
and Italian working people justified the indignation of the 
German anti-Socialist press, which rightly pointed out that such 
talk was no way to insure success in the war. But Vorwaerts 
ignored the attacks of its militarist enemies — which twice led 
to its suspension — and for two solid months continued to use 
every weapon in its journalistic arsenal against the supporters 
of the war. 

"Another editorial that must have infuriated the militarists 
was that of August 25th, in which, ably avoiding every possible 
deadlock with the military authorities, the Socialist organ yet 
succeeded in pointing out that the supposed justification of the 
war, that it was a war of defense against Russia, had fallen 
away and that it had become a war of aggression. . . • 

"The reader must not get the impression that I have tried to 
give a complete idea of the work of Vorioaerts against the gov- 
ernment and the military faction that now controls it. Hardly 
a day has passed when the cables have failed to mention one 
or another of its bold strokes, and a reference to the paper itself 



470 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

shows that it has neglected no opportunity. Repeatedly it has 
exposed the 'lies' of the militarists. So-called 'atrocities' 
against the German troops are shown to be either absurd in 
themselves, or crafty inventions, or grossly exaggerated. Ger- 
man prisoners are not being mistreated in any of the foreign 
countries. In a word, the whole press campaign of the mili- 
tarists is repudiated point by point. Always, of course, the 
point is emphasized that the people of the foreign countries are 
not hostile to the people of Germany. Not only does Vorvxierts 
reject the militarist case in detail, but it also rejects it as a 
whole — just as it did before the war. The fact that all of Ger- 
many's leading litterateurs and scientists have defended the 
war merely supplies a subject of ridicule; one of the poets, for- 
merly a democrat, is described as writing one patriotic poem 
every day and three on Sunday, which, we are reminded, makes 
nine a week. And when Maeterlinck and d'Annunzio are boy- 
cotted because they have turned anti-German, Vorioaerts iron- 
ically points out that the discovery has suddenly been made 
that they have no literary merit. 

"Yet for the first time since 1894 Socialist literature, includ- 
ing Vorwaerts, has been admitted into the barracks, and on Sep- 
tember 2d special arrangements were made by which it could 
even be sent into the camps on the firing line. So that the agi- 
tation I have described has not only reached the German people 
generally, but has been spread throughout the armies — probably 
the most momentous piece of propaganda ever accomplished by 
any agitation in all history. Evidently the reactionary govern- 
ment made these extraordinary concessions from two motives. 
It recognized the military necessity of securing the enthusiastic 
loyalty of the millions of Socialists who compose a third of the 
German armies, and it assumed that the conservative Socialists, 
who had secured control of the Reichstag group on August 4th, 
and those leaders who have been brought into the government 
camp by the machinations of Bethmann-Hollweg at the secret 
conference of the previous day, represented the German Socialist 
movement as a whole. It forgot that the Reichstag members 
are often governed by political considerations which do not in- 
fluence the Socialist masses; that the latter have put the con- 
trol of the party, not into the hands of this group, but in an 
executive committee composed of a small number of its oldest 
and most trusted servants, including several revolutionists; 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 471 

and that Vorwaerts depends for its daily income upon the 
approval of the Socialist masses, especially those of Greater 
Berlin and central Germany. Instead of a tamed and loyal 
Socialism which it expected, 'military necessity,' then, has 
caused to circulate throughout the army literary material which, 
under the present circumstances, is of the most inflammatory 
character. For the Socialists, including a great proportion of 
revolutionists, are already there. All that was necessary was 
to remind them that all the vast anti-military and anti-moiv 
archical agitation of recent years still holds good under present 
conditions, and to bring this agitation down to date. 

"In the month of June, this year, at the last act of the 
last session of the Reichstag, fifty of the Socialist members 
proved their republicanism by forcing the whole Socialist group 
to remain seated and silent when the President called for 
standing cheers for the Kaiser. We may be certain that in the 
end the section of the party represented by Vorwuerts and 
these members of the Reichstag, in large part at least, will 
remain true to the republican and anti-militarist principles 
of the international Socialist movement. And we have every 
reason to hope that this army of half a million, enlarged to 
millions in the terrible hour of disillusionment and disaster 
that is drawing near, and taking advantage of the disorganiza- 
tion at the close of the war, may be able to overturn the mili- 
tary oligarchy that rules Germany, and set up in its place 
that democratic form of government which is the sole guar- 
antee of international peace." 

Of course, the world is agog as to Italy and Eoumania. 
I have no more information in this direction than is ob- 
tainable from newspaper reports, except as it reaches me 
in private letters. An extract from one of them (from a 
land-owner in the north of Italy) must be my personal 
contribution to this phase of the subject: 

"Here in Italy everyone is seized with horror at the way 
the Germans carry the war ^vith their 'Kultur.' Their great 
deeds are to fire on poor children and women and churches, 
and to rob private houses, towns and villages. And yet they 



473 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

pretend to impose their civilization on the world! I hope and 
believe that the hour will soon strike when they will be com- 
pletely smashed, and i also hope and believe Italy will join 
in putting an end to their behavior and their brutality. The 
best class of the population in Italy is in favor of joining the 
Allies in Italy's own interests and honor. The best newspapers, 
as the Corriere della Sera, Secole, Tribune, Stampa, etc., are 
daily publishing articles in favor of intervention. The women, 
peasants, socialists (a good many) and the clerical party, are 
against the war. 

"Italy has already done a great thing in not following the 
Austro-Germans in their monstrous plans. They thought to 
make Italy obey like a humble servant against her own 
interests, but they have made a mistake. But this is not 
enough. Italy will have, sooner or later, to join the Allies, 
if she does not want to feel the consequences of the present 
state of affairs. This is my personal opinion, but it is also 
the general opinion of the best and most intelligent class of 
people." 

But the opinion on this matter that I believe to be 
more valuable than any other I have seen, was from the 
pen of Felice Ferrero, worker of Guglielmo Ferrero, the 
historian, and long connected with what is perhaps the 
most influential Italian newspaper, the Corriere della Sera 
of Milan. 

He says (371) in reference to general Italian sentiment, 
that Italy has a quarrel and that her quarrel is with Aus- 
tria, and adds: 

"If Germany has seen fit to back Austria in the latter's 
attempt to sandbag Servia, Germany must inevitably share the 
ill feeling that is running against Austria, and eventually take 
the consequences of it. Needless to say that, acting toward 
Belgium in much the same way as Austria tried to deal with 
Servia, Germany has done all in her power to enhance this 
ill will, and subsequent behavior has done nothing to lessen it. 

"I recall, for instance, a statement made by the Reichskanzler, 
Bethmann-Hollweg, to the Berlin correspondent of an impartial 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 473 

Rome newspaper. He explained how at first Germany had 
been much disappointed over Italy's announcement of neutrality, 
but had, on second thought, considered it a highly satisfactory 
procedure; 'because,' he said, *if Italy had joined Germany, she 
would have at once been attacked on land and water by France 
and England, and the war of the Triple Alliance would have 
begun under the bad omen of defeat.' How is that for a com- 
pliment intended to win the favor of the Italians?" 

Signer Ferrero discusses the Austria-Italian incompati- 
bility and the reasons therefor, and concludes: 

"That Italian opinion is as unanimous as opinion can be in a 
people of thirty- five millions on this point: war in company 
with Austria, and consequently Germany, is inconceivable. On 
the contrary, opinion is divided as to the next possible move — 
whether or not neutrality should be maintained to the end of 
the war." 

After a further discussion of all the factors involved, 
his final conclusion is as follows : 

"According to our view, Italy cannot, for two reasons, insist 
on a policy of neutrality. First, for a positive reason: a suc- 
cessful Austria would be the undisputed mistress of the Bal- 
kans; would make an end of Italian opportunity to gain the 
Italian provinces of Austria; would create a disastrous rivalry 
in naval armaments for the control of the Adriatic — not to 
speak of the possibility that Austria might entertain plans for 
revenge. A successful Germany, with a weakened Austria, 
might be even worse, as it might lead to the establishment of 
Germany on Adriatic shores. 

"Second, for a negative reason: no European Power at this 
time is strong enough to stand isolation without immense risk, 
and isolation will, in any event, be the fate of Italy if she does 
not take sides at all ; isolation both because she has not helped 
the loser to win and because she has not helped the winner to 
reach a speedier victory. 



474 A TEXT-BOOK OP THE WAR 

"In addition, economic reasons now favor intervention. With 
her army practically on a war footing, it is costing Italy a mil- 
lion and a half dollars a day to keep neutral. Already a credit 
of $200,000,000 has been passed by Parliament. Such a burden, 
without hope of some political return, could hardly be borne 
by any country with continued equanimity. 

"We understand, and on good authority, that Italy has been 
told by the Entente Allies that she may have all she wants on 
the Adriatic — Trieste, Istria, Dalmatia, Albania — ^and even 
something in Asia Minor, provided she comes out cmd takes it. 
The occupation of Albanian ports, which preludes the occupa- 
tion of Albania, is in Italy widely interpreted as meaning that 
Italy has 'taken the hint.' Certain it is that when her Gov- 
ernment decides the momentous step, it will find her people 
a unit behind it, if not indeed ahead of it." 

As I have ventured into this field at all and have in it 
no shade of fitness for the role of prophet, it seems de- 
sirable to lay before American readers the views held, 
after six months of war, by the American writer whose 
semi-technical war articles have, I think, made the great- 
est impression upon the American public. Mr. Frank 
H. Simondssays: (273) 

"Six months after the outbreak of the world war the out- 
standing fact was that peace seemed as distant, almost more 
distant than it did in September. Yet if the close of the con- 
flict remained still a subject for speculation, it was now plain 
that the issue had been determined in September and that all 
that had happened since the Battle of the Marne had in fact 
been the natural consequence of one more decisive battle of the 
world. On fields and hills but little distant from the plain 
where Roman civilization turned back Attila, the German bid 
for world supremacy, the Kaiser's chance to play Napoleon 
were abolished. . 

"Six months after war had begun Germany was still faced 
by three great nations, their military force wholly unshaken, 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 475 

their armies still giiining in numbers, their deficiencies in artil- 
lery, in machinery all but made good. Such advantage as her 
preparedness had given her, the credit balance in her favor, 
was now exhausted. 

"In the same period her Austrian ally had three times been 
beaten almost to her knees by Russian victories, was now facing 
an invasion across the Carpathians into Hungary. Twice, too, 
the Hapsburg Emperor had seen splendid armies ignominiously 
routed, destroyed by the hated Serbs, who in tlieir turn were 
preparing to flow over the Danube into Hungary. 

"Around the world the German hopes had equally proven 
vain. The Turk had suffered disaster, the Holy War had fallen 
to empty nothing, the South African revolution had iliekered out 
as an abortive revolt, with no other permanent consequence 
than to insure the loss of German Southwest Africa. In Asia 
her colony had disappeared into Japanese hands, in the Pacific 
her islands were lost irrevocably, in Africa her remaining col- 
onies were being slowly but steadily consumed by her enemies 
as one eats an artichoke, leaf by leaf." 

"Half a year of war had given history one more decisive 
battle, for Europe conceivably the greatest in permanent mean- 
ing since Waterloo. In that battle it had been decided that 
Europe should still be European and not Prussian. At the 
Marne, France had saved herself and Europe; after the Marne 
the problem was how long it would take Europe to conquer 
Germany, and in January it was unmistakable that as yet 
Europe had made no progress." 

"Since a war of attrition seemed inevitable, the natural 
inquiry was in January: How long will it take to reach 
exhaustion? Again, since it was now clear that Austrian 
resources were fast failing and new drafts were being made 
upon German armies to defend Hungary as well as Cracow, 
the real problem became: How long can Germany continue to 
meet France, Russia and England with equal or sufficient num- 
bers to prolong the war? 

"Early in the war Lord Kitchener had said that the struggle 
might last three years. What seemed a mere rough estimate 
becomes far more significant examined by the few statistics 
yet available, which show the wastage of war. 



476 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

"Thus it seems fair to estimate that Germany has now in the 
field 3,000,000 men, France 2,000,000, Austria 1,000,000, Russia 
3,000,000. England at no distant date will have 1,000,- 
000 on the Continent. Servia and Belgium may be reckoned 
to have 250,000. 

"Now as far as Russia is concerned her supply of men is for 
any ordinary calculation inexhaustible. That she can keep her 
European force at 3,000,000 for three years, despite battle 
losses is hardly debatable. As to England, her ability to main- 
tain an army of 1,000,000 on the Continent indefinitely and 
despite losses is equally to be accepted. It is different with 
France. Her available military population may be reckoned at 
4,000,000. Of this she has already lost 1,000,000 by death, 
capture, disease or woxuids. Half of this number may be 
reckoned as permanently lost. At this rate, France will be 
reduced at the opening of the third year of war to 2,000,000. 
With her allies she will then have 6,000,000 men. But her 
losses in this year cannot be made good, save by the new class 
coming to the colors in 1917 and levies from her colonies. 

"Now Germany may be reckoned to have had 6,000,000 men 
available for service in July, 1914; 600,000 more will be sup- 
plied by the combined classes of 1916 and 1917. German losses 
in the first six months may be estimated at 1,800,000. At this 
rate, 1,800,000 will be removed permanently from the German 
lines in each of the first two years of war. Thus at the opening 
of the third, Germany will still have 3,000^000 men to draw on. 
But her losses thereafter will be definitive, because she will 
have exhausted her reserve. As to Austria, she has lost more 
than 1,000,000 already in her many disasters. She may still 
have 1,000,000 in the field, but a year hence, two years hence, 
she can hope for no more and her resources, too, will be com- 
pletely exhausted. 

"Thus, as the third year of the war opens not more than 
4,000,000 Austro-Germans, the last line, will confront 6,000,- 
000 Russians, British, and French, helped by some hundreds 
of thousands of Slavs and Belgians, behind whom will stand 
Russian and British reserves of at least 4,000,000. This means, 
with every discount for the roughness of the estimate, that 
sometime in the third year, while Russia and Britain are still 
able to keep their armies at their present point, Austro-German 
forces will begin to decline rapidly and a tremendous advantage 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 477 

of numbers ■will belong to the enemies of Germany. Such is 
the statement of what may be called the mathematics of mur- 
der. 

"For Americans it will be interesting to recall that this ia 
precisely what happened to the South in the third year of the 
Civil War. Up to this time the South had been able to meet 
invasion and halt it with numbers unequal to their opponents 
but equal to their task. But in 1864 the 'seedcorn of the Con- 
federacy,' as Jefferson Davis termed the young men, had been 
ground up and the end came quickly thereafter. . . ." 

"Once more, as in December, the month [January] closed 
with a German raid upon England, this time by air, not water. 
With the King's residence at Sandringham as an objective, half 
a dozen German aircraft, — not Zeppelins, so later reports had it, 
— flew over Norfolk sowing bombs and spreading destruction. 

"But again, as in the Scarborough raid, civilians, not soldiers, 
suffered, — private, not public, property was destroyed. A 
wanton burst of savagery provoked wrath, not terror, — left 
England not fearful, but determined." 

As a further aid to an intelligent opinion, if not to a 
decision, as to the whole question, I may append an inter- 
esting review in a recent American weekly (273) which 
says truthfully that it is a matter which touches the wel- 
fare of everybody in America, capitalist or laborer, farmer 
or manufacturer, employer or employee. It discusses the 
probable entrance of Italy and Eoumania into the war, 
and the possibility of the starvation of Grcrmany, quoting 
the denials of General von Falkenhayn and Professor Otto 
Appel, but quoting also the address to the German nation 
by Dr. Harms, Professor of State Sciences, at the Uni- 
versity of Kiel : 

"Do not let a crumb of bread, this gift of God, be wasted. 
Eat only war bread — regard the potato as a vegetable which will 
assist you in holding out. Blush with shame if your desire for 
delicacies tempts you to eat cakes and tarts. Look with con- 



478 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

tempt upon those -who are so immoral as to eat cakes and, 
by their greed, diminish our supplies of flour." 

"Asked how long the war would last. Lord Kitchener, accord- 
ing to a London dispatch, replied : 'I don't know when it will 
end, but I do know when it will begin, and that is in the month 
of May.' Commenting on this, the Brooklyn Times says : 

"It is the most momentous and, indeed, the most appalling 
announcement of the year. It means that the next four months 
will be utilized in assembling the strongest forces, bringing 
forward the hea.viest guns, urging the entrance of already well- 
disposed Allies into the conflict, and such a reign of terror, 
destruction, and death in Europe next summer, that even the 
events just passed will form but a prelude." 

"From French sources also comes evidence that a long war 
is expected. In an ofiicial resume of the fighting from November 
15 to January 15, issued by the French War Office, we read: 

"Summing up, we get ten general advances on the part of 
our troops which were distinctly perceptible at certain places, 
as compared to twenty general withdrawals on the part of the 
enemy — always with the exception of the situation in the north- 
east of Soissons. . 

"It can consequently be affirmed that, to obtain final victory, 
it is sufficient that France and her allies know how to wait 
for it and at the same time prepare for it with inexhaustible 
patience. 

"The German ofi'ensive has been broken; the German defen- 
sive will be broken in its turn." 

"After weighing all available evidence, Mr. Frank H. 
Simonds (see p. 474), editor of the New York Evening Sun, 
remarks that 'the three years originally fixed as the maximum 
duration of the war now seems rather the minimum period in 
which the end can be reached.' Peace, he points out, is pos- 
sible on one of two bases : ' ( 1 ) If one side is sufficiently success- 
ful to impose its terms on its opponents ; ( 2 ) if all parties are 
so exhausted that peace on the conditions existing at the outset 
seems preferable to prolongation of the sacrifices of war.' Dis- 
missing at once the idea of a decisive victory for either side 
in the near future, he goes on to say: 

"There remains the question of the value of peace to the 
contestants. For the enemies of Germany does a return to the 
conditions of July, 1914, assuming Germany would agree to it. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 479 

hold out any attraction comparable with the profit of prolong- 
ing the war to the successful end, which it now seems inevitable 
they can reach, if they will pay the price in blood and treas- 
ure ?" 

"The answer, he finds, in an unmistakable negative. In the 
case of Russia, 'all that Russian statesmen and rulers since 
Peter have dreamed of seems now to be had for the fighting,' 
so that 'peace on the old footing can have no appeal to Petro- 
grad.' As for England — 

"peace now means a new rivalry with Grermany, who day after 
day proclaims Britain her only foe. It means that German 
supremacy in Islam will be perpetuated, imrest in Egypt, sedi- 
tion in India further promoted from Stamboul. It means that 
new intrigues in South Africa must follow the return of Ger- 
many to her Southwest-African Colony." 

"As for France, 'for forty-three years the German shadow 
has been over her, and peace now would not lift it.' Austria, 
as Mr. Simonds sees it, is the only combatant who would prob- 
ably be glad at this moment to make peace, if possible, on the 
basis of 1914. Turning to Germany, he says: 

"Doubtless she could make peace now if she would leave 
Austria and Turkey to their fates, surrender Alsace-Lorraine, 
scrap her fleet, give up Belgium, pay the cost of the war, and 
abandon her colonies. But such terms could only be paid in 
ease of complete defea.t, after the power to resist had been 
exhausted, and Germany is very far from this. Yet it is incon- 
ceivable that her foes would now give materially better terms." 

"And he concludes: 

"Americans will do well in considering the European situa- 
tion to bear in mind that in no country now fighting is there 
suflBeient desire for peace to make tolerable the only conditions 
under which peace is possible. This and the fact that from the 
military standpoint there is no longer the possibility of an 
immediately decisive campaign combine to abolish any real 
hope of peace in any future that it is now possible to meas- 
ure. . ;., ., 

"Early in the war Lord Kitchener fixed three years as the 
limit of the conflict. To-day the best witnesses in Europe agree 
that it will be longer rather than shorter. Nowhere save in 



480 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

America is there the smallest hope of an early termination. 
Nowhere <save in this country is there any considerable desire 
for peace on any terms which are possible in the premises." 
(See p. 336.) 



CHAPTER XVIII. 
What Can America Do to Bring About Peace? 

This question was submitted to a meeting of the Con- 
temporary Club of Philadelphia, an organization devoted 
to the discussion of literary, ethical, social and political 
matters. The meeting was addressed by the Hon. James 
M. Beck, but I have unfortunately no copy of his extem- 
pore but very eloquent speech. Allusion to it will be 
found on p. 371. 

It was also addressed by Dr. Stanton Coit, president of 
the Ethical Society of London. I am similarly without 
a transcript of his remarks, but I regret this the less, as 
Dr. Coit, in so far as he was understandable, left the im- 
pression on my mind, so far as he left any impression, that 
he was a sort of attenuated Bernard Shaw, and scarcely to 
be trusted to present a fair view of the British case to 
American audiences. 

But perhaps it was my stupidity that left me when Dr. 
Coit had finished, in the mental condition of Alice who, 
when she was in doubt whether mustard was a vegetable 
or a mineral, received the following helpful explanation 
from the Duchess: "Kever imagine yourself not to be 
otherwise than what it might appear to others that what 
you were or might have been was not otherwise than what 
you had been would have appeared to them to be other- 
wise." 

My own contribution to the proceedings was, in part, 

as follows: 

31 (481) 



482 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

The answer to the question of the evening seems to me 
to depend essentially upon the answers to several other 
questions which should first be asked. These are : 

1. Is an inconclusive peace desirable? Is ani/ peace 
desirable which leaves Europe an armed camp, and which 
involves and practically insures a continuance of the fran- 
tic struggle for superior military, naval, and aerial arma- 
ments? Is any peace desirable which does not definitely 
end the power of a neurotic, possibly half -crazed individ- 
ual, backed by a number of feudal barons, and by a larger 
number of reactionary, State-fed, State-paid, and State- 
owned professors, philosophers and theologians, and by a 
deluded people, to prepare for, bring about, and precipi- 
tate upon the world an immeasurable calamity? 

I would assume that by the vast majority of Americans 
those questions would be answered in the negative. 

They, of course, implicitly contain premises violently 
disputed and denied by the pro-Germans, but as they are, 
in the main, accepted by the rest of the civilized world — 
or perhaps I 'should merely say by the civilized world — 
they need not be argued, even if there were time to do so. 
ISTor does it seem worth while to argue with the out-and- 
out pacificists, the "immediate peace" advocates, the peace- 
at-any-price people. They can, I admit, at least advance, 
in support of their position, theories that appeal to many 
minds — or rather to many temperaments — and that bring 
to the vision of the imaginative an El Dorado of world- 
virtue and world-happiness. May it some time come to 
pass! There is no harm in wishing for the abolition of 
disease and sin and suffering. But if Boards of Health 
and 'Courts of Law assumed, as a basis for action, the 
early realization of the wish, the alienists would take 
charge of the Health Officers arid the Eecall of the Ju- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 483 

diciary would be the most popular plank in all the na- 
tional platforms. 

2. The next question is, obviously: What sort of peace 
is desirable? 

The answer to this, by Americans, involves a considera- 
tion of the principles and ideals of the powers by and 
between whom peace is to be made. 

For this purpose it is not necessary to make fine-spun 
distinctions as to the different governments concerned, or 
to ask separately as to the standards of England, Prance, 
Eussia, Belgium, and Japan, on the one hand, or as to 
those of Germany, Austria, and Turkey, on the other. 

The side which indicted, tried and condemned a whole 
nation within forty-eight hours, without public examina- 
tion of witnesses and without published evidence, for a 
crime — ^however abhorrent — committed by individuals; 
the side which, having completed its preparation for war, 
used this illegal indictment and this unwarranted convic- 
tion, as a pretext for the disturbance of the peace and 
prosperity of the world; the side that has for its leader a 
"Divinely appointed" colossal egotist — (and of all the 
mistakes of which Divine Providence has been accused by 
mortals, this seems the most stupendous) ; the side which 
regards war as a 'biological necessity," which glorifies 
Might as superior to Eight, which first flouts and disre- 
gards treaties and conventions and then tries falsely to 
explain them away ; the side which, in spite of — or largely 
because of — the tragic befoolment of millions of plain, 
worthy, simple-minded people, represents essentially a 
medigeval, war-like aristocracy — that side can never hope 
to have the sympathy, support, or co-operation of the 
American people. A peace that would establish as the 
practical ruler of the world a Power whose avowed intent 
is to be such ruler, and to force upon its fellow-nations its 



484 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

own perverted standards of "Kultur," of civilization, of 
national and international morals, ought to be and, I be- 
lieve, would be intolerable to this country. 

Therefore, the only sort of peace which should seem 
desirable to America is a peace which shall ensure the 
dominance and continued spread of the ideals for which 
the Allies are fighting. Those ideals represent an honest 
regard for the rights of others, including the smaller and 
relatively defenseless nations ; a subordination of the State 
to its citizens instead of the erection of a Baal or Moloch 
to whom all must bow, and with whose purposes, even if 
bloody and tyrannical, all must acquiesce. They include 
a conception of adequate and powerful armies and navies, 
not as weapons of aggression and destruction, but as the 
constabulary of the world, to stand back of and protect 
the genuine fundamental rights of nations and to enforce 
international decrees. These ideals represent, in a word, 
true as compared with spurious Democracy, the best aver- 
age good of mankind as compared with the aggrandize- 
ment and perpetuation of dynasties, they represent the 
principles of Washington, of Lincoln, and, of Eoosevelt, 
instead of those of a preposterous "War Lord" with three 
hundred uniforms and, to put it mildly, a bad case of 
megalocephalus. 

It would not in the least matter if Russia were ten 
times the despotism it is, if England were monarchical 
in reality, instead of from habit, sentiment and conveni- 
ence; if France were not a Eepublic; if Belgium were 
governed by a Sultan instead of by a Hero. 

The principles at stake are plain to all eyes not blinded 
by partisanship, or self-interest, or false ideas of loyalty 
to a strain of blood, or to a fictitious "Fatherland." The 
sort of peace which places those principles on a firm foun- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 485 

dation is the only sort that America ought to desire, and 
that, I think, she does desire. 

3. If I am right, thus far, the question as to what Amer- 
ica can do to bring about that hind of peace almost answers 
itself. In a word, it is : Help the Allies. 

I am quite aware that such a reply at once antagonizes 
a great many Americans. It might mean War, and there 
are those who think all war wicked, who place their de- 
pendence upon ^^preparedness, and who, in case of insult 
or aggression, would turn the other cheek; who do not 
discriminate between wars of conquest and oppression and 
wars in defense of everything that differentiates the civ- 
ilization of the Twentieth Century from that of the Mid- 
dle Ages. They are represented — at least on the Cha- 
tauqua circuit — ^by our Secretary of State. With them, 
as I have before said, I cannot argue. They must be left 
to their slumbers with the hope that the awakening may 
be blessed and joyful and not the reverse. 

There are others, who, with Mr. Champ Clark, say 
that we must keep out because we do not want to get 
hurt. But even admitting this as a practical, though some- 
what ignoble, reason for neutrality, it at once raises the 
further question: Shall we, by keeping out, avoid get- 
ting hurt? We are hurt already; hurt in our pockets 
to-day, and in our inability to plan or to provide for the 
future; hurt in the burden that has been thrown upon 
us, — and that, I am glad to say, has been willingly as- 
sumed — of aiding the sick and wounded, the homeless 
and starving of the war; hurt in our pride by reason of 
the evident belief on the part of the German apologistSj 
that we are so unintelligent as to be swayed by their dis- 
ingenuous sophisms and their clumsy falsehoods; hurt by 
the unexpected defection of large numbers of worthy fel- 
low-citizens, whom we had thought to be good Americans, 



486 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

but who in the stress and excitement of war, and under 
the guidance and inspiration of an unscrupulous German 
propaganda^ have reverted to the un-American ideals and 
purposes of their so-called Fatherland ; hurt profoundly by 
the brutal pillage and destruction of a fellow-neutral, 
whose inalienable rights have been contemptuously tram- 
pled upon — ^rights that were not acquired by treaty or 
agreement, that do not depend upon conventions and pour- 
parlers and signatories, but that date back to the dawn 
of civilization when the morals of the cave man were super- 
seded by those of the family and of the tribe. 

Finally, we are prospectively hurt in that there are 
many and convincing indications that a peace concluded 
with Germany victorious, would mean for us either an 
inglorious and humiliating abandonment of cherished doc- 
trines and ideals, or an era of militarism, and, finally, of 
war, on a scale even more gigantic than that of the present. 

The admonitions of the President as to neutrality, even 
in thought and speech, — ^which, if followed, would have 
seemed to demonstrate that we were a nation of tongue- 
tied imbeciles — have already been rather widely disre- 
garded. I am glad it is so, because, in times like these, 
with all that we politically hold dear, with the very cause 
of Freedom itself, trembling in the balance, it would seem 
cowardly not at least to say, what millions of us think. 

But if we really want the sort of peace I have outlined ; 
if we want this war to end with a French France, an Eng- 
lish England, and, most of all and with our whole hearts, 
a Belgian Belgium, instead of with a Prussianized Europe, 
which would, as soon as it had licked its paws, turn its 
wolfs eyes toward this continent; we ought not only to 
say something, but also to do something. 

4. And here comes the final question: What can we do? 

In the first place, to recur to Mr. Champ Clark and his 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 487 

dread of "getting hurt," we have nothing to fear in that 
direction, unless indeed it might be for a very short time, 
from the extremists and fanatics among the German-Amer- 
icans here, who are being called upon to "organize." I 
suppose that scarcely means "mobilize," but if it did it 
would not be extremely alarming. 

As to Germany, she could do nothing to us without her 
nav)'-, and that she could succeed in controlling the seas 
in opposition to the English, French, Eussian and Amer- 
ican navies, is unthinkable. 

We could, of course, not accomplish as much by inter- 
vention as if we were, as we should be, in a reasonable 
condition of naval and military preparedness. But our 
participation would have the immediate result of bringing 
about that condition without dangerous delay. 

We could at least shut off largely the food supply to 
the German armies, and it would not be inhumane if, for 
a time, we could aid in making the pinch felt by the Ger- 
man people. It might tend to hasten the awakening, the 
loss of confidence in their leaders, the distrust of the pur- 
poses and meaning of the war which will surely come 
some time to such a people, no matter how greatly their 
natural common-sense and clearness of vision have been 
obscured by the false ideals and issues that have been so 
industriously presented to them. 

We could at the same time greatly aid in feeding and 
arming and coaling the Allies, and for this purpose, the 
German ships lying in our harbors would be found useful. 
We could be of great use in patrolling the seas and in 
rendering fruitless the piratical threat of Germany em- 
bodied in its establishment of a "War Zone." 

We could aid in keeping open the communications 
between New York and the ports of such countries as might 
still remain neutral, and between France and England. 



488 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

We could set an example to the nations everywhere whose 
present interests and future development are imperiled 
by the war. (See p. 370.) 

All this seems to me possible, but only by now acquir- 
ing the right to be a leader, and not just by "watchful 
waiting," in the hope of stepping into such a position 
because of the geographical fact that we are three thou- 
sand miles away from the scene of warfare ; or because of 
some mythical, world-wide confidence in the exceptional 
wisdom and ability of whatever American Administration 
may then be in power. 

We have a number of technical justifications for inter- 
ference, but, after all, when I think over the matter, I 
always come back to Belgium. It seems to me that the 
men who could not bear to see a little child inhumanly 
punished, or a pet dog brutally kicked, or a willing horse 
cruelly flogged, must, at least, want to interfere. 

I admit that in the cases I have used as similes, the 
actual conduct of the individual onlooker might turn upon 
his preparedness in size, or strength, or skill, to cope with 
a bully who was his superior in those respects. But the 
most timorous would invoke the help of officers of the 
law, or, in their absence, would be glad to join with sym- 
pathizing friends in administering the punishment, which 
the law would later surely uphold and approve. 

These remain my views to-day. In the rapidly unfold- 
ing panorama of the war nothing has appeared to change 
them. 

On the contrary, my regret at our lost opportunities 
and my resentment at the failure of our N'ational Admin- 
istration to look beyond the commercial aspects of the war 
have become deeper and stronger. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 489 

But, as I have tried to do throughout, I beg to quote 
another more forceful and more important expression of 
American opinion : (374) 

"General February, that grimmest of strategists, is now in 
full command of the European battle fronts. The imagination, 
already burdened by the horrors of war by land and sea, by 
corpse-strewn fields and blood-soaked trenches, must picture the 
sordid miseries of a winter campaign — the pitiless exposure, the 
keener sufferings of the wounded, the unspeakable wretchedness 
of the millions of non-combatants who are prisoners of despair 
in the zones of conflict. 

"No one with a spark of humanity in his heart can contem- 
plate the struggle without bitter sorrow and a passionate desire 
that it could be halted. If you had the power — ^you who read 
this — would you stop the war to-day? We think you would. 
We think we should ourselves. 

"This war has brought untold misery to millions, and priva- 
tion even to tens of thousands of our countrymen. The world 
is sick with the calculated horror of it all. As men visualize 
the dreadful details of the picture — ^the screaming shells, the 
mangled bodies, the splitting asunder of laden ships, the rain 
of explosives from the clouds, the gaunt skeletons of ruined 
cities, the tears of women, the faces of children pinched with 
want and fear — their very souls must cry out for an end to it. 

"And yet — ^what then? Let us look a little at this vision 
of peace. 

"The war, let us say, is to be stopped to-night. A silence 
falls along the vast battle line. League after league, in the 
trampled, blood-stained snow, the weary troops rest on their 
arms. 

"The huge fleets disperse ; the submarines glide away through 
the waters, to hunt their prey no more; the winged warcraft 
circle to the earth and are at rest; the great siege guns still 
lift their muzzles to the sky, but the black lips are cold and 
dumb. And the glad message of peace rings like an anthem 
round the globe. 

"This is the end of the fighting. But what is it that we 
have done? 

"Belgium lies prostrate and bleeding under the heel of the 



490 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

invader. Her people, robbed of their nationality, their liberty 
and their homes, are suffering cold and hunger and the cruel 
bitterness of aggi-ession. A wide territory in France has been 
laid waste, its cities are leveled, its fields and vineyards strip- 
ped, its inhabitants scattered abroad or held as helpless hos- 
tages. Poland and East Prussia are overrun by foreign troops. 

"If you decree an end of the war to-night, is Belgium to be 
sacrificed? Is all her devotion to be in vain? For the sake 
of a convenient peace, is her heroic sacrifice to win for her only 
the crushing burden of legalized conquest and enforced slavery 
to a triumphant imperialism? Is France to have another 
Alsace-Lorraine torn from her side? Is Holland to be laid 
under the menacing shadow of absorption by the victorious 
empire? 

"But, you say, one would not suggest stopping the war upon 
any such outrageous terms. Possessing the power, one would 
impose, of course, conditions of a just and honorable peace. 

"It would be necessary that Belgium be restored to her people, 
and that they be indemnified so far as money could restore the 
hideous ravages of war. France must be freed of the invader 
and her material losses repaid. Justice must be done to Alsace- 
Lorraine and to Poland. There must be no looting of territory, 
whether in East Prussia or Austria-Hungary or the Balkan 
States. 

"Let us imagine, then, that you could impose such a peace 
to-day — it is really inconceivable while Germany has her armies, 
but let us concede that it were miraculously possible — would 
you do it ? If you did, you would perform the greatest imagin- 
able disservice to Europe, to the cause of peace and humanity. 

"A million men have died, whole provinces have been visited 
with destruction, nearly twenty billions of wealth have been 
consumed, the normal activities of the whole world have been 
checked and disrupted and must remain in uncertainty for 
many months to come. And all these terrific losses, when once 
it was discerned that they were inevitable, have been endured 
as a price to be paid. Now, it is to be imagined, at a wave of 
your wand, you halt the slaughter and devastation and — except 
for the ruined lands, the towering debts and the unnumbered 
graves — conditions are restored as they were last July. 

"Not a single question has been settled, not a single principle 
established or vindicated. Austria's demand jipon Servia 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 491 

remains unsatisfied. Balkan ambitions of nationality are 
denied; Balkan intrigue still invites conflict. Franco-German 
distrust has not been quenched, but inflamed. British domina- 
tion of the seas has been in nowise reduced. Germany's fanat- 
ical faith in her world-shadowing destiny still fires her exul- 
tant soul. 

"Nevertheless, you urge, militarism has been checked in its 
designs; the conscience of the world has said, 'Thus far and 
no farther!' 

"True, militarism has been checked, but for how long? Our 
decree of peace leaves it still dominant in Germany, more 
worshipped than ever for having withstood a world in arms. 
Autocracy is still higher exalted, the religion of valor still 
rules and perverts the faculties of a great people — the most 
determined and the most efficient on earth. 

"And elsewhere, how much tranquility? Are we to imagine 
the hosts of Russia, aflame with patriotic and religious ardor, 
peacefully retiring to contemplate the graves of their dead and 
the barred gates that shut her from the sea ? Do you conceive 
the blessings of unthreatened security enwrapping Belgium, 
whose wounds a generation of peace will not stanch ? 

"And do you envy France, war worn and impoverished of her 
best blood, starting once more up the weary hill she climbed 
from 1870 to 1914, staggering under a colossal burden of debt, 
stung by the memory of futile sacrifice, ever conscious of the 
dark shadow of militarism across her stony path? Or England, 
facing for imknown years the menace of another visitation such 
as for the first time in her history has struck real terror to 
her isoul ? 

"Peace! But where? Peace on scraps of paper, peace in 
the masked faces of intriguing statesmen, peace in the hollow 
formalities of diplomatic ceremony. But in the hearts of men, 
in the souls of nations, bitterness, hostility, jealousies, fear, 
hatred and the potentiality of unending conflict, 

"For, mark this: You stop the war to-day, and you stop it 
when every nation involved is perfectly assured that it is on 
the march to victory. Austria has been beaten, but not con- 
quered. The Russians boast that they have just begun to fight. 
France has proved her valor against an ancient foe, and her 
soil will be rich for years with the blood of invaders. 

"The British have shown such intrepidity and tenacity as the 



493 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

legions of Marlborough and Wellington, the sailors of Drake 
and Nelson, never exceeded. The Germans to-day are as con- 
fident of triumph as when their hosts were thundering toward 
the gates of Paris. Stop the war now and you stop it with all 
the peoples exalted with the belief that they are invincible and 
need only another opportunity to prove it. 

"This and the leaving of the causes of the war untouched 
could have but one effect. The struggle for supremacy in arma- 
ments would begin anew, and would be prosecuted with feverish 
energy. Arsenals, shipyards and arms factories would work 
overtime, and every nation would prepare for the inevitable 
resumption of hostilities. 

"When we in this country yearn for an instant peace we are 
thinking only of the frightful losses, the sufferings of soldiers 
and the crushing misery of the non-combatants; we lose sight 
of the fundamental factors in the conflict. 

"What is the real issue at stake? We readily recognize a 
conflict of races, rivalry of empires, territorial ambitions, a 
struggle for economic ascendency. But at bottom this is a war 
against war, against a great delusion. 

"Half the world has been plunged into strife because of its 
frantic efforts to avoid it, and must continue until the mon- 
strous cult has been buried under mounds of bodies that will 
be an everlasting memorial and warning of human madness. 
If this terrible sacrifice does not finally destroy war from the 
earth, then humanity is entering the darkest period of its his- 
tory and civilization is revealed as a hideous failure. 

"Let those who talk of interrupting the war at this point 
consider the spirit that drives the contesting nations and meas- 
ure the possibilities of creating thereby an enduring peace. 

"To learn the mind of Germany we need not quote the famil- 
iar maxims of Von Bernhardi, though they have millions of 
devoted believers; we may accept the utterances of the states- 
men, the scholars and the newspapers, which breathe a faith 
that sacrifice has only intensified. 

"Less than a week ago the Kaiser declared, *We will stay on 
hostile territory until the enemy is vanquished or has collapsed.' 
Maximilian Harden spoke for the German people when he said : 

"We do not stand before the judgment seat of Europe. We 
acknowledge no such jurisdiction. Our might shall create a 
new law of nations. It is Germany that strikes. 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 493 

"Just as clearly Professor Ernst Richard, of Columbia Uni- 
versity, uttered the thought of his nation when he said a few 
weeks before he died: 

"Germany cannot lose. She will never surrender a foot of 
land nor an army. Every German might be killed, and yet 
Germany will not be defeated. German defeat would be hor- 
rible. It is impossible, unthinkable. The march of civilization 
would be halted and its standards dragged in the mire of dark 
ages. 

"We need not quote English leaders; the world knows that 
that nation has set its bulldog grip upon the purpose to fight 
while it has the breath of life in it. But read the solemn dec- 
laration of the premier of France in the house of deputies : 

"France will not sheathe the sword until she has taken ven- 
geance for outraged right; until she has regained the provinces 
ravished from her by force; restored heroic Belgium to the 
fullness of her material life and political independence, and 
until militarism has been crushed. We are struggling to deter- 
mine the fate of the world — against barbarity and despotism; 
against the system of provocations and methodical menaces 
which Germany called peace; against the insolent hegemony of 
a military caste. 

"Or turn to the words of Senator Baron de Constant, one of 
the foremost of the world's advocates of peace and a member of 
the tribunal of The Hague: 

"Even the most pacific — those who in good faith have done 
their duty in trying to prevent the war — all to-day would refuse 
to conclude with Prussian militarism a peace which would be 
only a lying truce. The present war cannot end by a pretense 
of peace. It must end by the crushing of German domination, 
or it would only have to begin anew. 

"The judgment of thinking Americans has been expressed 
by the New York World: 

" 'To restore Europe to the condition of an armed camp would 
not be peace. The nightmare of militarism would still hang 
over the nations, and every laborer in Europe — perhaps every 
laborer in America — ^would have a soldier on his back. When 
certain questions are submitted to the court of cannon they 
must be decided by the court of cannon. Either all Europe will 
come under the yoke of military despotism,, or all Europe will 
be free.' 



494 A TEXT-BOOK. OF THE WAR 

"Peace now -vYOuld be a mockery. The sovereignty of force 
would be exalted. Militarism would emerge triumphant and 
bring under its iron sway the peoples of all nations. The sacri- 
fices of a million lives would have been vain, and this war 
would be but the overture to a future struggle more bloody, 
more destructive and more cruel. 

"Until the brazen idol of militarism is overthrown and 
broken in pieces there will be no rest for the races of men. And 
that can be accomplished only by compulsion achieved through 
a decisive result. In no other way can an end be made of the 
barbaric era of armament, not only in Germany, but in England, 
in France and in all the countries of the war-sick world. 

"We cannot stop the war, and it is well that we cannot. We 
would not, for the sake of the civilization it has wrecked and 
the humanity it has crucified." 



CHAPTEE XIX. 

What In the Light of This War Should be the Aim of This and 
Other Civilized Countries for the Future? 

A. To this question I would reply in the words of Col- 
onel Eoosevelt, in an article on "What America Should 
Learn from the War": (275) 

"What is needed in international matters is to create a judge, 
and then to put police power back of the judge. . . . 

"The one permanent move for obtaining peace which has 
yet been suggested, with any reasonable chance of attaining 
its object, is by an agreement among the great powers, in which 
each should pledge itself not only to abide by the decisions of 
a common tribunal, but to back with force the decisions of 
that common tribunal. The great civilized nations of the world 
which do possess force, actual or immediately potential, should 
combine by solemn agreement in a great World League for the 
Peace of Righteousness. A court should be created — a changed 
and amplified Hague covirt would meet the requirements — 
composed of representatives from each nation; these represen- 
tatives being sworn to act in each case as judges, pure and 
simple, and not in a representative capacity. The nations 
should agree on certain rights that should not be questioned, 
such as their territorial integrity, their rights to deal with 
their own domestic affairs and with such matters as whom they 
should or should not admit to residence and citizenship within 
their own borders. All should guarantee each of their number 
in the possession of these rights. All should agree that other 
matters at issue between any of them, or between any of them 
and any one of a number of specified outside civilized nations, 
should be submitted to the court as above constituted. They 
should, furthermore, agree not only to abide, each of them, by 
(495) 



496 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

the decision of the court, but all of them to unite with their 
military forces to enforce the decree of the court, as against 
any recalcitrant member. Under these circumstances, it would 
be possible to agree on a limitation of armaments that would 
be real and effective. 

"If any nation were unwilling to go into such a general 
agreement with other nations, it would of necessity have to 
depend upon its own armed strength for its own protection. 
This is the only alternative. Treaties unbacked by force cannot 
be considered as an alternative by any sober persons of sound 
judgment. . 

"Such a scheme as the one briefly outlined will not bring 
perfect justice any more than under municipal law we obtain 
perfect justice; but it will mark an immeasurable advance on 
anything now existing; for it will mean that at last a long 
stride has been taken in the effort to put the collective strength 
of civilized mankind behind the collective purpose of mankind 
to secure the peace of righteousness, the peace of justice among 
the nations of the earth." 

There have been many suggestions as to the aims of the 
future made since this was written, but the further they 
depart from the essentials of Colonel Eoosevelt's outline 
the less practical and the less likely of general adoption 
they become. It may be worth while to mention the most 
recent, which is thus editorially described: (376) 

"The New York Peace Society has proposed for the considera- 
tion, not only of its members, but for the public, a plan of 
action which seems to us to have much to commend it. It does 
not propose at present any efforts to bring about the ending of 
the war. The psychological moment for such action has not 
arrived. But neutral communities may well consider what 
should be the conditions of a permanent peace when the present 
armed struggle is halted. 'A peace which should come by the 
complete subjugating of either party in the war might be last- 
ing, but it would cost some nation its essential liberty. One 
resulting from an impasse might leave the contending nations 
still powerful and both able and willing to later renew the 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 497 

strife.' Neither of these conditions would give a good basis 
for permanent peace. That can be brought about only by a 
common reduction of military forces. But such a basis might 
be aJBforded by the organization of an International League or 
Protective Alliance, 'so constituted as to afford to each nation 
the security for which it now looks to its army and navy. No 
one nation will make itself helpless while others remain armed 
to the teeth and able to attack it if they so desire,' — a sentence 
which we commend to the consideration of those who desire to 
see this coimtry disarm, or at least content itself with an in- 
efficient army and navy which would render it helpless if at- 
tacked. 

"Three methods of national self-protection are suggested by 
the Peace Society as possible, besides that of maintaining an 
army and navy equal to any that could be employed against 
the coimtry. We may depend on treaties and on the conscience 
of mankind for their enforcement. This dependence, the pitiful 
condition of the Belgians demonstrates to be wholly insufficient 
in the present stage of moral development. We may depend 
on an international army to be supported by all the civilized 
nations of the earth, and employed in enforcing the decrees of 
an international tribunal. It is very doubtful whether any 
nation ought imder present conditions to abandon its function 
of preserving its citizens from hostile attack, and trust for pro- 
tection to an international police which at present exists only 
in imagination, and it is reasonably certain that none of the 
great nations would consent to do so. The third plan is the one 
which the New York Peace Society proposes, and which seems 
to us well worthy of serious consideration: 'A treaty not only 
might arrange the boundaries of the states and their colonies, 
but might guarantee the territories so established against at- 
tack either from within or from without the League. Under 
such a treaty a country whose territory should be attacked by 
one or more Powers would have a right to call on all remaining 
members of the League to assist in defending it. This would 
remove the need of any force under complete international con- 
trol, and it would also remove the need within the several states 
of any large armaments. Only troops enough would then be 
needed in each state to enable it to do its part in enforcing a 
common guaranty of the sovereignty and the territory of the 
other states in the Alliance.' We may add that such an AUi- 



498 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAB 

anee would not necessarily require a combination of all the 
civilized nations. It would only require the combination of a 
number sufficient in their combined military strength to afford 
reasonable assurance that no attack would be attempted against 
any member of the Alliance by any outside nation." 

This, as will be seen, is not unlike what Colonel Eoose- 
velt advocated five months ago. The central idea of each, 
the idea of securing peace by utilizing the power of all 
nations willing to enter into a mutual and general agree- 
ment to enforce the decrees of an International Court, or at 
least willing to combine forces to prevent or resist attack 
upon the territory of any one of the countries so agreeing, 
is the idea which in some shape seems most likely to be put 
into practical and effective form in the future. 

An analogous plan, developed on somewhat different 
lines, will be found described on pp. 368, 369, 370. 



CHAPTEE XX. 

What General Opinions Are Justified by the Foregoing 
Evidence? 

Summary. 

Eeviewing what I have written, and, more particularly, 
what I have collated, it seems to me that I have given a 
justifiable basis for the following opinions: 

The war is a German-made war, having its source and 
inspiration in the writings and teachings of the Pan-Ger- 
manists; in the ambitions of an autocratic military caste, 
headed by a highly neurotic, unbalanced, and possibly men- 
tally diseased overlord, with medieval views of his rela- 
tion to his country and the world, and supported by a 
subservient corps of "learned men,'' the majority of whom 
are paid servants of the State. 

The war in the last analysis was made possible by the 
megalomania of a prepondering section of the German 
people, and by the carefully nurtured and fomented desire 
for World Power. 

To bring about this condition the German has been made 
to believe in the superiority — which does not exist — ^of 
his civilization to all other civilizations; in the pre- 
eminence — -equally non-existent — of German "culture"; in 
the theory that Might makes Eight, and that it is only 
in the course of ISTature that weaker — and therefore pre- 
sumably inferior — ^peoples should yield their ideals, their 
liberties, and their destinies into the hands of any nation 
that by the arbitrament of War should prove itself the 
master of all others. 

As a logical result of these views, at a time selected by 
(499) 



500 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAB 

reason of the undoubted preparedness of Germany, the 
supposed unreadiness and internal troubles of other na- 
tions, and the growing burden of the Grerman military 
and naval armaments, the war was precipitated, on a rela- 
tively trivial and entirely avoidable pretext, the other 
great countries then concerned, England, Eussia and 
France, having shown up to the last moment an honest 
and sincere desire for peace. 

As an immediate step toward the attainment of her 
purpose, Germany violated a solemn contract entered into 
deliberately, seventy-five years ago, and affirmed and re- 
affirmed by her representatives almost up to the date of 
its abrupt, but deliberate and, at first, admitted infraction. 

As a result of this action and of the resistance properly 
offered, in conformity with the very treaty which Ger- 
many had contemptuously disregarded and set aside, the 
world has witnessed with horror the brutal despoilment, 
occupation, almost the annihilation, of a brave, innocent, 
unoffending, highly civilized and industrious country by 
an adversary whose only right in so doing rested on the 
might it was able to bring to bear. 

The commission of this crime has been followed by the 
perpetration of various outrages upon the people of the 
devastated State, and upon their fundamental rights and 
liberties. It has been aggravated by lying attempts to 
justify it, and by even more dastardly efforts to impute 
breach of faith and national guilt to the victim. 

During the entire period of the war, Germany has dis- 
regarded, cast aside, evaded, or broken not only many 
international laws and customs, based on underlying prin- 
ciples of right and justice, but also formal conventions 
to which she was herself a signatory. In each instance 
the infraction has been accompanied or followed by quib- 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 501 

bling, disingenuous, or untruthful attempts to explain, 
palliate or vindicate the action. 

The evidence as to atrocities committed by Germans, 
either as individuals, or as minor detachments or com- 
mands of the army, is formidable, and is constantly increas- 
ing in both quantity and directness of detailed accusation. 
It cannot be said to have yet been given to the world in 
such form as to compel conviction in the mind of a pro- 
German partisan. But the list of collective "atrocities," 
as set forth in German official orders, and as shown by the 
undisputed occurrences of the war, is quite enough to 
excite the abhorrence of civilized peoples, and to warrant 
the widespread and growing suspicion that the charges of 
the Belgians and French as to individual outrages are true. 

Since the early days of the war there has been in this 
country an organized German and German-American prop- 
aganda, which has spared nothing in time, money, or ex- 
ertion, to bring about a change in the firmly fixed and 
far-flung conviction of this people that in the war Ger- 
many is a criminal aggressor, fighting for her own ag- 
grandizement, for the imposition of her so-called "Kul- 
tur" upon other peoples, and for the attainment of a dom- 
inating position in the world's affairs. 

These efforts to influence American opinion have been 
conspicuously unsuccessful, although they have been at- 
tended by unscrupulous misrepresentations of the actions 
and motives of other nations, — including America, — ^by 
misstatements as to laws, treaties, diplomatic and other 
procedures, and by venomous attempts to awaken inter- 
national jealousies and resentments, especially toward 
England, and next toward Japan. They have been accom- 
panied by clumsy and transparent trials of cajoleries and 
flatteries addressed to America, which did not, however, 
suffice to conceal the underlying dislike and contempt. 



502 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

They have been an unpleasant surprise to Americans, as 
they have shown that a certain proportion of their fellow- 
citizens of German blood or ancestry were, in their social 
and political ideals, rather Germans than Americans, and 
that their true allegiance was to a European hereditary 
autocracy rather than to our own Democracy. They have 
excited resentment but not alarm; have been a source of 
irritation and annoyance, not of grave anxiety or appre- 
hension. It is to be hoped that they are evidence merely of 
the unbalancing effects of the terrific strain which this war 
has put upon all thinking people, and that natural com- 
mon-sense and kindliness have not been permanently ob- 
scured by demoralizing and self-glorifying literature and 
by exaggerated racial sympathy. 

In spite of the war's stupendous proportions, the im- 
mensity of its scope and area, and the diverse and conflict- 
ing interests involved, the principles at stake are easily 
recognizable. 

Germany and her more or less insignificant and con- 
temptible tools, Austria and Turkey, represent absolutism, 
militarism, feudalism, medievalism, despotism, autocracy. 
iThe "Monarchical idea" is a disingenuous substitute for 
these terms, with which, however, it is in essence synony- 
mous. 

The Allies are fighting for democratic liberty, for repre- 
sentative government, for the equal rights of individuals, 
whether relatively unimportant persons or relatively pow- 
erless States. 

So far as America is concerned, Germany and her para- 
sites stand for everything in which we do not believe. The 
Allies represent — and are fighting, starving and dying for 
— everything that makes possible American liberty, hap- 
piness and independence. 

The attitude of the American Government is disapproved 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 503 

of by large numbers of Americans. Even those who do not 
believe in actual physical intervention join with those who 
do so believe, in deprecating a policy of impenetrable 
silence in the presence of international outrages, and of 
open disregard for international agreements and conven- 
tions, combined with a policy of over-emphasized protest in 
regard to commercial questions of vastly less real impor- 
tance. 

So far as America, as distinguished from the Adminis- 
tration, is concerned, it may be said that while our tech- 
nical position is one of "neutrality," our overwhelming 
sympathy is with the Allies. 

Our technical grievance lies in Germany's deliberate 
flouting of conventions of which we were, with her, a sig- 
natory ; our real grievance rests on the danger to humanity, 
to the ideas that lie at the very foundation of our republic, 
to our own future security, that would attend the success 
of Germany in this war. 

Our duties and our interests coincide. 

We should at the very least strengthen the wavering, 
reassure the doubting, give new hope to the despairing by 
proclaiming to the world our absolute and unreserved 
belief in the right and justice of the cause of the Allies, 
and our determination to see to it, should the worst come 
to them, that they shall have our material support to our 
last dollar, our last bushel of corn, our last drop of blood. 

But better it would seem to many of us, and in the long 
run more truly merciful, if we now, on the basis of Ger- 
many's admitted and open disregard of solemn obligations 
entered into with us, decided to cast the weight of our 
available force — whatever it may be — into the scale. For 
one, I believe it would be enough to determine the result 
and save tens of thousands of useful lives, months of suf- 
fering to helpless women and children, and treasures of 



504 A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 

civilization to the world and to the generations that are 
to follow us. 

We could, with far less bloodshed, and crime, arid mis- 
ery, and destitution, than will otherwise occur, insure a 
victory for the Allies by feeding them, by protecting them, 
by reinforcing them, if the war is protracted. We could 
do at once, and with added speed and energy, what, in any 
event, it is our bounden duty to do, and put ourselves in 
condition to maintain and preserve our just rights on land 
and sea. 

We could set an example to all the other neutral nations 
of the world, and, not impossibly, line them up with us 
on the side of right and justice. We could shorten the 
agony of the tens and hundreds of thousands in the lands 
of the combatants, and in those that are being fought over. 
We could transform the German ships which are taking 
advantage of our docks and harbors into purveyors of food 
and clothing to those whom Germany has first rendered 
homeless and penniless, and then cast upon the charity of 
the world. 

We could do all this, to consider the most material 
aspect of the situation, with less cost to the world in life, 
suffering, or treasure, than would be caused by a month's 
prolongation of the war; and with so much less cost to 
ourselves, as compared with that of a possible later war 
between a Teutonized Europe and America that the present 
suggested expenditure of physical and material resources 
would be relatively insignificant. 

Moreover, we would be in the position of having in the 
presence of a tremendous crisis disregarded technicalities 
and brushed aside the sort of quibbles by which, for ex- 
ample, Germany is to-day trying to Justify her rape of 
Belgium; the position of having taken, for the first time 
in history, a stand based upon high moral international 



A TEXT-BOOK OF THE WAR 505 

obligations. At one step, whatever our present shameful 
military and naval unpreparedness, we would, by so doing, 
assume the leadership of the nations, would tie to us in 
bonds of undying gratitude the peoples whose national 
aims and purposes coincide with our own; would be able 
to exercise ant irresistible influence upon the course of 
coming events in the direction of real democracy; would, 
perhaps, even aid in bringing out of this welter and tur- 
moil the sort of Germany that we would gladly welcome 
to friendship and brotherhood. 

It is hardly possible that, in the final result, the world 
will permit the maiming and crippling of Belgium to 
proceed to downright murder; or will submit tamely and 
permanently to Prussian domination; or will allow the 
ultimate outcome of the war to be adverse to the side of 
right and justice. 

But it is greatly to be wished that America would — as 
she well might — convert hopes intO' certainties, shorten the 
necessary interval of suffering and disaster, and leave a 
record for bravery, decision and far-sighted humanity that 
would be a source of proud gratification to generations of 
Americans yet unborn. 

Our unpreparedness must be admitted, but with un- 
beaten and valiant friends there would be less risk of dis- 
aster than if we supinely await their overthrow, and then 
have, practically alone, to battle for all that, to us, makes 
life worth living. 

No one can prove that such a grim necessity will con- 
front us, but the American who cannot see it as a possible, 
even a probable and not very distant sequence of the emer- 
gence of a "Triumphant Germany^' from this war, is blind 
to the teachings of history remote and recent. 



REFERENCES, 

1. The Evening Telegraph, Philadelphia, October 10, 1914. 

2. The Nation, N. Y., November 12, 1914. 

3. New York Evening Post, December 26, 1914. 

4. Harpers' Weekly, October, 1914. 

5. "Germany's War Mania," p. 21. 

6. "The War and Culture." 

7. "The War and America." 

8. The Independent, N. Y., December 7, 1914. 

9. New York Times' Correspondent. 

10. "Germany Embattled," p. 96. 

11. The Inquirer, Philadelphia, March 15, 1915. 

12. The Public Ledger, Philadelphia, October 4, 1914. 

13. "Imperial Germany," by Prince Billow. 

14. Prof. Paulsen, quoted by Dawson in "The Evolution of Mod- 

ern Germany." 

15. The Public Ledger, September 27, 1914. 

16. The Saturday Evening Post, Philadelphia, November 21, 

1914. 

17. The Nineteenth Century, September, 1914. 

18. Quoted by The Outlook, New York, October 21, 1914. 

19. Ibid. 

20. Frankfurter Zeitung, quoted by the Ptiblic Ledger, February 

1, 1915. 

21. The Public Ledger, February 15, 1915. 

22. The New York World. 

23. The Literary Digest, New York, March 6, 1915. 

24. "Deutschland iiber Alles," p. 7. 

25. Journal de Genfeve, November 29, 1914. 

26. "Germany's Swelled Head," London, 1907. 

27. "Germany's War Mania," p. 13. 

28. E. S. Martin, "The War Week by Week," p. 79. 

29. North American Review, October, 1914. 

30. "Germany's War Mania," p. 18. 

31. Ibid., p. 82. 

32. Ibid., p. 83. 

33. Ibid., p. 96. 

(507) 



508 REFERENCES 

34. Ibid., p. 81. 

35. The Public Ledger, November 13, 1914. 

36. The Public Ledger, October 25, 1914. 

37. "The War and Culture," p. 92. 

38. The Outlook, December 16, 1914. 

39. "Germany Embattled — an American Interpretation," pp. 

91, 92. 

40. The North American, Philadelphia, October 25, 1914. 

41. Ibid., September 27, 1914. 

42. Ibid., October 26, 1914. 

43. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

44. The North American, February 1, 1915. 

45. The New York Times, October 29, 1914. 

46. The North American, January 29, 1915. 

47. The Outlook, March 10, 1915. 

48. The Public Ledger, November 26, 1914. 

49. The Sun, N. Y., January 10, 1915. 

50. The Boston Post, February 7 and 14, 1915. 

51. "The German Spy System," p. 44 

52. The preface to "Fighting in Flanders." 

53. "Lea Crimes Allemands, d'aprfes des T6moignages Allemands." 

54. The Public Ledger, January 3, 1915. 

55. The New York Times, February 7, 1915. 

56. The Saturday Review, January 30, 1915. 

57. The Outlook, December 30, 1914. 

58. The North American, December 30, 1914. 

59. "America and the World War." 

60. The Atlantic Monthly, October, 1914. 

61. The Outlook, August 29, 1914. 

62. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

63. The North American, January 5, 1915. 

64. "A Scrap of Paper," p. 18. 

65. The Public Ledger, February 14, 1915. 

66. "What is Wrong with Germany?" p. 125. 

67. "Germany and the Next War." 

68. Quoted by Reich — op. cit. 

69. "Germany's War Mania," p. 256. 

70. The War Week by Week," p. 214. 

71. The Outlook, December 9, 1914. 

72. The Fortnightly Review, January, 1915. 

73. The Outlook, November 4, 1914. 



REFERENCES 509 

74. "The War Week by Week," p. 73. 

75. "The War and America," 1914. 

76. "The War Week by Week," p. 210. 

77. The North American, October 6, 1914. 

78. The Literary Digest, November 7, 1914. 

79. The Evening Bulletin, Philadelphia, December 12, 1914. 

80. "Germany and the Germans," p. 539. 

81. Quoted by Reich — op. cit. 

82. The North American, October 6, 1914. 

83. "Germany's War Mania," p. 10. 

84. The Times, London, August 15, 1914. 

85. The Nation, October 15, 1914. 

86. "The War Week by Week," p. 154. 

87. "The War and Culture," p. 5. 

88. The Evening Post, N. Y., January 30, 1915. 

89. The Times, London, July 30, 1900. 

90. The Times, London, August 11, 1900. 

91. Emil Eeich — op. cit. 

92. The Public Ledger, December 18, 1914. 

93. The New York Times, December 18, 1914. 

94. The Evening Sun, December 18, 1914. 

95. The Sun, December 19, 1914. 

96. The Spectator, November 7, 1914. 

97. The Evening Post, N. Y., December 23, 1914. 

98. The North American, December 15, 1914. 

99. The Public Ledger, January 22, 1915. 

100. The Literary Digest, December 20, 1914. 

101. The Sun, December 15, 1914. 

102. The Sun, December 18, 1914. 

103. The Sun, December 23, 1914. 

104. The Evening Post, N. Y., December 15, 1914. 

105. The Outlook, December 23, 1914. 

106. The Public Ledger, January 24, 1915. 

107. The Literary Digest, January 9, 1915. 

108. The Public Ledger. 

109. The Japan Times, November 22, 1914. 

110. The Outlook, December 30, 1914. 

111. The Outlook, December 23, 1914. 

112. The World, February 2, 1915. 

113. The North American, February 9, 1915. 

114. The Outlook, February 10, 1915. 



510 , REFERENOES 

115. The Reading Herald, Pa., January 16, 1915. 

116. The Public Ledger, January 26, 1915. 

117. The Public Ledger, January 26, 1915. 

118. The Public Ledger, December 24, 1914. 

119. The Nation, February 11, 1915. 

120. Ibid. 

121. The Literary Digest, February 13, 1915. 

122. The New York Times, February 17, 1915. 

123. The North American, October 11, 1914. 

124. "Truth about Germany: Facts about the War." 

125. The Nation, page 376, 1914. 

126. "Tlie War and Culture," p. 85. 

127. Ibid., p. 88. 

128. Miss Agnes Repplier, The Nation, December 24, 1914, 

129. The Atlantic Monthly, February, 1915. 

130. The Atlantic Monthly, March, 1915. 

131. The Sun, December 20, 1914. 

132. The Sun, December 23, 1914. 

133. Ibid. 

134. The Evening Post, December 21, 1914. 

135. Ibid., December 22, 1914. 

136. The North American, January 21, 1914. 

137. The North American, December 4, 1914. 

138. The Outlook, December 9, 1914. 

139. The Evening Post, November 19, 1914. 

140. The Nation, December 3, 1914. 

141. The Evening Post, December 19, 1914. 

142. The Sun, December 20, 1914. 

143. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

144. "Social Insurance in Germany," W. H. Dawson. 

145. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

146. Ibid. 

147. Ibid. 

148. Ibid. 

149. Staats Zeitung, October 10, 1914. 

150. The Nation, November 12, 1914. 

151. "Germany's War Mania," p. 21. 

152. Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

153. Ibid. 

154. The Nation, December 24, 1914. 

155. The Atlantic Monthly, December, 1914. 



REFERENCES 511 

156. New York Times, quoted in The Literary Digest, January 

23, 1915. 

157. Scribners, January, 1915. 

158. The Literaiy Digest, January 23, 1915. 

159. The Fatherland, New York. 

160. The Public Ledger, February 17, 1915. 

161. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

162. The Public Ledger, January 26, 1915 (Interview with Asso- 

ciated Press ) . 

163. North German Gazette. 

164. Quoted by Chapman; "Deutsehland fiber Alles," p. 63. 

165. New York Times, October 11, 1914. 

166. Wall Street Journal, December 2, 1914. 

167. The Independent, December 7, 1914. 

168. The Literary Digest, January 16, 1915. 

169. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

170. "The War and America." 

171. "The Truth about Germany." 

172. The Saturday Evening Post. 

173. "The War and America," p. 43. 

174. Ibid., p. 90. 

175. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

176. Ibid. 

177. Preussischer Jahrbuch, December, 1913. 

178. Tlie Atlantic Monthly, March, 1915. 

179. The New York Herald, October 5, 1914. 
ISO. Speech in the Eeichstag, January 23, 1914. 

181. The Atlantic Monthly, December, 1914. 

182. The Zukunft (quoted by The Literary Digest, March 6, 

1915). 

183. The Outlook, 1914. 

184. Quoted by E. S. Martin, "The War Week by Week," p. 95. 

185. The Literary Digest, October 3, 1914. 

186. Nature, October 2, 1914. 

187. The Saturday Evening Post, November 21, 1914. 

188. The Westminster Gazette, November, 1914. 

189. "The War and Culture," p. 59. 

190. "The War Week by Week," p. 142. 

191. The North American, December 16, 1914. 

192. The Evening Ledger, Philadelphia, January 27, 1915. 

193. The Independent, January, 1915. ' 



513 REFERENCES 

194. The Evening Sun, N. Y., January 25, 1915. 

195. The Public Ledger, January 1, 1915. 

196. The Review of Reviews, February, 1915. 

197. The Nation, October 15, 1914. 

198. "The War Week by Week," p. 146. 

199. "Why and How a War Lord Wages War." 

200. The Evening Bulletin, Philadelphia, October 17, 1914. 

201. The Outlook, October 7, 1914. 

202. The Record, Philadelphia, November 3, 1914. 

203. The Evening Post, N. Y., November 4, 1914. 

204. The New York Tribune, November 12, 1914. 

205. The North American, October 18, 1914. 

206. The New York Tribune, November 10, 1914. 

207. The Public Ledger, October 26, 1914. 

208. The Outlook, November 4, 1914. 

209. "The War Week by Week," p. 54. 

210. "The War and Culture," p. 100. 

211. The Spectator, London, September 26, 1914. 

212. "The War Week by Week," p. 133. 

213. "Germany and the Germans," p. 547. 

214. "The War Week by Week," p. 139. 

215. The Atlantic Monthly, November, 1914. 

216. "The War and Culture," p. 69. 

217. The New York Tribime, November 10, 1914. 

218. "The War and America," p. 205. 

219. "The War and Culture/' p. 78. 

220. Ibid., p. 76. 

221. The Outlook, October 21, 1914. 

222. Journal de Geneve, November 29, 1914. 

223. The San Diego Union. 

224. The Public Ledger, December 22, 1914. 

225. Ibid., January 24, 1915. 

226. Ibid. 

227. The Atlantic Monthly, February, 1915. 

228. Ibid. 

229. Yale Review, January, 1915. 

230. The London Observer, January 17, 1915. 

231. The Public Ledger, January 28, 1915. 

232. Ibid., February 6, 1915. 

233. The North American, February 15, 1915. 

234. The Public Ledger, February 15, 1915. 



BEFEBENGE8 513 

235. Ibid. 

236. Ibid., January 24, 1915. 

237. Tlie Outlook, February 3, 1915. 

238. E. S. Martin, Editor of "Life." 

239. "The War Week by Week," p. 161. 

240. The Evening Telegraph, January 1, 1915. 

241. The Public Ledger, January 24, 1915. 

242. Ibid., February 9, 1915. 

243. Ibid., January 29, 1915. 

244. Ibid. 

245. Mr. Monroe Buckley — Ibid., January 19, 1915. 

246. The Sun, February 3, 1915. 

247. The North American, January 22, 1915. 

248. The Daily Telegraph, January 2, 1915. 

249. The Literary Digest, January 9, 1915. 

250. The Spectator, January 9, 1915. 

251. The New York Times, February 3, 1915. 

252. The Chronicle; quoted by The Literary Digest, December 

12, 1914. 

253. The Literary Digest, December 12, 1914. 

254. Ibid., January 2, 1915. 

255. The North American, February 26, 1915. 

256. Ibid., February 11, 1915. 

257. The Outlook, February 3, 1915. 

258. The North American, January 25, 1915. 

259. "The War and Culture," p. 100. 

260. The North American, December 23, 1914. 

261. The Outlook, December 2, 1914. 

262. Tlie New York Times, December 15, 1914. 

263. Albert B. Weimer, Esq., of Philadelphia. 

264. The Literary Digest, January 23, 1915. 

265. Ibid. 

266. Ibid., December 5, 1914. 

267. The Outlook, September 2, 1914. 

268. Ibid. 

269. The Outlook, January 6, 1915. 

270. Ibid., November 25, 1914. 

271. Ibid., January 27, 1915. 

272. The Review of Reviews, February. 1915. 

273. The Literary Digest, January 30, 1915. 

274. The North American, February 5, 1915. 

33 



514 BIBLIOGRAPHY 

275. Ibid., October 18, 1914. 

276. The Outlook, March 17, 1915. 

277. "The German Spy System," p. 75. 

278. The Nation, March 11, 1915. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

In addition I have consulted : 

"Pan-Germanism," by Eoland G. Usher. 

"The Evolution of Modern Germany," by W. H. Dawson. 

"Germany and England," by Prof. J. A. Cramb. 

"Men Around the Kaiser," by F. W. Wile. 

"Why We Are at War," Great Britain's Case, by members of the 

Oxford Faculty of Modern History. 
"Nietzsche and Treitschke: The Worship of Power in Modern 

Germany," by Ernest Barker, M.A. 
"The Germans" ( in two parts ) , by 0. R. L. Fletcher. 
"The War and the British Dominions," by M. E. Egerton. 
"India and the War," by Sir Ernest J. Trevelyan. 
"The Deeper Causes of the War," by Dr. Sanday. 
'■The Nations of Europe: The Causes and Issues of the Great 

War," by Charles Morris. 
"The German War," by A. Conan Doyle. 
"The Audacious War," by C. W. Barron. 
"The German Spy System." 

"What I Found Out in the House of a German Prince." 
"What is Wrong with Germany?" by W. H. Dawson. 
"A Scrap of Paper," by Dr. E. J. Dillon. 
"Has Belgium Saved Europe?" by Dr. Charles Sarolea. 
"The Real Truth about Germany," by Douglas Sladen. 
"The Evidence in the Case," by James M. Beck. 
"Tlie Anglo-German Problem," by Dr. Charles Sarolea. 
"America and the World War," by Theodore Roosevelt. 
"Deutschland liber Alles," by John Jay Chapman. 
"The War and Culture," by John Cowper Powys. 
"The War Week by Week," by E. S. Martin. 
"Le Role de la France," by Pierre Albin. 
"Pastoral Letter of Cardinal Mercier." 
"The Case of Belgium in the Present War." 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 515 

"The Memories of Belgium." 

"Les Crimes Allemands, d'apr&s des Temoignages AUemands," 

by Joseph Bedier. 
"German Atrocities in France." 
"The American versus the German Viewpoint of the War," by 

Dt. Morton Prince. 
"Imperial Germany," by Prince Billow. 
"Germany's Swelled Head," by Emil Reich. 
"The War and America," by Prof. Miinsterberg. 
"Truth about Germany: Facts about the War — Why and How 

a War Lord Wages War," by Joseph C. Fraley. 
"Fighting in Flanders," by E. Alexander Powell. 
"King Albert's Book," A Tribute to the King and the People of 

Belgium. 
"Germany and the Next War," by Gen. Friedrich Von Bernhardi. 
"How Germany Makes War," by Gen. Friedrich Von Bernhardi. 
"Britain as Germany's Vassal," by Gen. Friedrich Von Bernhardi. 
"Texts of Hague Peace Conference, 1899-1907," by James Brown 

Scott. 
"The War in Europe," by Alfred Bushnell Hart. 
"The Fleets At War," by Archibald Hurd. 
"How the War Began," by J. M. Kennedy. 
"The Mainsprings of Russia," by Hon. Maurice Baring. 
"The Russian Army From Within," by W. B. Stevens. 
"Secrets of the German War Office," by Dr. A. K. Graves. 
"With the Allies," by Richard Harding Davis. 
"The Pan-Angles," by Sinclair Kennedy. 
"One American's Opinion of The War," by F. W. Whitridge. 
"Treitschke — ^His Doctrines and His Life," by Adolph Hausrath. 
"The Great War," by F. H. Simonds. 
"Paris War Days," by Charles Inman Barnard. 
"France Herself Again," by Ernest Dimnet. 
"Germany Embattled," by Oswald Garrison Villard. 
"Germany's War Mania," Teutonic Point of View Officially Stated 

by Her Leaders. 
"The German Enigma," by Georges Bourdon. 
"The War That Will End War," by H. G. Wells. 
"What is Wrong With Germany?" by William Harbutt Dawson. 
"The Diplomatic History of the War," by M. P. Price. 



INDEX OF NAMES. 

Abbott, Lyman — Editor; Author; A.B. New York University; 
D.D. Harvard, 1890; Yale, 1893; Congregational min- 
ister; Editor of "The Outlook." Born, Mass., 1835, 

361, 362, 466 

ACEL, De. Ebvin — Managing Editor of the "Hungarian- 
American Eeformed Sentinel," and City Editor of the 
"Hungarian Daily" 160 

Adams, Charles Francis — Author, Political Economist, ex- 
soldier. Railway President, and Publicist. Born, Bosr 
ton, 1835. Mr. Adams' greatly to be regretted death oc- 
curred while this book was on press 194-95 

Adams, George BuRTON^Professor of History at Yale; His- 
torian, Author, Editor. Born, Vermont, 1851 344 

Albert, Geheimrat Heinrich Feiedrich — Connected with 
the Imperial Ministry of the Interior; ex-assistant Com- 
missioner at the World's Fair at St. Louis; Ex-Imperial 
German Commissioner at the International Exposition at 
Brussels. Born, Germany, 1874 35, 257-59, 281 

Appel, Otto — Botanist and Biologist. Born, Coburg, Ger- 
many, 1867 453, 477 

Atherton, Gertrude — Novelist and Story-writer; Great 

grand-niece of Benjamin Franklin. Born, San Francisco. 134 

Babson, Roger Ward — Statistician; A.B. Massachusetts In- 
stitute of Technology, 1898; Lecturer in Same on Sta- 
tistics and Economics. Born, Gloucester, Mass., 1875... 450 

Bacon, Robert — Ex-Ambassador to France; A.B. Harvard, 
1880; ex-Assistant to Secretary of State of the U. S.A.; 
ex-Secretary of State, U, S. A. Bom, Boston, 1860, 

298, 344, 440 

Barchfeld, Andrew Jackson — Republican Congressman 
from Pittsburgh, Penna. ; Graduate of Jefferson Medical 
College, 1884. Born, Pittsburgh, 1863 245 

Barker, J. Ellis — Author, Lecturer and Journalist; edu- 
cated in Cologne; contributor to many magazines; Author 
of "The Rise and Decline of the Netherlands," and 

"Modern Germany." Born, Cologne, 1870 39 

(517) 



518 INDEX OF NAME8 

Baenabdiston, Colonel Nathaniel Walter — M. V. 0. on 
the General Staff of tlie British Army since 1910; served 
in South African War ; has been military attache at Brus- 
sels, the Hague, and Scandinavian Courts. Born, Suf- 
folk, 1858 126, 265 

Baetholdt, Eichard — Congressman, Missouri; ex-Editor. 
Born, Germany, 1855, 

204, 206, 207, 209, 225-26-27, 245, 295, 435 

Basseemann, Ernst — Head of the Central Committee of the 
German National Liberals and of various other public 
organizations. Born, Germany, 1854 198 

Bate, Baron de — Archaeologist and traveler; ex-President of 
the French Society of Antiquaries; has been in charge 
of various official Archaeological and Ethnographic Mis- 
sions; author of vporks on Pre-historic and Scandinavian 
Arehasology, on Barbarian Art, and on Travel in the 
chief countries of Europe and Asia. Bom, Paris, 1853 . . 294 

Bate, Mme. the Baroness de — ^A well-kno^vn Poetess, col- 
lector, and leader in French Intellectual Society; her 
last book was "L'Ame Brtilante," which was crowned by 
the French Academy 294 

Beck, James Montgomery — ^A distinguished lawyer and 
orator; United States Attorney, Eastern District of Pa., 
1896-1900; Assistant Attorney-General, United States, 
1900-1903. Born in Philadelphia, 1861; LL.D. (Hon.) 
University of Pennsylvania, 1910 35, 71, 250, 371, 481 

BODIES, Joseph — Professor at the College of France; a well- 
known scholar "of high rank, whose business it is to 
study documents and whose writings are of recognized 
authority." 116 

Begbie, Harold — Author and Journalist; wrote "Religion 
and the Crisis," "Rising Dawn," the Political Struw- 
welpeter Series, etc. Born, Suffolk, England, 1871 429 

Belloc, Hilaibe — ^Head of English Department, East London 
College; educated at Oxford (first class, in Honor His- 
tory Schools) ; Author of "Paris," "Robespierre," "Esto 
Perpetua," "The Servile State," etc. Born, 1870' 450 

Below- Saleske, Konead A. — Ex-Minister Plenipotentiary 
and Envoy Extraordinary to Brussels. Born, Germany, 
1866 269 



INDEX OF NAMES 519 

Bennett, Enoch Arnold — Author, Journalist and Play- 
wright. Born, North Staffordshire, England, 1867 139 

BiatNHABDi, Friedeich von — General of Cavalry; Military 
author, whose works have recently attracted the attention 
of the world, as foreshadowing the present campaign and 
the ultimate aims of Germany. Born, St. Petersburg, 
1849 18, 156, 198, 254, 356 

Bebnstoeff, Count Johann-Heinbich von — German Am- 
bassador at Washington; Hon. LL.D. of Columbia, Chi- 
cago, and Princeton. Married Miss Luckemeyer, of New 
York. Born, London, 1862, 

93-4, 198, 205, 207, 270, 290-93, 351, 398, 425 

Bethmann-Hollweg, Theobald von — Imperial German 

Chancellor. Born, Germany, 1856 96, 300, 301, 305, 472 

BoEHN, Hans M. L. von — General of Cavalry; was "un- 
attached" at the opening of the war; in 1900-01 was on 
the China Expedition; in 1907 was Major-General com- 
manding in Berlin. Born, Germany, 1853 113 

Bbyan, W. J. — Editor; Chautauqua Lecturer; and at present 
Secretary of State for the United States. Defeated 
three times as a candidate for President. Born, Salem, 
111., 1860 400, 420, 425, 436, 485 

Bbyce, James, Rt. Hon. Viscount — One of the most dis- 
tinguished of British authors and Statesmen; at one 
time (1870-1893) Eegius Professor of Civil Law at Ox- 
ford; recipient of honorary degrees from learned so- 
cieties and institutions in all parts of the world; ex- Am- 
bassador to Washington; author of "The American Com- 
monwealth." Born, Glasgow, 1838 20, 180, 255 

Buckley, Monroe — ^Member of the Philadelphia Bar. 

Buxow, General Carl von — Recently Commander-in-Chief 

in Belgium. Born, Berlin, 1846 101, 102 

BUBGESS, John William — Dean of Faculty of Political 
Science, Columbia University, since 1890; educated at 
Amherst, Gottingen, Leipzig, Berlin; Exchange Professor 
at Berlin, 1906-07; decorated. Order of Prussian Crown, 
by the Kaiser, and Order of the Albrechts, by the King 
of Saxony, 1907. Born, Tennessee, 1844 270 

Cadwaladee, John — Lawyer and Publicist.; Trustee of the 
University of Pennsylvania; President of the Pennsyl- 



520 INDEX OF NAMES 

vania Institution for the Blind; Collector of the Port of 
Philadelphia, 1885-89. Born, Philadelphia, 1843 389 

Caine, Hall — Novelist and Dramatist; Poet and Journalist; 
intimate friend of D. S. Rossetti, the poet and painter, 
with whom he lived until his death. Born, 1853, of 
Manx and Cumberland parentage 139 

Calwek, Richaed — Author, Editor, and Journalist; So- 
cialist; author of "Introduction to Socialism," etc. Born, 
Germany, 1868 158 

Chamberlain, Houston Stewart — Writer; married to the 
daughter of Richard Wagner, the composer; educated on 
the Continent; has lived in Dresden, Vienna and else- 
where in Germany and Austria; author of "Die Grimd- 
lagen Des XIX Jahrhunderts," 1899. Born, Southsea, 
England, 1855 36 

Chapman, John Jay — Author, Essayist; member of the New 

York bar; A.M. Harvard, 1885. Born, New York, 1862. . 44 

Chesterton, Gilbert Keith — Journalist and Author; a wit 
and a master of paradox; author of "The Victorian 
Age in Literature," "Dickens," etc., etc. Born, London, 
1874 69, 139 

Chichester, Rear Admiral Sir Edward — Ninth Bart. Naval 
A. D. C. to Queen Victoria, 1899-1901; Naval A. D. C. to 
the King, 1901-2; Rear- Admiral, 1902; served South 
Africa, 1899-1901; died September 17, 1906. Was in 
command of armoured cruiser "Immortalite," at Manila, 
1898, and was the senior British Naval Officer. His rank 
was then that of Captain. Born, England, 1849 163, 180 

Choate, Joseph H. — ^Distinguished Lawyer, Diplomat, Pub- 
lic Speaker and Statesman; United States Ambassador 
to Great Britain, 1899-1905; A.B., Harvard, 1852; Hon- 
orary Degrees from Harvard, Cambridge, Edinburgh, 
Yale, Oxford, University of Pennsylvania, and other in- 
stitutions. Born, Salem, Mass., 1832 132 

Clark, Champ — Congressman; Speaker of the House. Born, 

Kentucky, 1870 350, 485-86 

CoiT, Stanton — President of the West London Ethical So- 
ciety; educated, Amherst, Columbia, Berlin; author of 
"National Idealism and the Book of Common Prayer," 
"The Message of Man," etc; Born, Columbus, Ohio, 
1857 481 



INDEX OF NAMES 521 

Collier, Price — Author; Essayist; European Editor of "The 
Forum"; Officer in United States Navy during Spanish- 
American War; author of "England and the English," 
Germany and the Germans." Born, 1860, 

141, 142, 176, 177, 355 

Cone, Helen Grat — Head of the Department of English 
Literature at the New York Normal College; an Amer- 
ican poet of charm and distinction; author of many 
patriotic songs and ballads. Born, New York, 1859 382 

CouDERT, Frederick Ren^; — Lawyer; A.M. Columbia Univer- 
sity. Born, New York, 1871 391, 404 

Davis, Richard Harding — Novelist; Playwright; educated at 
Lehigh and Johns Hopkins; war correspondent in the 
Turkish-Greek, Spanish-American, South African, and 
Russo-Japanese warsi. Born, Philadelphia, 1864... 113, 296 

Dawson, William Harbittt — Educator and Author; edu- 
cated at Berlin University; married to daughter of late 
Dr. Emil Miinsterberg, President of Berlin Poor Law 
Administration; author of "Evolution of Modern Ger- 
many," "Germany and the Germans," "Social Switzer- 
land," "The German Workman," etc. Born, England, 
1860 291-93 

Delbruck, Hans — The successor of Treitschke in the Chair 
of History at the University of Berlin. For nine years 
Professor Delbruck sat in the Prussian Diet and in the 
Reichstag. He was also with Treitschke, co-editor of the 
"Preussische Jahrbueh." He is now sole editor of that 
influential monthly. He was at one time a tutor in the 
royal household, and is a friend of the Kaiser. Born, 
Bergen auf Rugen, 1848 158, 169, 260-63, 302, 305, 308 

Debnburg, Bernhard — Ex-Editor, ex-Bank Director, ex-Col- 
nial Secretary, 1907-1910; was removed from the latter 
position (according to Wile, "The Men Aroxmd the 
Kaiser"), on account of his Semitic blood. Born, Darm- 
stadt, 1865. 20, 34, 43-65, -78-83, 90-95, 207, 216, 240, 243 
254, 263-69, 270, 285-88, 30O, 304-307, 317, 350 

Devoy, John — Editor of "The Gaelic American," New York; 
has been prominent in the Fenian movement; at present 
a leader of the Clan-na-Gael 245 

Dewey, George — ^Admiral of the Navy, U. S. A. ; a graduate 
of United States Naval Academy, 1858; LL.D, University 



522 INDEX OF NAMES 

of Pennsylvania, and Princeton, 1898; saw service all 
through the Civil War ; in command of Asiatic Squadron, 
May 1, 1898, at Battle of Manila Bay where the Spanish 
Asiatic Squadron was completely annihilated, without the 
loss of a man on the American side. Born, Montpelier, 
Vermont, 1837 163, 184 

Dickinson, G. Lowes — Publicist; Fellow and Lecturer King's 
College, Cambridge; educated at Cambridge; Lecturer in 
the London School of Economics and Political Science; 
author of "Letters of a Chinese Official," "A Modern 
Symposium," etc. Bom, England 210 

Dickson, Samuel — Lawyer; one of the leaders of the Phila- 
delphia Bar; Trustee of the University of Pennsylvania. 
Born, Newburgh, N. Y., 1837 390 

DiEDEEiCHS, Admiral Otto von — Ex-Staff Officer of the Ger- 
man Marine; Admiral in January, 1902; put on "unat- 
tached list" November, 1902. Bom, Minden, 1843 163, 180 

DiixoN, Emile Joseph — Noted correspondent of the London 
"Daily Telegraph"; educated College de France, Paris; 
imiversities of Innsbruck, Leipzig, Tubingen, etc.; vari- 
ous degrees from St. Petersburg, Louvain, Kharkoff; 
author of numerous books in English and Russian. 
Born,' Ireland 71, 147 

DiSFUETH VON — ^Major-General; recently commanding Tenth 

Brigade of Infantry 42, 200, 280, 309 

Doyle, Sie Aethub Conan — Novelist; M.D. Edinburgh; 
author of "The Memories of Sherlock Holmes," "The 
Great Boer War," etc.; son of Charles Doyle, artist, and 
nephew of Richard Doyle of "Punch." Born, Edin- 
burgh, 1859 139 

Deake, Hebbert Armitage — ^Lawyer, of Camden, N. J., 

U. S. A 366 

Deyandee, Ernst — Theologian; author of various works on 

religion and on the Gospels. Born, Halle, 1843 198 

Eliot, Chaeles — ^Mathematician, chemist, scientist, educa- 
tor; President of Harvard University 1869-1909; now 
President Emeritus. Born, Boston, 1834 196, 343 

Eucken, Professoe Rudolf Chbistian — Ethical and relig- 
ious writer; doctor of laws, letters and philosophy. 
Bora in East Friesland, 1846 198, 243 



INDEX OF NAMES 523 

Falixenhatn", Lieutenant-Geneeal Erich, G. A. S., von — 
Ex- War Minister; successor to von Moltke as Chief of 
the General StaflF; ex-instructor of the Crown Prince; 
was on the staff of Count von Waldersee during the 
Boxer rebellion; "as Minister of War he was uncompro- 
mising in his support of the officers whose policy in 
Alsace precipitated the Zabern disorders." Born, Ger- 
many, 1862 310, 453, 477 

Faust, Albert B. — Author; Professor of German in Cornell 

University. Born, Baltimore, Md., 1870 245 

Ferrero, Felice — Italian journalist; brother of Guglielmo 

Ferrero, the historian 472 

Ferrero, Guglielmo — ^The Italian historian of the Roman 

Republic and Empire 356, 450 

Fbaley, JosEPfi; C. — Lawyer, with national reputation as 
specialist in the laws of patents; graduate of Univer- 
sity of Pennsylvania. Born, Philadelphia 79, 90, 171, 341 

Fbancke, Kuno — ^Professor of History of German Culture, 
Harvard, since 1896, and since 1902 Curator Germanic 
Museumi, Harvard; Chevalier Royal Prussian Order Red 
Eagle. Born, Germany, 1855 174, 231 

French, Field Marshal Sib John Denton Pinkstone — 
Son of Captain French, R. N. ; entered British Navy at 
age of 14; served as naval cadet and midshipman for four 
years; entered army in 1874; served in the Soudan cam- 
paign and in South African War. Born, Kent, Eng- 
land, 1852 20 

FuLDA, LUDWIG — Doctor of Philosophy; educated at F'rank- 
f ort-on-the-Main ; studied at Heidelberg, Berlin and 
Leipzig, 1880-83. Born, Frankf ort-on-the-Main, 1862.. 298 

Fuller, Paul — A member of the well-known, legal firm of 
Coudert Brothers, in New York; a recognized authority 

upon questions of international law 385 

^ FULLERTON, George Stuaet — ^Author ; Professor of Philosophy 
in Columbia University since 1904; ex- Vice Provost of 
the University of Pennsylvania. Born, India, 1859 196 

FuBNESS, William Henry, 3rd — Author; physician; traveler; 
explorer; A.B., Harvard, 1888; M.D., University of Penn- 
sylvania, 1891; son of Horace Howard Furness, the 
Shakespearean author. Born. Wallingford, Pa., 1866... 219 



524 INDEX OF NAMES 

GoLTZ, Field Maeshal Baron von dee — Appointed Military 
Governor of Belgium, August 27, 1914; took command 
immediately; a native of East Prussia ; sent to reorganize 
the Turkisli Army, 1883-96; writer on military subjects; 
relieved of Belgian duty in November, 1914, and sent to 
Constantinople; it is thought by many critics that the 
performance of the Turkish Army during the Balkan 
wars did not reflect much credit upon him; nevertheless, 
in Germany, he is said to be regarded as one of the 
greatest of their strategists. Bom, Germany, 1843. . .103, 453 

GoscHEN, Rt. Hon. Sie William Edward — British Ambas- 
sador at Berlin since 1908; educated at Rugby and Ox- 
ford; has been in the British diplomatic service since 
1869, serving in various capacities at Madrid, Buenos 
Ayres, Rio de Janeiro, Constantinople, Pekin, Copenhagen, 
Lisbon, Washington, St. Petersburg, Belgrade and Vienna. 
Born, England, 1847 91 

Grey, Rt. Hon. Sie Edwabd — British Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs since 1905; educated at Winchester and 
Oxford; was Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Af- 
fairs, 1892-95; member Parliament (Liberal) for Berwick- 
on-Tweed since 1885. Born, England, 1862. .91, 250, 252, 268 

Geosscup, Petee Stewaet, Judge — ^Educated Wittenberg Col- 
lege. Born, Ohio, 1852 270 

Guild, Cuetis — Journalist, ex-soldier, ex-Amba,ssador to 
Mexico, ex-Ambassador to Russia; A.B. (summa cum 
laude), Harvard, 1881. Born, Boston, 1860 412, 440 

GuYOT, Yves — K distinguished French publicist and writer 
on statistical, political and economic subjects. Born, 
Dinan, 1843 452 

GwiNNEB, Aethue VON — Director of the Deutschen Bank. 

Born, Frankfort-on-the-Main, 1856 198 

H^ckel, Professoe Eenst — Biologist and Scientist; author 
of noteworthy books on evolution and on many branches: 
of zoology. Born, Potsdam, Germany, 1834. . .26, 27, 198, 304 

Hale, William Gaednee — Professor of Latin, University of 
Chicago; A.B., Harvard, 1870; LL.D., Ptinceton, St. An- 
drew's and Aberdeen; distinguished philologist. Born, 
Savannah, 1849 347, 357 

Hall, Thomas C. — Theologian; Professor of Christian 
Ethics at Union Theological Seminary, N. Y.; A.B., 



INDEX OF NAMES 525 

Princeton, 1879; studied at Berlin and Gottingen, 1882 
83; ordained to the Presbyterian Ministry, 1883; pos- 
sessor of the "Order of the Crown," third class, by gift 
of the Kaiser. Born, Armagh, Ireland, 1858 295,-96 

Hapgood, Norman — A distinguished American author and 
litterateur; was editor "Collier's Weekly" from 1903 to 
1912; is now editor of "Harper's Weekly." Born, Amer- 
ica, 1868 20 

Harden, Maximilian — Editor of the "Zukunft." It was he 
who in 1907 exposed the degeneracy of Count Philip zu 
Eulenberg, sometime German Ambassador at Vienna and 
an intimate friend of the Kaiser; "When Harden was 
proscribed for his audacity in attacking one of the Em- 
peror's friends, he forced the prosecution to withdraw 
by stating that he had enough correspondence in his pos- 
session to ruin the reputation of the members of the Im- 
perial Family and half the officers of the Imperial 
Guards." (277) Born, Berlin, 1861 200-01, 270, 304 

Harms, Bernhard— Professor of State Science at the Univer- 
sity of Kiel; voluminous writer upon social, statistical 
and industrial problems. Born, Hanover, 1876 477 

Habnack, Adolf— Professor, Theologian, Philosopher, Hono- 
rary Doctor of Laws and Medicine ; prolific writer. Born, 
Dorpat, 1851 198, 244, 464 

Hart, Albert Bushnell — Former Professor of History, now 
Professor of Government, Harvard University; A.B., Har- 
vard, 1880; Ph.D., Freiburg, Baden, 1883; editor and 
author of many historical text-books and essays. Bom, 
Olarksville, Pennsylvania, 1854 437 

Haitptmann, Gerhart — Poet; educated in the Breslau Kunst- 
ischule and later at the Universities of Jena and Berlin. 
Born, Germany, 1862 23, 68, 301 

Hearst, William Randolph — ^Newspaper publisher; owns, or 
has owned, the San Francisco "Examiner," the New York 
"Journal," the New York "Morning American," the Chi- 
cago "American," the Chicago "Morning Examiner," the 
Boston "American," the Los Angeles "Examiner"; ex- 
President National League of Democratic Clubs. Born, 
San Francisco, 1863 425 

Henry, Albert William — Prince of Prussia; brother of the 
Kaiser; a strong advocate of the increase of German sea 



526 INDEX OF NAMES 

power; sent to this country by the Kaiser in 1902, on 
the occasion of the launching of a yacht built here for the 
latter. Born, Potsdam, 1862 141, 164 

Hexameb, Chakles John — Civil Engineer and insurance 
agent; B.S., University of Pennsylvania, 1882, A.M., 
1884; decorated by Emperor of Germany with Order of 
Red Eagle "for services in diflfusing German culture in 
America." Born, Philadelphia, 1862 176, 227, 245 

HiBBEN, John Geiee — President of Princeton University ; min- 
ister of the Presbyterian Church; author of treatises on 
Logic and Philosophy. Born, Peoria, 111., 1861 244 

HiLPKECHT, Heeman Voleath — Was Professor of Assyriology 
and Curator of the Semitic Section of the University of 
Pennsylvania, 1886-1911. Born in Germany, 1859.35, 250, 251 

Hitchcock, Gii^eet — United States Senator from Nebraska; 
Educated in public schools and in Germany. Born, 
Omaha, 1859 432 

Hoileben, Db. Theodgee von — EEnvoy and Minister to vari 
0U3 countries, including the United States. Born, Stet- 
tin, Germany, 1838 164, 166 

Howe, Henby M. — Professor of Metallurgy, Columbia Uni- 
versity; gold medallist in various countries. Born, 
Boston, 1848 345 

HowELLS, WnxiAM I>eak — One of the most admired and re- 
spected of living American authors; formerly editor of 
"The Atlantic Monthly;" now writer of "Editor's Easy 
Chair," Harper'si; ex-President of the American Academy 
of Arts and Letters; ex-United States Consul to Venice. 
Born, Martin Ferry, Ohio, 1837 53, 133, 416 

Jaqemann, Hans Gael Guntheb — Professor of Germanic 
Philology, Harvard; educated at Universities of Leipzig 
and Tubingen; Ph.I>., Johns Hopkins, 1884. Born, 
Germany, 1859 35 

Jaqow, Gottlieb von — German Secretary of State for For- 
eign AflFairs. Born, Berlin, 1863 .310, 394 

Jasteow, Moeeis, Jb. — Born in Poland, 1861. Professor of 
Semitic Languages and Librarian, University of Penn- 
sylvania; A.B., University of Pennsylvania, 1881; Ph.D., 
University of Leipzig, 1884 18, 32, 90, 238-42, 282-83, 306 

JOBDAN, David Stabe — Biologist ; University Professor ; Presi- 



INDEX OF NAMES 527 

dent of Leiand Stanford, Jr., University since 1891. 
Born, Gainesville, New York, 1851 120 

JUNGE, Fbanz — Engineer; Ph.D. of Erlanger; student of 
philosophy and political science at the Universities of 
Berlin and Heidelberg; he is in this country partly "to 
negotiate with the United States Navy Department for 
the equipment of American submarines with German oil- 
engines of a new type" 160 

I^BBACH, HxjQO — Recording Secretary of the "German Uni- 
versity League," New York 220 

Kitchener of Khaetum, Viscount Hobatio Heebebt — Brit- 
ish Secretary of State for War; educated at Royal Mili- 
tary Academy, Woolwich; entered Royal Engineers, 1871; 
commander in chief on many important occasions, e. g., 
the Dongola Expeditionary Force, 1896; Khartum Expe- 
dition, 1898; South Africa, 1900; India, 1902-09, etc. 
Born, County Kerry, Ireland, 1850 450, 478 

Kxaussmann, Anton Oskab — Writer under many pseu- 
donyms. Born, Breslau, 1851 202 

La Follette, Robebt Marion — United States Senator from 
Wisconsin, ,term expires 1917 ; ex-Governor of Wisconsin. 
Born, Wisconsin, 1855 441 

Lampkecht, Peofessob Kaei, G — Political Economist and 

Historian. Born, Germany, 1856 198 

Lang, William Robert — Professor of Chemistry, University 
of Toronto; B.Sc, University of Glasgow; author of vari- 
ous papers on chemical subjects 240 

Lange, Friedbich — ^Author, Editor, Doctor of Philosophy. 

Born, Germany, 1852 37 

Lankesteb, Sib Edwin Rat — Emeritus Professor of Zoology 
and Comparative Anatomy in the University of London; 
voluminous and eflfeetive writer upon biological subjects; 
honorary member of numerous learned societies in all 
parts of the world. Born, England, 1847 330 

Laekin, James — ^Irish socialist and labor leader; was leader 
of the Dublin strike, 1913-14; is a social revolutionist; 
has spent most of his efforts trying to organize the 
unskilled; now lecturing in United States, sometimes 
to socialists and at other times under the auspices of the 
Clan-Na-Gael 190-91 



538 INDEX OP NAMES 

Lasson, Peofessor Adolf — Doctor of Theology, Laws, Let- 
ters; Privy Councillor; Honorary Pl-ofessor of Phil- 
osophy, University of Berlin. Born, Germany, 1832. . . . 

44, 96, 199, 229, 306, 307 

Leacock, Stepheic Butlee — ^Author, Lecturer and Humorist; 
educated at University of Toronto; Ph.D., University of 
Chicago. Born, Hants, England, 1869 59 

Lenard, Philipp — Professor of Physics, University of Heidel- 
berg. Born, Pd2Sony, 1862 51, 200, 309 

Lentz, John Jacob — ^Lawyer; was appointed trustee of Ohio 
University by Governor McKinley; member of Congress, 
1897-1901, Twelfth Ohio District, Democrat; prominent 
as advocate of armed intervention in Cuba in debates 
preceding war of 1898. Born, Ohio, 1856 165 

Leon, Matjbice — ^Lawyer, Writer; educated in Paris and New 
York by stepfather. Prof. J. H. Gottheil, of Columbia 
University; admitted to New York Bar, February, 1903. 
Born, Beirut, Syria, 1880' 204, 206, 215-16 

Leyen, Prof. Aifeed von — University of Berlin; well-known 
authority on engineering, and on railway management 
and railway policy; author of "Financial and Traffic Poli- 
cies of the Railways of North America." Born, Ger- 
many, 1844 43 

Lezius, Professor Feiedeich, of Konigsberg — Theologian. 

Born, Livonia, 1859 38 

LiCHNOWSKY, Prince Kael Max — German Ambassador at 
London, 1914. Born, Germany, 1860 

LissAUER, Ernst — ^Author of "Hassgesang gegen England" — 
the "Chant of Hate." The following interesting history of 
this now celebrated song is given by Archibald Hender- 
son: (278) "In anticipation of a coming fierce conflict 
with a division of the British army, the Crown Prince 
Rupprecht of Bavaria issued to his troops two army 
orders, 'calling upon them to fight with especial bitter- 
ness and force against the English troops' (these army 
orders were cited by the 'Easier Nachrichten,' one of the 
leading German newspapers of Switzerland). The spirit 
of these army orders made such a profound and moving 
impression upon Ernst Lissauer, a trooper in the Tenth 
Regiment of Bavarian Infantry, that he was inspired to 



INDEX OF WAME8 539 

•write his flaming protest as an expression of the deepest 
popular feeling. (Cf, Politische Beilage der Leipziger 
Neuesten Nachriehten, Nr. 310, 2, Beilage, November 9, 
1914.) Realizing the tremendous stimulative value of 
the poem as a war-song, Crown Prince Rupprecht pur- 
sued the striking course of issuing the 'Hassgesang gegen 
England' as a special army order to his troops." 307 

LoBECK, Chables 0. — Congressman, Nebraska; educated at 
the Baldwin Wallace College, Berea, Ohio; Business Col- 
lege of Chicago; commercial traveller, etc. Born, Illinois, 
1852 204, 206, 245 

Lodge, Henby Cabot— United States, Senator from Massachu- 
setts since 1893; editor; author; historian. An Over- 
seer of Harvard since 1911. Born, Boston, 1850 407, 412 

London, Jack — ^Author; journalist; lecturer; war* correspon- 
dent Russo-Japanese War. Born, San Francisco, 1876... 133 

Lovejot, Akthub 0. — Professor of Philosophy, Johns Hop- 
kins University; A.B., University of California, 1895; 
A.M., Harvard, 1897, University of Paris, 1899. Born, 
Berlin, Germany, 1873 242, 251-253 

Lowell, Abbott Lawrence — President of Harvard Univer- 
sity; author of "Essays on Government," "The Govern- 
ment of England," etc. Born, Boston, 1856 153 

Luetwitz, Baeon von — General commanding a district of 

Belgium during the fall and winter of 1914 103 

Macdonald, James Ramsay — ^M. P. (Labor) for Leicester, 
since 1906; leader of the Labor Party, 1911; author of 
"Socialism and Society," "Socialism and Government," 
etc. Born, Lossiemouth, Scotland, 1866 181 

McEleoy, Robert N. — Professor of American History, 
Princeton University; studied at Leipzig, Berlin and 
Oxford. Born, Kentucky, 1872 141 

Mach, Db. Edmund von — Lecturer; Editor; Writer on 
Painting and Sculpture and on their history; served in 
Germany Army, 1889-91; came to America, 1891; A.M., 
Harvard, 1896, Ph.D., 1900. Born, Pomerania, 1970... 

35, 109, 168, 245, 281 

Martin, Edwabd Sandfoed — ^Author and Essayist; A.B., Har- 
vard, 1877 ; member of Bar, Rochester, N. Y, ; editor of 

"Life." Born, Willowbrook, N. Y., 1856, 

159, 174, 184, 352, 354, 355, 409 
34 



630 INDEX OF NAMES 

Maetin, RtiDOur Emi]>— Ex-Minister of the Interior; author 
of many works on economic and industrial subjects; 
also of "Kaiser Wilhelm II und Konig. Eduard VII." 
"Germany's Future" (1908), etc. Born, Saxony, 1867.27, 304 
Matthews, Beandee— Author ; Professor of Dramatic Litera- 
ture, Columbia University; A.B., Columbia, 1871; 
Litt.D., Yale, 1901; LL.D., Columbia, 1904. Born, New 
Orleans, 1852 313 

Mencken, Heney Louis— Journalist ; Critic; and Editor; 
author, after many years of careful study, of "The Phil- 
osophy of Friedrich Nietzsche," "The Gist of Nietsche," 
etc. Born, Baltimore, 1880 140 

Meecier, Charles Arthur — Noted psychiatrist; examiner in 
mental diseases at the London University; author of 
"Text-book of Insanity," "Criminal Responsibility," etc. 
Born, England, 1852 SSO* 

Meyer, Eduard — Professor of History, University of Berlin; 
formerly an Exchange Professor at Harvard (1909); 
author of many historical works. Born, Hamburg, 1855 240 

Meyer, Kuno E. — Professor of the Celtic Language and 
Literature at the University of Berlin; formerly of 
Liverpool and of Dublin. Born, Hamburg, 1858 . . 191-92 

MoLTKE, Helmuth Johannes Ludwig von — Recently Chief 

of the German General Staff. Born, Germany, 1848 73 

Morgan, John HaetmAn — Professor of Constitutional Law 
at University College, London, since 1908; educated at 
Oxford and Berlin; has been on literary staff of "The 
Daily Chronicle" and leader writer for "The Manchester 
Guardian;" author of many books on' constitutional law. 
Bom, Wales, 1876 122 

Muirhead, James FtJLLAETON — Editor and" Author; the com- 
piler of Baedecker's "United States," "Great Britain," 
etc., and the editor of many of the English editions of 
Baedeker's hand-books; author of "The House of Baed- 
eker," "Baedeker in the Making," "America, the Land of 
Contrasts." Born, Glasgow, 1853 . .». 337-40 

Mumm, Dr. a. von — Charge d' Affaires at the German Em- 
bassy in Washington, 1891 164 

Munstekberg, Hugo — Professor of Psychology and Director 
of thft Psychological Laboratory at Harvard University; 



INDEX OF NAMES 53f 

Harvard Exchange Professor at Berlin, 1910-11. Born, 
Dantzig, Germany, 1863.. 17, 174, 181-86, 198, 254, 281, 

302, 305, 306, 359-60, 375 

Naumann, Fbiedeich, D.D. — Editor of "Hilfe," Berlin; volu- 
minous writer. Born, Stormthal, 1860 200, 309 

Newbold, Clement B. — Banker, Philadelphia 426 

NiEBEK, Lieutenant-Geneeal STEPHEN VON — Bom, Germany, 

1855 102 

Obekholtzee, Ellis Paxson — Author; editor; journalist; 
educated at University of Pennsylvania and German uni- 
versities; was a student of Von Treitschke years ago in 
Berlin; a newspaper correspondent there while he at- 
tended the German universities; wrote and published in 
German a work on the relations existing between the 
Government and the newspaper press in Germany. Born, 
Philadelphia, 1868 148-54 

Ostwald, Dr. Wilhelm — Chemist; Professor University of 

of Leipzig; Nobel Prize winner 45, 243, 361 

Parmelee, Matjbice — Sociologist; Assistant Professor of 
Sociology, University of Missouri; A.B., Yale, 1904; 
Ph.D., Columbia, 1909; author of "The Principles of 
Anthropology and Sociology in their Relations to Crim- 
inal Procedure." Born, Constantinople, Turkey, 1882.. 465 

Paxjlsen, Friedrich — Professor of Philosophy in the Uni- 
versity of Berlin 279-80 

Pennypacker, Samuel Whitakeic — Ex-Judge of Common 
Pleas, Philadelphia; ex-Governor of Pennsylvania; Trus- 
tee of the University of Pennsylvania; voluminous writer 
on legal and historical subjects; the allusion in the text 
is based on a speech of Governor Pennypacker's at a meet- 
ing of a German society, in which he is reported to 
have said that Belgium was to blame for what happened 
to her and compared her to a man who "to assert his 
right to the highway" stands in the middle of the street, 
"directly in the route of the automobile"! Born, Phcenix- 
ville. Pa., 1843 228, 270 

Porter, Stephen Geyer — ^Republican Congressman from 
Pittsburgh, Pa.; member of the Allegheny Bar. Born, 
Ohio, 1869 245 

Powell, E. Alexander — Author; editor; journalist; war cor- 
respondent; has been in the diplomatic service; charge 



533 INDEX OF NAMES 

d'affaires at Alexandria, Egypt, 1907-08; as miagazine 
writer and special correspondent was in Persian and 
Turkish revolutions; in Central Asia, 1909; Mexico, 
1910; Arabia and Central Africa, 1910-11; Balkans, 
1912; Mexican revolution, 1913; author of "The Last 
Frontier," "Gentlemen Rovers," "The End of the Trail." 
Born, Syracuse. K. Y., 1879 109 

PowYS, John Cowper — M.A., Corpus Christi College, Oxford 
(honors in History, 1893) ; staff lecturer on literature 
for Oxford University Extension^ Delegacy; of the Edu- 
cation Department Free City of Hamburg; University 
lecturers' Association, New York; lecturer on "The His- 
tory of Liberty," a course beginning with "The Athenian 
Republic" and ending with "The Republic of the Fliture" ; 
also lectures on "Representative American Writers," etc. 

23, 69, 185, 254, 352, 356, 359 

Prince, Dr. Morton — Physician; distinguished psychiatrist; 
A.B., Harvard, 1875, M.D., 1879; Professor of Nervous 
Diseases, Tufts College Medical School; author of 
"Nature of Mind and Human Automatism," "Dissocia- 
tion of a Personality," etc. Born, Boston, 1854. ..108-13, 281 

Putnam, George Haven — Publisher, Author; ex-Union sol- 
dier; President, G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York. Born, 
London, 1844 218, 238-39 

Ramsay, Sir Wiixiam — Professor of Chemistry, University 
College, London, 1887-1913; now Professor Emeritus; re- 
cipient of degrees from and honorary membership in 
many the learned societies of the world; author of 
"Argon, a New Constituent of the Atmosphere" (in con- 
junction with Lord Rayleigh), "Nelium, a Constituent of 
Certain Minerals," "Neon, Krypton and Xenon, three New 
Atmospheric Gases." Born, Glasgow, 1852 313, 317 

Reppuer, Agnes — One of the best known and most brilliant 
of American essayists; Litt.D. (Hon.), University of 
Pennsylvania, 1902. Born, Philadelphia, 1857.41, 248, 257-63 

Reventlow, Count Ernst zu — Naval Writer; author of 
works on the Russo-Japanese War, the German Navy, 
England's Sea-power, World Peace or World War, etc. 
Born, Germany, 1867 392, 396, 400, 424, 464 

Rhinelander, Philip Mercer — Bishop of Pennsylvania; 

A.B., Harvard, 1891. Born, Newport, R. I., 1869 237 



INDEX OF NAMES 533 

RiDDEE, Herman — Journalist; established "Katholisches 
VoUvsblatt," 1878; "Catholic News.," 1886; became trus- 
tee, treasurer and manager of New York "Staats- 
Zeitimg" in 1890 and President in 1907. Born, New York 
1851, of German parents 17, 214-15, 245-46, 302 

RoHBBACH, Db. Paul — Author, and Specialist on Colonial Ad- 
ministration, etc. Born, Livonia, 1869 292 

RoLLAKD, RoMAiN — Author, Man of Letters; ex-Professor of 
the History of Art at I'Eeole Normale Superieure; in- 
augurated the teaching of the History of Music at the 
Sorbonne; one of the directors of I'Ecole des Hautes 
Etudes Sociales. Born, Clamecy, 1866 68 

Roosevelt, Theodoee^ — ^Twenty-sixth President of the United 
States; elected Vice-President for term 1901-05; suc- 
ceeded to Presidency on death of William McKinley, Sep- 
tember 14, 1901; elected President, November 8, 1904, by 
the largest popular majority ever accorded a candidate; 
author, soldier, hunter, traveller, explorer, reformer, 
statesman and patriot ; regarded by millions at home and 
abroad as better typifying American ideals than any 
other living individual 33, 130, 346, 419-20, 484 

Sarolea, Chabi^s, D.Ph., F.R.S. — Editor of "Everyman"; 
head of the French Department, University of Edinburgh 

141, 169 

Sayce, Rev. Aeciiibald Henby — Professor of Assyriology, 
Oxford University, since 1891 ; author of numerous works 
on Comparative Philology and on Oriental Languages;, 
Literature and History. Born, England, 1846 329 

Schabfenoet, Louis A. von — Retired Captain, ex-Librarian 
of the Royal Military Academy; now a Berlin Profesr 
sor. Born, East Prussia, 1855 104 

Schlettwein, Cabl August — Owner of lands in German 
Southwest Africa; writer on colonial politics and 
policies. Born, Germany, 1866 159 

Schmolu:e, Peofessob Gustave von — Political Economist 

and voluminous writer. Born, Germany, 1838 

198, 355, 356, 464 
Shaw, Beenabd — Author; playwright; wit. As a controver- 
sialist his aim often is to attract attention and excite 
surprise by the use of the unexpected and the paradox- 
ical, without regard for the seriousness of the subject. 



534 INDEX OF NAMES 

For this reason, in this country at least, his articles on 
the war have not received the notice or had the effect to 
which, by reason of his intellectual acumen they might 
otherwise have been entitled. Born, DubliUj 1856 331 

Shepheaed, WrLLiAM R. — ^Historian; Professor of History 

in Columbia University. Born, Charleston, S. C, 1871.. 245 

SiGSBEE, Reae-Admibal Chaeles Dwight, U. S. N. — Com- 
manded the Maine until she was blown up in Havana 
harbor, 1898; commanded the St. Paul during Spanish- 
American War; was advanced three numbers in rank 
"for extraordinary heroism." Born, Albany, N. Y., 1845 395 

SiMONDS, Feank H. — Journalist; A.B. Harvard; served in 
Spanish-American War; has been connected with the 
New York "Tribune," the Albany "Courier," the New 
York "Evening Post" and the New York "Evening Sun." 
Born, Concord, Mass., 1878 474, 478 

Sloane, William Milligan — Professor of History, Colum- 
bia University; formerly professor at Princeton; secre- 
tary to George Bancroft in Berlin, 1873-75; author of 
"Napoleon Bonaparte." Born, Ohio, 1850' 270 

Stein, Doctoe Ludwig — Professor of Philosophy at Berlin; 
author of "Leibnitz and Spinoza," "Friedrich Nietzsche," 
systematic treatises on philosophy, etc.; editor of various 
philosophical journals and of the Jewish paper, "Nord 
und Slid." Born, Hungary, 1859 26, 424 

Steenbueg. Baeon Hssmann Speck von — Ex-Ambassador 
from Germany to the United States (1903) ; fought in 
Franco-German War; has been First Secretary of Lega- 
tion at Peking; Consul-General in British India; member 
of Samoan Commission; Charge d'Affaires at Belgrade, 
etc. Born, Leeds, England, 1852 165 

SuDEEMANN, Heemann — Author and prolific writer. Born, 

East Prussia, 1857 199 

Taft, William H. — Twenty-seventh President of the United 
States, 1909-1913; was defeated as a candidate for re- 
election November, 1912, receiving only the electoral 
votes of Vermont and Utah, 8 out of 53 1 94 

Thompson, Vance — ^Author and playwright; A.B. Prince- 
ton, 1888. Born, 1863 325 

TiEpiTZ, Alfeed p. F. von — Admiral of the German Navy; 



INDEX OF NAMES 535 

was made Admiral in 1903; "Gross-Admiral," 1911. 
Born, Germany, 1849 223 

Todd, M. Hampton — Lawyer; Ex- Attorney General of Penn- 
sylvania; Hon. A.M., 1900; LL.D., 1907, Washington 
and Jefferson College. Born, Philadelphia, 1845 237 

Treyelyan, Rt. Hon. Sib George Otto, Bart — Educated at 
Harrow and Trinity College, Cambridge, scholar and 
Hon. Fellow of Trinity College; has been a mem- 
ber of various Liberal governments; nephew of Lord 
Macauley; author of "Life and Letters of Lord Mac- 
auley," "Early History of Charles James Fox," "George 
III and Charles Fox" and "The American Revolution." 
Born, Leicestershire, 1838 180 

Tbowbbidge, John — Rumford Professor of Applied Science, 
Massachusetts Institute of Technology; distinguished 
physicist; President American Academy of Arts and 
Sciences. Born, Boston, 1843 318-19 

Turner, Herbert Hall — Professor of Astronomy, Oxford 
University, since 1893; Fellow New College Oxford; for- 
merly Fellow Trinity College, Cambridge; President 
Royal Astronomical Society, 1903-4; author of "Modern 
Astronomy," etc. Born, England, 1861 330 

ViEBECK, George Sylvester — Author, editor and playwright; 
now editor of "The Fatherland." Born, Munich, Ger- 
many, 1844 207, 209-10, 245-46 

Villabd, Oswald Garrison — A grandson of William Lloyd 
Garrison, the abolitionist; A.B., Harvard, 1893; edi- 
torial writer and President "N. Y. Evening Post." Born, 
in Wiesbaden, Germany, 1872 26, 73 

VoiXMER, Henry — Congressman from Iowa; lawyer; grad- 
uate of Law Department of State University of Iowa. 
Born, Iowa, 1867 204, 206, 245 

Walling, William English — Author; B.S., University of 
Chicago, 1897; wrote "Russia's Message," 1908. Born, 
Louisville, 1877 466 

Washburn, Stanley — Journalist and war correspondent; 
explorer and seasoned campaigner; an eye-witness in 
the Russo-Japanese war and in the present war; an 
authority upon the Canadian Northwest; the author of 
a "Life of General Nogi"; a son of the late Senator 
Washburn, of Minnesota 334 



536 INDEX OF NAMES 

Weber, Leonhaed — ^Professor of Physios in the University 

of Kiel. Born, Germany, 1848 75 

Weeks, Raymond — Professor of Romance Languages, Co>- 
lumbia University; author of many philological articles. 
Born, Iowa, 1863 104 

Weimeb, Albert B. — Lawyer; author; A.B., Harvard, 1880; 
admitted to Bar of Philadelphia, 1882; author of "Rail- 
road Law of Pennsylvania," 1894; "Corporation Law of 
Pennsylvania," 1897, etc. Born, Philadelphia, 1857 460 

Wells, Herbert George — Novelist; Socialist; voluminous 

writer; original thinker. Born, Kent, England, 1866... 139 

Welsh, Herbert — Publicist; A.B., University of Pennsyl- 
vania, 1871; Corresponding Secretary of the Indian 
Rights Association; prominent as an advocate of peace 
and of international arbitration. Born, Philadelphia, 
1871 298 

Wharton, Edith — Novelist and story-writer. Born, New 

York, 1862 133 

Whelpley, James Davenport — Author; traveler; editor; war 
correspondent; editor San Antonio (Texas) "Express," 
1894-7; staflf correspondent Spanish-American war; sent 
abroad on, special mission, by United States govern- 
ment on eleven different occasions (1900-12), visiting 
almost every country in the world; author of "The 
Nation as a Land Owner," "The Problem of the Emi- 
grant," "The Trade of the World," etc. Born, Boston, 
1863 332, 429 

White, Horace — Editor, author, and journalist; for many 
years editor of the Chicago "Tribune," and for twenty 
years (1883-1903) was connected with the New York 
"Evening Post," much of the time as 'President of the 
company, editorial writer and Editor-in-Chief. Born, 
Colebrook, N. H., 1834 210 

Wilcox, Ella Wheeler — Author; editorial writer; poet- 
ess; educated at University of Wisconsin. Born, Wis- 
consin, 1855 133 

Wile, Frederick William — For over seven years the chief 
correspondent of the London "Daily Mail," in Germany, 
and the Berlin correspondent of the New York "Times" 
and the Chicago "Tribune;" his acquaintance with Ger- 
man affairs: is intimate; he is the author of "The Men 



INDEX OF NAMES 537 

Around the Kaiser," an interesting account of some of 
the makers of modern Germany 462-65 

WiLHELM II, THE GERMAN Kaiseb — Educated at the Uni- 
versities of Bonn and Cassel; grandson of the late Queen 
Victoria of England, and nephew of the late King Ed- 
ward VII; succeeded his father as King of Prussia 
and German Emperor in 1888; married, 1881, the Prin- 
cess Augusta Victoria, duchess of Schleswig-Holstein, 
Born, Berlin, 1959 52-S9 

Wilson, Thomas Woodeow — The twenty-eighth President of 
the United States; Ex-Governor of New Jersey; Ex- 
President of Princeton University; elected President, 
November, 1912, with a popular vote of 6,293,000, the 
combined votes of the other two candidates being 7,- 
603,000.. 247, 364, 375, 400, 407, 412, 414, 420, 422, 

425, 433, 438 

WiNSOB, William D. — ^A representative and esteemed ship 
owner of Philadelphia; a manager of the Western Sav- 
ing Fund Society 411-12 

WiNTZEE, WiLHELM JOHANNES — Author of "The Germans in 
Middle and South America, Australia, Etc.," "The Ger- 
mans in Tropical America." Born, Nauendorf, Germany, 
1867 354, 356 

WiTTE, Emil — Ex-Editor of the "Deutsche Zeitung," of 
Vienna; Ex-Press attache at the German Embassy in 
Washington 163 

WoBKS, John — United States Senator from California. 

Born, Indiana, 1847 432 

WUNDT, Peofessoe WiLHELM M. — A distinguished physiol- 
ogist and psychologist. Bom, Germany, 1832 244 



GENERAL INDEX 



Administration, present in U. S. 
See United States, Wilson, 
State Department. 

Adriatic, establisliment of Ger- 
many on the, 473 

Aerschot, atrocities committed in, 
110 

Aim, of civilized countries in fu- 
ture, 495 et seg. 

Albert, of Belgium, 86 et seq. 

— Quoted, 276 

— Tributes to, 130 to 134 
Albert of Belgium, abuse of, by 

Germany, 87 
■ — Democracy of, 88 
Aliens, naturalization in U. S., 

208 
Alliance, ideal, of democracies, 

366 et seq. 
Allies, American supply of arms 

to, 211 

— American sympathy for, 289, 

341 et seq., 426, 428, 503 

— Attempts of Germany to 

foster American resentment 
toward, 213 

— Fighting battle of democratic 

civilization, 362, 382, 384, 
415, 502 

— Help of America necessary 

to, 485 

— Motive of, 360 

— Desire of Americans for of- 

ficial expression of sym- 
pathy with, 376 et seq. 
■ — Resistance of U. S. A. to rights 
of, in searching German- 
American ships, 416 

— Sooner or later to be sup- 

ported by Italy, 472 

— Victory of, hoped for, 353 

— What U. S. could do in aid- 

ing, 487 

Alsace-Lorraine, 28, 35T, 479, 490 

Ambition, German, 147 

America. See United States. 

American, attitude of average, to- 
ward German propaganda, 
244 

■ — Flag, alleged misuse of, 395 

— "Impudence," 218 

— Mind, 183, 186 

— Neutrality League, 236 

— Policy, mistaken, 161 

— Society for informing Ger- 

many, 27 
"American Irritation at German 
Apologists," 238 



Americans, discontent of over at- 
titude of U. S., 364, 431 et 



— - From German viewpoint, 421 

— Humiliated by position of 

Government, 365 

— In relation to war, 359 
"America's Duty and the Rules of 

War," 442 
"America's Duty in Relation to 

the European War," 343 
"America's Silence," 422 
Ammunition, German, 462 
Anarchists, philosophical, 359 
Anarchy in Mexico, 363 

— Precipitation of this war as, 

367 
Anglomaniacs, 382 
Anglo-Saxon Ideas, 360 
Annexations, by Germany, 34 
Anti-British campaign in Ameri- 
ca, 172, 179, 193, 224 
Anti-British feeling, 216, 383, 431 
Anti-Japanese legislation 223 
Anti-military agitation, cleverly 
managed by Vorwaerts, 468 
Anti-Socialist press, German, in- 
dignation of, 469 
Antwerp, to belong to Germany, 

24 
Apologists, German, credibility of, 
289 

— Misstatements of, 250 et seq. 

— Versus the truth, 285 et seq., 

293 et seq. See also Oer- 

man- Americans, Propaganda, 

German 
Appeal for "fairness," 33 
Arabia, part of, to go to Rumania, 

28 
Archives, Belgian, 276 
Armies, cost of, 452 
Arms and munitions of war. See 

Munitions. 
Army, German, seat of monarch's 

power, 151 
Art, respect of civilization for, 

316 
"Aryan" episode, 412 
Atrocities, German, 99 et seq., 
104, 470', 501 

— Surgical possibility of, 106 ' 
Austria, 46, 367, 479, 491 et 

passim 

— At close of war, 28 

— Attitude toward Servia, 261 

— Demand of, upon Servia, 472, 

490 



(539) 



540 



GENERAL INDEX 



— Dream of controlling Servia, 

135 

— Judgment of Court of Civiliza- 

tion concerning, 64 

— Position of at close of six 

months of war, 475 

— Quarrel of Italy with, 472 

— Share of cost at end of war, 

28 
Austria-Italian incompatibility, 

473 
Austro-Germans, Italy's offense in 

not following, 472 
Autocracy, German, 147, 169, 178 

Bacon, Robert, 440' 
Balkan States, 490 

— Ambitions, 491 
Baltic confederation, 361 
Baltic provinces, 26, 27, 29, 362 
Band, the iron, 23 
Barbarians, German, 320 
Barbarism, German, upheld, 42-3 

— Relapses into, 446. See also 

Atrocities 
Bartholdt, 204, 206, 207, 209, 

225, 435 
Basserman, 198 
Bavarian army, unfair treatment 

of, 459, 460 
Begbie, Harold, 429 
Bellort, German annexation of, 

28 
Belgian spirit, 88 
Belgians, high qualities of, 76 

— Sad plight of, 132 
Belgium, alleged agreements of, 

with France, 75, 263-276 
■ — ■ Ambition of Prance for, 493 
■ — • As foe to civilization, 439 

— At close of war, 24, 29 
• — • At peace, 491 

— Attitude of Vorwaerts toward 

invasion of, 468 

— Case of, supreme issue of war, 

323 

— Compensation due to, 387 

— Condemnation of Germany for 

treatment of, 99 et seq. 

— "Crime" of, 264 

— ■ Crucified for saving of na- 
tions, 340 

— Devastation of, 220 

— Division of, 27 

— BfEect of U. S. refusal to sell 

munitions, upon, 488 

— Fighting for American ideals, 

365 

— German "chivalry" toward, 

272 

— Germany's criminal position 

in regard to, 89 

— Germany's present attitude to- 

ward, 84 et seq. 

— Germany's strategic railways 
in, 262 

• — Good name of, blasted by 
Germany, 124 



— Incorporated in German Em- 

pire, 25 

— Incorporated in German Cus- 

toms Union, 25 

— Invasion of, 126, 392, 445, 

490' et passim 

— Neutrality of, 25, 60 et seq., 

66, 126, 197, 200, 241, 300, 
338 ; et passim 

— Neutrality of, Inalienable right 

to, 72 

— Neutrality of, negligible, 90 

— Neutrality of, obligation of 

U. S. regarding, 444 
— - Not responsible, 131 

— Plans to invade In 1906, 126, 

263-276 
— • Prostrate under heel of in- 
vader, 490 

— Relief of, 322 et seq. 

— Report on German outrages 

in, 388 

— Representatives of, at Wash- 

ington, 388 

— Restoration of, 455 

— Sacrifice of, for democratic 

ideals, 361 

— Tribute of Gertrude Ather- 

ton to, 134 

— Tribute of W. D. Howells, 133 

— Tribute of Jacli London, 133 

— Tribute of Edith Wharton to, 

— Tribute of Ella Wheeler Wil- 

cox to, 132, 133 

— War tax levied on, 324 

— Violation of neutrality of, 75 

et seq., 262 et seq., 423, 428 
"Belgium, a New and More 

Wicked Assault on," 271 
Belligerent States, 366 
Belligerents, supplies to, 205, 

207, 210 et seq., 434 
BernhardI, 17, 18, 27, 29, 47, 
48, 49, 178, 198, 255, 464, 

492 
BernstorfC, 49, 194, 198, 398, 425 
Bethman-Hollweg, 92, 96, 264, 

275, 470, 472 
Bismarck, 53, 352, 403 
Black Sea, 338 
Blockade, 396, 402 et seq. 
Boer War, 169 
Boers, South African, 25 
Brazil, 355, 409 
Breusing, 464 
Bright, 406 
Brussels, notice posted at, 102, 

103 
Bryan, Secretary, 227, 420, 425, 

436, 485 
Bryce, Viscount, 20, 180, 255 
Buelow, von, diplomatist, 198 
Byron, 367 

Cables, neutralization of, 25 
Canada and the Monroe Doctrine, 

93, 311 
— Coveted by U. S., 162 



GENERAL INDEX 



541 



— German invasion of, 72, 351 
— ■ Obligation of, in case of Bel- 
gium, 443 

Canadian boundary line. 384 

Capitalism, mission of, 158 

Caprivi, 403 

Carter, Laura Armistead, 880 

Casus helli, 391 

Causes of war, 17, 135-137, 327 

Cavour, 357, 362, 363 

Cbancellor, German. See Beth- 

mann-Hollweg 
Channel coasts, neutralization of, 

25 
Chemists, German and American, 

326 
Chichester, Captain, 163, 180 
China, German possessions in, 

357 

— Invasion of, 445 
Christianity, effect upon Ger- 
mans, 315 

Civil War, 396, 408, 412, 427, 

428, 477 
Civil War blockade, 406 
Civilization, destruction of ideals 

of, 373 

— Duty of citizen in relation to, 

368 

— No nation entitled to impose 

its type of, 47 
■ — Supreme Court of, 60, 62, 64 

— Verdict of jury of, concern- 

ing violation of neutrality 
of Belgium, 271 

— German. See Culture 
Civilizations, inferior, 328 
Civilized countries, what should 

be aim of, in future, 495 et 

seq. 
Civilized warfare, violation of 

rules of, 446 
Citizenship, American, violation 

of, 230 

— German, 205 et seq., 215, 230 

— German-American, 208 
Clark, Champ, 485, 487 
Clemenceau, his condemnation of 

American favoritism, 440 
Colonies, British, 27 

— Disposal of Allies,' 39 

— German, 25, 351, 357, 475 

— French, 29, 33, 34 
Colonization, German, principles 

of, 159 
Commerce, American, 233 
Commercialism, American, 442 
Confederation, schemes of Pan- 

Germanists for, 136 
Congo Free State, 27 
Contraband, American note re- 
garding, 421 

— Protests of exporters of, 408 
Copper, lack of, in Germany, 462 
Courses, two, open to U. S., 345 
Criticism of America's behavior, 

431 



Crown Prince Frederick William, 

54, 323, 463 
Cuba, American policy in, 169, 

217 
Culpability, Germany's, Italian 

evidence as to, 70 
Culture, German, 39, 46, 84, 148, 

263, 314 et seq., 327, 355, 

360 469. 484, 499 ; of 

world, 312 
"Czarism, War Against," 468 

Dacia episode, 407 et seq., 413. 

416 
Dampierre, Marquis de, 116 
Danes, pushed back by Germans, 

456 
D'AnnunzIo, 470 
Dardanelles, 25, 333 
Davis, Jefferson, 477 
"Deadlock, gigantic," 449 
Declaration of Independence, 

181, 368 
Declaration of London, 413 
Declaration of Paris, 396 
Democracies, in Federation of 

Nations, 366 
Democracy, Germany as, 140 et 

seq. 
Democratic liberty, 138 et seq. 
Dernburg, 65 et seq., 125 et seq., 

139, 205, 243, 254 et seq,. 

289 
"Deutschland fiber Alles," 32. 

238 et seq., 256, 282 et seq., 

357 
"Deutschland unter den Weltvol- 

kern," 292 
Diedrichs-Dewey incident, 163, 

180 
Diplomacy, for the service of the 

people, 369 

— German, 70 
Disarmament, 328 
Dissatisfaction, American, 365, 

408 et seq. 
DostoiewskI, 38 
Drake, 492 

Dreiklassen system, 148 
Dryander, 198 
Dumdum bullets, 251, 290 
Duty, of America in European 

War, 337 et seq. 

East Prussia, 490 
Efficiency, German, 46, 321, 822, 
324, 326, 361, 409 

— Overbearing, 359 

— Social, 362'^ 

Egypt, to go to Turkey, 25, 28 

Eliot, President, 196, 343 

Embargo on arms, a fatal error. 
4'38 

Embargo, proposed, upon ship- 
ment of supplies, 434 

Ems dispatch, 352 

England. American hostility to, 
x26 



642 



GENERAL INDEX 



— And her colonies, 46 

— ■ Channel coasts neutralized In 
time of war, 25 

— Motive of, in war, 362 

— Relations between TJ. S. and, 

181. See also Qreat Brit- 
ain 

"England, Chant of Love for," 
382 

"English Friends, a Word with," 
427 

Ethics, German, 69-70- 

— International, 183, 342, 345 

— Of neutrality. 293 et seq. 
Encken, 198, 243, 314, 360 
Europe, German ambitions in, 

361 et seq. 

— Greatest battle of, since 

Waterloo, 475 

— Purpose of Germans to re- 

make, 863 

— Rearrangement of, 24 

— ■ Reorganization of, on Teutonic 
lines, 27 

— To be regenerated, 455 
"Evidence in the Case," 71 

Fairness and moderation, appeal 

for, 33 
Fair play, love of, inherent in 

Anglo-Saxons, 348 
"Falsehoods about Germany," 

251 
Fatherland, love of, misplaced, 

248. See also Patriotism, 

German 
Fatherland, criticism of America 

in, 86 
"Federation of Nations," 366 
Feudalism, failure of, 361 
Finland, 25. 27, 362 
Flag, use of American, 395 
Food supply, to Germans, possi- 
bility of U. S. A. cutting 

off, 487 
Foodstuffs, for Belgium, 259 

— Importation of, by Germany, 

404 et seq. 

— Seizure of, 403 

— Shipment of, 370, 399 
Forces in field, 476 
"Forces of Evil, The," 221 
"Foundations of the XlXth Cen- 
tury," 36, 37 

France, channel coasts neutral- 
ized in time of war, 25 

France, chilled by American 
aloofness, 439 

— Conquered by German culture, 

320 

— Crushing militai-y establish- 

ment of. 369 

— Duty of, 360 

— Invasion of, by Germany, 73 

— Loan to, 412 

— Motive of, in war, 362 

— Possibility of being crushed, 

389 



— Sister republic to U. S. A., 

388 

— Surrender to Germany, 27 

— The emancipator, 455 

— Treitschke's view of, 46 

— Unenviable position of, 491 

— Unshakeable demands of, 493 

— War waged as people's war, 

469 

— What peace will mean to, 479 

— Will demand vengeance, 455 
Francis Joseph, 357 
Franco-German distrust, 491 
Franco-Prussian War, 28, 63, 

352, 386 
Frederick the Great, 31 
French Revolution, 368, 371 
Frob'enius, 464 

Purness, Horace EToward, 220' 
Furor Teutonlcus, 170, 176 
Future, the, belongs to Germany, 



Galician campaign, 335 
Garibaldi, 357, 363 
"Germanj-American Diplomacy, Ten 

Years of," 163 
Gei-man-American interests, 217 
German-American League, Na- 
tional, 227 
"German-American Menace," 186 
German-American writers, 33 
German-Americans, 17, 115, 187, 
190, 392, 448 

— Advice to, 225 

— Anglicizing of, 158 

— Attitude of, toward this war, 

171 

— Author's attitude toward, 188 

— Classes of, 172 

— ■ Discontent of, over attitude of 
U. S. A., 431 

— Duty of, to Germans, 458 

— Faithful to Germany, 209 

— Organization of, 487 

— Quotations from, 76 

— Support of unneutral meas- 

ures, 234 

— Supported by Irish-Ameri- 

cans, 432 

— Urging embargo on shipment 

of supplies, 434 
German Government, confidence 
of Germans in, 160 

— Held accountable for atroci- 

ties, 121 
"German Lesson at the Front," 

110 
"German Methods of Conducting 

the War," 257 
German people, friendship of U. 

S. A. for, 428 

— Lovers of peace. 466 et seq. 

— Superiority of, 199 et seq. 

— Unanimous in suppo'-t of gov- 

ernment, 175, 459-471 
■ — Views of, 30, 31 
German race, 36, 37 



GENERAL INDEX 



543 



"German religion," 37 

German ships, interned in Amer- 

/ ican ports, 407 
German societies in U. S., 209, 

215, 229 
German soldier, acquittal of, 121 
German Southwest Africa, 475 
German statements, irreconcil- 
able, 300 
German superiority, 44 to 51 et 
passim 

German University League, 219 
German viewpoint, 108 et set/. 
"German War Book," 122 
"Germania Triumphans." 356 
Germans, deceiving words of, 3C9 

— Ridiculed by French, 327 

— Seen by foreigner, 313 

— Universal distaste for, in En- 

rope, 313 
Germany, ambitions of, 22, 36 

— American attitude towards, 

350 et seq. 

— As ideal democracy, 311 

— Attempts of, to foster trouble 

between Great Britain and 
U. S. A., 213 

— Attitude of America toward, 

195 

— Attitude toward U. S. A. neu- 

trality. 439 

— Colonies of. See Colonies 

— Condemnation of her treat- 

ment of Belgium, 99 et seq. 

— Condemnation of atrocities of, 

by Americans, 116 

— Crushing of military power 

of, 370 

— Culpability of, 60 et seq. 

— Debt of America to, 325 
— ■ Debt to America, 325 

— Debt of world to, 316 

— Declaration of "war zone," 

390 et seq. 

— Defence of invasion of Bel- 

gium, 263 et seq. 

— Demands of victorious, 24 et 

seq. 
— • Decrihed by Dernbnrg, 140 

— Desire of, to organize Europe, 

361 

— Destiny of, 20 

— ■ Doomed to defeat, 457 

— Economic preparedness of, 453 

— Fanatical faith of, 491 

— Forced alliance between Eng- 

land and Russia, 458 
— ■ Forced to war, 439 
— • Fundamental purpose of, in 

war, 466 

— Great country gone wrong, 

185 
— Helplessness of, without navv, 
487 

— History of, 143 et seq. 

— Intentions of, regarding Bel- 

gium, 95 



— Intentions of, regarding South 

America, 351 

— Judgment of Court of Civili- 

zation concerning, 64 

— Manner of conducting war, 

219, 393 et seq. 

— Mental condition of. See 
Megalomania 

— Method of declaring war In, 

367 

— Mind of, 492 

— Mission of, 39, 46 

— • Motto of, in war, 255 

— Must be defeated, 344 

— Now comprehended by world, 

458 

— Obsolescent system of, 344 

— Organized press of, abroad, 

231 

— Part in political world, 27 

— Peaceful aims' of, 25 

— - Plea of "necessity," 405 

— Position of, at close of six 

months of war, 475 

— Possibility of peace for, 479 
— • Possibility of stai-vation in, 

477 

— Purpose of, in the war, 362 
— - Reliability of statements of, 

250 et seq. 

— Reorganization of Europe by, 

27 

— Supply of arms in recent 

wars, 436 

— To be defeated by economic 

pressure, 452 

— Twofold policy toward U. S. 

A., 162 e* seq. 

— Unproductiveness of, 330 

— Victory of, 353 

— Violation of international reg- 

ulations, 441 

— Violation of laws and cus- 

toms of war, 338, 372 

— Violation of solemn contract, 

500 

— Violation of treaty with U. S. 

A., 344 

"Germany and the Next War," 
20 

"Germany, the Evolution of Mod- 
ern," 292 

"Germany, Triumphant," 505 

"Germany, Truth About," 251 

Germany's "Swelled Head," 36 et 
seq. 

"Germany's Answer," 260 

Giacosa, Piero. 243 

"Gigantic Deadlock," 449 

God, of Germans, 55 

Goethe, 34, 316, 319 

Goschen, Sir E., telegram to, 91 

Government, representative, 168 

Granville, Lord, 90 

Great Britain, as protector of 
Norway. 4.'iG 

— Attitude of U. S. A. toward, 

194 



544 



GENERAL INDEX 



— Attitude toward U. S. A. in 

war, 439 

— Demands of victorious Ger- 

many upon, 25 

— Dependence of, upon muni- 

tions from U. S. A., 435 

— Exceedins her rights with re- 

gard to neutral nations, 
398 

— Fighting for American ideals, 

365 

— Friendship of, for U. S. A., 

163, 180, 383, 408 

— German boasts concerning, 383 

— Germany's policy regarding, 

219 

— In relation to invasion of Bel- 

gium, 264 et seq. 

— In relation to peace, 479, 491 

— Invasion of, 27 

— Judgment of, on attitude of 

America, 444 

— "Moral decay" of, 40 

— ■ Protest of U. S. A. to, 412 

— Right of, to defend advant- 

age, 431 

— Stand of, on U. S. A. shipping, 

402 et seq. 

— U. S. A. neutrality favorable 

to, 424 
Greater Germany, Kaiser's view 

of, 36 
Greater Servia, idea intolerable 

to Austria, 260 
Grey, Sir Edward, 91 
Grivegnee, proclamation posted 

at, 101 
Grotius, 363. 404 
"Grudges," America not home of, 

180 
Guesde, 469 et seq. 
Guild, Curtis, 440 
Gunpowder, supply of, a grave 

anxiety in Germany. See 

also Munitions of War 
Gwlnner, von, 198 

Haeckel, 198, 314, 360 

Hague Conferences, The, 337 et 

seq., 344 et seq., 359, 418, 

421, 428, 441 
— ' Broken pledges of, 250 

— Regulations of war formulated 

in, 373 

— Violation of, 444 et seq. 
Hague Tribunal, The, 366 
Hamilton, Alexander, 72, 436 
Hampden, John, 363 
Harnack, 198, 360 

Harden, Maximilian, 195 
"Hate, Chant of," 307 
Hatred, German world, 371 
Heeringen, von, . 325 
Heine, 314, 315 
Heredity, influence of, 173 
Hexamer, Charles, 176 
Hibben, President, 244 
Hitchcock, Senator, 432 



Hohenzollern dynasty, 143 et 

seq. 
Holland, 342, 490 

— Coasts of, neutralized in time 

of war, 25 

— Respect of Germany for, 96 
Holleben, von, 164, 166, 167 
Humanity, characteristic of civil- 
ized man, 316 

— ■ Leadership of, 47 

Hurt, possibility of, to Ameri- 
cans, 485 

Huxley, 330 

Hypocrisy, Anglo-Saxon, charge 
of, 69 

— German, 67-68 

Ideal, American, 196, 359 
"Idealism as a Practical Creed," 

369 
Idealism, European respect for, 

420 
Ideals, American, 196 

— Democratic, 361 

— Democratic, of English-speak- 

ing people, 180 

— German, 57, 159, 196 

— Of Allies, 484 

— Prussian, 169 

Idea, of liberty, behind war, 360 

Indemnities, 29, 258 

Indemnity, to be demanded by 
Germany, 28 

Independence Hall, 383 

Inquiry, Belgian Commission of, 
103 

Insanity, German. See Mega- 
lomania 

Instinctive beauty, 359 

Instinctive faith, 359 

Insurance, social, 370 

"Intellectual Moratorium, An," 
329 

"Intellectuals," German, 280 et 
seq., 463 

Interests, of America, in the 
war, 350 et seq. 

International court, 369, 498 

International justice, duty of 
America to promote, 386 

International law, 61, 337, 342, 
372, 441, 444 et seq. 

— ■ Necessity of, controlling dec- 
laration and inauguration 
of war, 367 

— New, for benefit of single bel- 

ligerent, 438 

— Obligation of U. S. to defend, 

422 et seq. 
International matters, need of 

.iudge in, 495 
International police, 366, 495 
Intervention, American, what 

could be accomplished by, 

435, 487 et seq. 
— • Question of American, in war, 

338 et seq. 

— Necessity of, 375 



GENERAL INDEX 



545 



— Technical juatlflcationa for 

American, 488 
Inventions, American, 325, 326 
Inventiveness, German, 316, 325 
Irish-AmtTicans, 190, 409 

— Supporting Grerman-Ameri- 

Ciins, 432 

"Is President Wilson Pro-Ger- 
man?" 412 

Islamism, 329 

Italy, 46 

— Announcement of neutrality, 

473 

— Attitude toward war, 471 e* 

seg. 

— Duty of, 360 

— • Expense of maintaining neu- 
trality, 474 

— Tempted by Allies, 474 

— Her duty of disclosure, 63 

— Neutrality of, 243 

— Probable entrance of, into 

war, 477 

— Support of neutrality by Vor- 

waerts, 468 

Japan, attitude of German-Amer- 
icans toward, 187 

— Duty of. 360 

— German attempts to sow dis- 

cord between U. S. A. and, 
222 et seq. 

— Influence of, in Manchuria, 25 

— Love of U. S. A. for, 409 
Japanese-Russian War, 412 
Jefferson, 436 

Joan of Arc, 52 
Jones, Sir Henry, 369 

Kaiser, 18, 19, 51-59, 340, 342, 
355, 365, 463, 408 

— Ambition for Greater Ger- 

many, 36 

— As symbol of State, 59 

— Author's opinion of the, 52 

— Belief of, in his Divine ap- 

pointment, 52 

— Birthday congratulations of 

American people, 390 

— Delirium of grandeur of, 53 

— Ferocious exhortations of, 

244 

— Greeting to Military Society, 

166 

— Howells' view of the, 53 et 

seq. 
— - Megalomania of, 52, 58 

— Mental condition of, 52 

— Message of to Crown Prin- 

cess, 54 

— Middle-ear disease of, 52 

— Neuropsychopathic, 52 

— Personal responsibility for 

— Possibility a paranoiac, 52 

— Quoted, 39 

— Served by blundering officials, 

457 



35 



— Speeches of, 56, 57, 58, 466 

— Supported by German people, 

175 

— Telegram of, on August 1st, 

73 

— War constantly in mind of, 57 
Keim, 464 

"King Albert's Book," 132 
Kinkel, Gottfried, 363 
Klemt, testimony of German at- 
rocities, 119 
Koch, 330 
Koester, von, 464 
Komura, Marquis, 221 
Kriegsstaat, 169 
Kultur. See Culture 

Lamprecht, 198 

Language, in relation to con- 
quest, 41 

— ■ German, to be forced on 
world, 40 

— World. German as, 201 
Lenard, Doctor, 51 
Lentz, John J., 165 
Leon, 209 

Liberal government, The, 421 
Liberty, as basis of State, view 
of Allies, 454 

— Individual, desire for, as 

basis of war, 359 et seq. 

— Motive of Allies, 502 

— Spencer's theory regarding, 

368 
Liege, proclamation to municipal 

authorities of, 100 
Lincoln, 363, 367, 484 
Lincoln's Gettysburg speech, 371 
Literature, German. 145. 314 
Lobeck, 204, 206, 207, 209 
Lodge, Senator, 407, 411 
London, occupation of, by Ger- 
many, 27 
Losses, 453, 476, 490 
Louvain, destruction of, 112, 202, 

219, 258 
Love, of Germans of French and 

Belgians, 43 
Lusitania, 395 
Luxemburg, indemnity paid by 

Germany for violation of 

neutrality, 324 

— Violation of neutrality of, 

423, 445 

Machlavelli, 18, 62 

Machtpolitik, 361 

Madness. See Megalomania 

Maeterlinck, 470 

Magna Charta, 368 

Manchuria, Japanese influence 
in, 25 

Marlborough, 492 

Marne, battle of, 475 

Mazzini, 363 

Medicine, discoveries in, not Ger- 
man, 318 



546 



GENERAL INDEX 



Megalomania, German, 35 et 

seq., 44 et seq., 47 et seq.. 

135, 484, 499 
Men in field, 476 
Mental processes, German, 202 
Mercantile interests, American, 

422 
Merchant marine, American, 228. 

232 
Metals, maximum price of, fixed 

by Bundesrath, 461 
Metternich, 362 
Mexico, 409 
— • Anarchy in, 373 

— Embargo upon shipment of 

arms into, 434 
M'eyer, Kuno, 190 et seq. 
Militarism, check of. 491 

— Defense of, 30, 31, 32 

— • Duty of democratic states in 
relation to, 369 

— German, 21, 22, 46, 138 et 

seq., 171, 196, 199, 308, 
324, 327, 360, 457 

— Nightmare of, 493 

— ■ Prejudice to spreading culture 
by, 327 

— To be crushed, 455 

— World not willing to consent 

to truce with, 493 
— • Worship of, 174 
"Military Necessity," 397 
Mines, right to plant, 391 

— Protest against laying, 428 
Mobilization, German, 73 
Mohammed, 327 

Moltke, General von, 73 

Monarchical idea, 502 

Monarchies, in Federation of Na- 
tions, 367 

— ■ Procedure of, in war, 367 

Money, expenditure of, in war. 
449 

Monroe Doctrine, 25, 93, 95, 157, 
284, 311, 350, 353 et seq., 
358, 409 

— In regard to Canada, 93, 311, 

— In regard to Cuba, 217 

— German attitude toward, 162 
Monuments, protest against de- 
struction of, 428 

Moral interests, of U. S. A. in 
infractions of law of na- 
tions, 446 

Morals. See Ethics 

Morocco, German annexation of. 
25; 

Morgan, ,T. P. & Co.. 412 

Munitions of war, American ex- 
port of, 232, 233, 236, 237 

— European precedent for Amer- 

ican position regarding, 436 

— Manufacture of and sale of, 

436 

— Refusal to sell to Allies, 210 

et seq. 
Miinsterberg, 18, 22, 52, 181 et 
seq., 198, 254, 255, 360 



Murder, mathematics of, 477 
Music, German, 330 

Namur, notice posted at, 100 

Napoleon, 18, 443 

Naturalization, of aliens in U. S., 
208 

— ■ Of Germans in U. S., 187 

Necessity, for more room, German 
plea of, 69 

— • Plea of, for violation of Bel- 
gium, 68, 70 

Nelson, 492 

Neutral nations, example of U. S. 
A. to, 504 

— German condemnation of. 43 
Neutral shipping, 394 et seq. 
Neutral states, 366, 372 
Neutrality, American, 439 

— Attitude of German-Americans 

toward, 187 

— "Dollar," of U. S., 432 

— Ethics of, 293 et seq. 

— Economic burden of, in case of 

Italy, 474 

— Italy's announcement of. 473 

— Obligation to positive action, 

422 

— Official, 407 

— Passive, 439 

— Violation of, by author, 235. 

See also Belgium and 

United States 
Neutrality leagues, 227, 232, 236, 

244 
"Neutrality, Legal Versus Moral," 

385 
New York Peace Society, 496 
Newspapers. See Press 
Nietzsche, 34, 198, 253, 319. 370 
Nitrates. lack of, in Germany, 

462 
Nitrogenous salts, supply of, im- 
portant to Germany, 461 
Nobility, lack of, in Germans, 159 
North Sea, 121, 391. See also 

War Zone 
Norway, integrity of, 456 

Opinion. See Public Opinion 
Opinions, general, justified by 

evidence, 499 et seq. 
Opportunity, favorable for Triple 

Alliance, 136 
Opposing forces, principles repre- 
sented by the, in the war, 

138 et seq. 
"Orange Paper," 62 et seq. 
"Order in Council," British, 402 

et seq. 
Organization of Germans in U. S. 

A., 190 et seq. 
Ostwald, Prof., 363 
Outcome of war, 24 et seq., 448 

et seq. 

Pacific. American naval suprem- 
acy in, 157 



GENERAL INDEX 



547 



Pan-German campaign, 215 

— Literature, 45 

— Prophets, 354 
"Pan-Germanism," 135 
Pan-Germans, quotations from, 

30-31 

— War inspired by, 499 

I'aris, German culture dependent 

on, 320' 
Pasteur, 330 
Patriotism, German, 45, 176, 230, 

453 

— Condemnation of, by Vor- 

waerts, 468 
Peace, American championship of, 
156 et scq. 

— Abandonment of neutrality to 

secure, 429 

— Conditions of permanent, 496 

— Dangers of, 30, 31 

— Democracies committed to, 

367 

— Distant, 474 

— German patriotism, obstruc- 

tions to, 453 

— Sort of, desirable, 483, 484 

— Sought by England, Prance, 

Italy and Russia, 65 

— Not suflScient desire for, 479 

— Possible on two bases, 478 

— Treitschke's view of, 21 

— Undesirability of inconclusive, 

482 

— Universal, 328 

— . Vision of, 489 et seq. 

— Value of, to contestants, 478 

— What Americans can do to 

help bring about, 481 et 
seq., 485 
Peace of Righteousness, World 

League for, 495 
Peace party, in Germany, 465 
Peace Society, New York, 496 
Peculiarity, racial or tribal, 172 
Persian Gulf, 25 
Philippines, 163, 180, 354 
Philistines of culture, 320 
Philosophy, German, war as out- 
come of, 387 
Place in the sun, Germany's, 23 
Poland, 25, 27, 29, 38 

— Overrun by troops, 490 

— Russian armies in, 334 

— Russian proposals concerning, 

333 
Poles regarded as helots, 88 
Police duty, of navies of France 

and Great Britain, 370 
Police, International, 366, 495 
Polish press, 38 
Polish societies, 38 
Political ideals, of Germany and 

U S. in conflict, 158 
Politics, American, influenced by 

war conditions, 247 
Population, of Germany, problem 

of, 292 
Possibilities, tragic, of war, 340 



Poverty, anomaly of, 353 

— As consequence of war, 462 
Prayer, of German Church for 

victory, 54 

Present time, reason why selected 
by Germany for war, 135 et 
seq. 

President of U. S. A. See Wil- 
son, President 

Press, American, anti-German at- 
titude of, 165 

— Danger of, German Influence 

on, 193 

— German condemnation of, 234 

— Irritating to Germany, 424 

— Voicing real attitude of na- 

tion, 429 
Press, foreign, prejudice against 

Germany, 203 et seq. 
Press, German, attitude toward 

protest of neutral nations, 

397 

— Comment on American stand 

In shipping question, 399 
et seq. 

— In United States, 165 et seq. 

— Liberty of, 151 

Press, German-American, 165, 

432, 433 
"Prevention of War, The," 366 
Principles at stake, 484 

— Underlying war, 138 et seq. 
Professors, appointment of, at 

German universities, 50 

— English, reply of, to Germans, 

66 
— ■ German, loyalty of, 277 et seq. 

— Influence of, 279 
Pro-German propaganda. See 

Propaganda, German 
Propaganda, German, aims of, in 
America. 190 et seq. 

— Effect of, 228 et passim 
Proposal for peace, Grey to Goa- 

chen, 91 
Protest, against violation of rules 
of civilized war, 372 

— American against repudiation 

of principles of interna- 
tional law regulating ship- 
ping, 398 
t-. Of Kaiser to President Wil- 
son, 301 
— Of U. S. A., 446 

— "Psychological" moment for, 

375 

Prussia, domination of In Ger- 
many, 355 

Public opinion, German against 
U. S. A., 439 

— American, 244, 254, 256, 380, 

439 . 

— American, concerning viola- 

tion of neutrality of Bel- 
gium, 271 

— American, efforts to Influence, 

501 



548 



GENERAL INDEX 



— American, from German view- 

point, 421 

— American, "liypocrisy" of, 425 

— German, 19, 454 
Punisliment, vicarious, 373 
Purpose, underlying, of tliis war, 

170 

Radicals, 359 

Railways, German! in Belgium, 

275 
Reich, Bmil, 36 et seq., 325 
Reichstag, membership in, at end 

of war. 29 
Representative government, 138 

et seq. 
Research, German, 326 
Reventlow, 464 
Revolution, materialistic, 361 

— Possibility of German, 143, 

153 

Revolutionists, German, 471 

Rheims, destruction of Cathedral 
of, 259, 298 

Rights of man, democracies com- 
mitted to, 367 

Roman Catholic Irish, 426 

Roosevelt, 33, 130, 346, 419, 484 

Root, Ellhu, 157 

Rulers, German, 143 et seq. 

Rumania, to receive part of 
Arabia, 28 

— Probable entrance of, Into 

war, 477 
Russia, 46, 367, 491 et passim 

— Ambitions of, 332 et svq. 

— American loan to, 412 

— i Conditions in, preceding war, 
468 

— * Dependence of, upon muni- 
tions from U. S, 435 

— Dismemberment of, at end of 

the war, 28 

— Duty of, to Polish, Finnish 

and Jewish subjects, 360 

— Fighting for American ideals, 

365 

— Motive of, in war, 362 

— Possibility of her failing to 

keep promises, 370 

— Relation of, to war, 332 et 

seq. 

— Responsible for the war, 66 

■ — • Share of, in war, 334 et seq. 

— Spirit of war, 334 et seq. 
— ■ To be rendered impotent, 27 

— What peace will mean to, 479 
"Russian peril," 468 
Russo-Turkish War, 396 

Saltpeter, Germany deprived of 
Import of, 461 

— Lack of, in Germany, 462 
Scandinavian countries. 362 
Scarborough, raid on, 123 
Sohleswig-Holstein, 357, 456 
Schmoller, von, 198 
Schurz. Carl. 357. 362. 363 



Sohutz und Trutss, 282, 283 

Science, German, 315 

"Scrap of paper," 62, 96, 300, 
339, 352, 398; Dr. Dillon's 
book, 71 

Sea, losses at, 449 

"Secret papers," 264 et seq. 

"Secret treaties," 264 et seq. 

Self-preservation, instincts of, 
360 

Self-protection, three methods of 
national, 497 

Sembat, 469 

Servia, Austria's attempt to sand- 
bag, 472 

— To go to Austria, 28 
Seydel, von, 152 
Sheridan. John P., 191 
Ship-purchase bill, 407, 409 et 

seq. 

Ships, German, Interned In, Amer- 
ican ports, 411 et eg. 

Sigsbee, 395 

"Silence, America's," 422 

"Slav Peril," 332 et seq. 

Slavery, failure of, 361 

Slavonic Ideas, 360 

Social Democrats, 153, 467 

Social Instinct, lack of, In Ger- 
man culture, 314 

Socialism ia Germany, 151, 177, 
467 et seq. 

Socialist literature, admitted to 
barracks, 470 

Socialists, attitude of German, 
toward war, 468 

Socialists in Italy, 472 

Soldiers' societies, German, In U. 
S. A., 166 

South African revolution, 475 

South America, German expan-. 
sion in, 94 

— German Intentions regarding, 

351, 354, 358 

— Republics of, 362, 369 
Spain, loss of Cuba, 217 
Spanish-American War, 217 et 

seq., 230, 396, 408 

Speech, freedom of, in neutral 
America, 192 

Spencer, Herbert, 368 

Starvation, 310 

State Department, attitude to- 
ward "Aryan" episode, 412 

— Concessions with regard to 

methods of warfare, 403 

— Notes of, 399 

State, the Allies' view of, 454 

— German view of, 48, 174, 179, 

454 

— Ideal of, 31 

— Nietzsche's conception of, 253 

— Salvation through, 369 
Steuben, 362 

Strike, eve of, in Russia, 468 
Suderman, 199 

Suez Canal, to go to Turkey at 
end of war, 29 



GENERAL INDEX 



549 



Summary of views, 499 et seq. 
Supplies, of Germany, efficiently 
managed, 453 

— Proposed embargo upon ship- 

ment of, 434 

— To belligerents, 205, 207, 210 

et seg. 

"Supreme Court of Civilization," 
60 

Supreme Court of U. S., 436 

Survival of fittest, 32 

Sweden, to be united with Fin- 
land, 27 

— To receive Poland, 28 
Sympathy, American, for Allies, 

173 

— American, for Germany, 324 

Taylor, ex-Presldent, of Vassar 

College, 188 
"Teutonic Idea," 168 
Teutonic race, superiority of, 184 
Theocracy, failure of, 361 
"Thinking, German and Other," 

195 
Trade, ambitions of Germany for, 

370 
Traffic in arms, American, 432 et 

seq. 
Transfer of ships, 413. See also 

Ship-purchase bill. 
Treaties, concerning neutrality, 

general considerations re- 
garding, 79 

— Hague, to be regarded, 345 

— Instances of breaking of, 78 

— Of 1870, 79 et seq., 82, 90 

— Secret, 264 et seg. 
Treitschke, 17 et seq., 29, 198, 

230, 369 
"Triumphant Germany," 505 
"Truth about Germany, The," 35, 

250, 277. 313 
Truth, no concern of state, 263 
Turk, disaster to, 475 
Turkey, left to her fate, 479 

— Relations of with Germany, 25 

— Share of cost at end of war, 

28 

— To receive tolls from Suez 

Canal, 29 

Undergraduates, of German uni- 
versities, 464 

Unfairness, complaints of, regard- 
ing Germany's case, 250 

TJnlted States, abandonment of 
neutrality, 429 

— As arbiter between Great Brit- 

ain and Germany, 420, 424 

— As custodian of the rights of 

neutrals, 418 

— As "melting pot," 228 

— Attitude of Administration In 

war, 488, 502 

— Attitude of Germany toward, 

156 

— Baffling attitude of, 388 



— Championship of peace, 156 et 

seq. 

— Change of opinion in, 26 

— Commercial Interest in war, 

444 

— Commercialism In, 443 

— Convicted of cowardice and 

complicity in crime, 443 

— Debt of, to England and 

France, 343 

— Debt of Germany to, 325 

— Debt to Germany. 325 
— ' Detachment of, 418 

— ■ Duties of, in relation to Euro- 
pean War, 337 et seg. 

— ■ Duties of, to rest of world, 
364 

— Duty of, 371, 419, 442 

— Duty to support Allies, 485 

et seg. 

— Effect of official attitude on 

Americans, 364 et seg. 

— Effect on other peoples, 417 

et seq. 

— Efforts of German-Americans 

to bulldoze, 225 

— Favoring of Germany by Ship- 

purchase bill, 407 
— ■ German attempts to sow dis- 
cord between Japan and, 
222 et seq. 

— Government compared with 

German, 160 

— High r6Ie of, 389 

— Hope of author for, 505 

— Impairment of moral author- 

ity of, 373 

— Importance of present course, 

447 

— In case of German Invasion, 

72 

— Interests of, In the war, 350 

et seq. 

— Land of commercialism, 442 

— Land of liberty, 442 

— League for maintaining neu- 

trality of, 227, 232 et seq. 

— Making no real friends In war. 

440 

— Military status of, 158 

— Neutrality of, 176, 187, 212 

et seq., 226, 243 et seq., 337 
et seq., 365, 407, 415, 426, 
435 

— Poem of Miss Carter regard- 

ing neutrality of 380 

— Policy of neutrality, 415 

— Policy in Cuba, 217 

— Political aims of, 156 

— Obligation regarding Belgium. 

338 

— Open breach of neutrality, 407 
— ■ Real grievance of, 503 

— Spirit of, 384 

— Subsequent conquest of, 18, 19 

— Supplies to belligerents, 205, 

207, 210 et seq. 



550 



GENERAL INDEX 



— Sympathy of, with Allies, 428, 

503 

— Sympathy of, with Great Brit- 

ain, 427 

— Technical grievance of, 503 

— "True neutrality" of, 435 

— What could be accomplished 

by intervention of, 487 et 
seg. 

— What might be done by, 348 
University system, German, 50, 

152, 277, 464 
Unrest, American, 365, 408 et seq. 

— German, 152 et seq. 

Vessels, neutral, right of search, 

398 et seq. J 407 
Victory, for militarism or peace, 

139 

— Of Allies, what it would mean, 
347, 353, 357 

— Of Germany, what it would 

mean, 347, 353, 354, 356 et 
seg. 

Villa, 434 

Violation of International regu- 
lations, 441 

— Of rules of war, 338, 372 

— Of treaties, 344, 500 
Vollmer, 204, 206, 207, 209 
Vorwaerts, attitude of, toward 

war, 467 et seq. 

War, advocated for America, 341 
et seq. 

— Anomaly of, 353 

— As biological necessity, 32, 483 

— As work of God, 199 

— ■ Attitude of German people to- 
ward, 465 

— Biggest issue of, 441 

— Biological necessity of. 32, 483 

— Blessings of, 30, 31, 32 

— Causes of, 17, 327 

— Civil, danger of, in event of 

outbreak between Germany 
and U. S. A., 167 

— Cost of armies of, 451 

— Cult of, German, 371 

— Duration of, 449 et seq., 462, 

475, 478, 479 
— - ISxplanation of, 49 

— Favorable opportunity for gen- 

eral European, 136 
— ■ Forced upon Germany, 439 

— German, purpose in, 355 

— German rules of, 122 

— How precipitated, 500' 

— Hypocrisy of, unveiled, 107 

— Laws and customs of, 337 et 

seq. 

— Levies, In Belgium, 323 

— Modern, international law re- 

garding, 445 

— Methods of present, 372 

— Most gigantic ever recorded, 

455 



— ■ Necessity of law controlling, 
367 

— Political Idealism dependent 

on, 21 

— Possible outcome of, 24 et 

seq., 448 et seq. 

— Possibility of ending, by with- 

holding war material, 435 

— Prevention of, 366 

— Principles underlying present, 

138 et seq. 

— Procedure of monarchies in, 

367 

— Real beginning of, 454, 456 

— Real issue of, 492 

— Responsibility for, 18, 70 

— Rules of, 442 

— Sacredness of, 464 

— Untold horror of, 489 

— Why precipitated by Germany 

at present time, 135 et seg. 

"War against Czarism," 468 

"War and America, The," 181 

"War, German Methods of Con- 
ducting the," 257 

"War is War," 186 

War Lord, 90, 341, 484 

War of 1812, 384 

— • Party in Germany, 463 et seq. 

"War, the American versus the 
German Viewpoint of," 108 

"War Zone," 342, 390 et seq.. 487 

Warfare, advocacy of, 33 

— German methods of, 374 
Washington, George, 363, 364, 484 
"Watchful waiting," 351, 488 
Wavre, letter addressed to burgo- 
master of, 101 

Wealth of European nations, 452 

Wellington, 492 

"Weltmacht oder Niedergang," 32 

Westminster Abbey, 383 

"What should America Learn 

from War," 495 
"When Germany Wins," 23, 24, 

25, 27, 28 
"White Papers," 35, 62 et seq. 
White Paper, British, 91, 98, 85 
Wilhelm I, 58 
Wilhelm II. See Kaiser 
Wilhelmina, 398 et seq. 
Wilson, President, 225, 226, 227, 

247, 347, 397 420, 425, 433, 

434, 438, 447 

— Admonitions of, as to neutral- 

ity, 486 

— As peace-maker, 421 

— Author's criticism of, 410 

— Duty of protest, 342 

• — Efforts in support of Ship- 
purchase bill, 410 et seq. 

— His congratulation of Emperor 

William criticized, 390 
^ Ideals of, 364 
— • Impossibility of compliance 

with his request, 386 et seq. 

— Neutrality of, 213 

— Pro-Gernian attitude of, 412 



GENERAL INDEX 



551 



Wisdom, German, 23 

"Wistar, Sallie," 106 

Woltman, Ludwig, 37 

Women, attitude of German to- 
ward, 313 

Word, value of to civilized man, 
316 

"Word with our English Friends, 
A," 427 



Works, Senator, 432 ' 

World League for Peace of Right- 
eousness, 495 

World Power, German, 17, 350, 
371, 499 

— Prussian idea of, 355 

"World War and Its End," 27, 28 

"Yellow Peril," 223 



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